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The purpose of this study was to determine and analyze the implementation of the Regional Regulation of Madiun City Number 45 of 2018 concerning with Prevention and Improvement of Quality of Housing and Slums and the constraints in the implementation of the City without Slums Program in Madiun City. This research method uses empirical data that is obtained directly through field research with primary, secondary and tertiary data sources as well as data collection by observation, interview, document study analyzed descriptive qualitative. The results of this study indicate that the Government of Madiun City has implemented Regional Regulation Number 45 of 2018 regarding Prevention and Improvement of Quality of Housing and Slums, quite well, there are 6 (six) villages which are categorized in mild slum areas. There are inertnal and external constraints in the implementation of the Cityless Slums Program in Madiun City.

In re‐examining May's law of curvilinear disparity, this article analyzes the structure of opinion of political parties. May suggests that voters, party leaders and party activists have different incentives to participate in politics, and therefore voters and leaders have more moderate positions on issues than party activists. This article is based on the extensions of May's law made by Kitschelt, who argues that curvilinear disparities, although not general phenomena, are bound to occur in specific circumstances. We have focused on the level of cleavage conflict in the system, the variable that Kitschelt himself found to be critical for explaining party radicalism among sub‐leaders. Using the Norwegian multiparty system as a test case, we propose that radicalism among party activists is conditioned by the relative saliency of different policy dimensions. The empirical analysis, which is based on surveys of MPs, party members and voters in connection with the general election of 1993, gives very little support to our proposition.

Online voting advice applications (VAAs) have become very popular and may significantly influence voting behaviour. It is therefore important to ask which model of party choice VAAs follow. We establish that VAAs see party choice largely as proximity-based issue congruence, with some elements of the directional and salience models. We then assess how well VAAs follow the proximity model by comparing policy positions extracted from 13 VAAs in seven European countries with established policy measures from expert surveys and party manifestos. Party positions extracted from VAAs show strong convergent validity with left-right and economic positions, but compare less favourably with immigration and environment measures. The voting advice given to users is also inherently limited: VAAs mostly disregard accountability, salience, competence and non-policy factors; they treat policy positions and not outcomes as paramount; and they can be subject to strategic manipulation by political parties. As recommended by their designers, voters should treat these applications as tools and guides rather than as stringent recommendations. Adapted from the source document.

The mode of trading transactions continues to develop day by day, one of which is the presence of trading transactions through electronic systems. Sellers and buyers no longer need to meet face to face to carry out buying and selling transactions, but can be created remotely and form agreements using electronic media. The Indonesian government has issued special regulations governing trade transactions through this electronic system, namely Government Regulation Number 80 of 2019 concerning Trading Through Electronic Systems, and the rules regarding electronic contracts are contained in articles 50 to 57. This study aims to find out how the regulations regarding electronic contracts in PP No. 80 of 2019 and the view of Islamic law on electronic contracts. The type of research used is library research, with the primary sources of this research being Government Regulation Number 80 of 2019, the Civil Code, and fiqh books. While secondary sources include writings on electronic contracts in the form of books, journals, and other writings related to electronic contracts. The result of this research is that electronic contracts in PP No. 80 of 2019 are created when the parties mutually agree to carry out trading transactions using an electronic system. Regarding the mechanism of the contract itself, it is left to the parties to determine what kind of contract they want. Electronic contracts in muamalah contracts as regulated in PP No. 80 of 2019 from the perspective of Islamic law is legal and permissible, in accordance with fiqhiyah rules, namely the law of origin of muamalah is permissible (al-ibahah) as long as there is no evidence that prohibits it. Electronic contracts, in this case, are legal and permissible according to Islam as long as they fulfill the pillars and conditions of the contract (akad) and there are no elements that are invalidated and damaged by it such as fraud, coercion, usury and etc.

The general purpose of this research is to improve the insight in road safety on Belgian highways by means of a layered model. In this study, the monthly number of persons killed on highways in Belgium will be decomposed in three parts, namely exposure, accident risk and fatal risk. The evolution in these three dimensions will be investigated separately. More specifically, for each dimension a descriptive and explanatory analysis will reveal the most optimal unobserved components model. The separate analysis of each dimension may reveal different underlying developments. We will study the impact of meteorological, socioeconomic, legislative and calendar factors on exposure, accident risk and fatal risk. The analysis shows that, although for each dimension the same basic components are available, the optimal model of each dimension has its unique structure of descriptive components and significant variables. Precipitation and snow enhance accident risk while temperature plays a significant role for exposure. Fatal highway risk decreases in case of an extra day with precipitation and was significantly affected by the child restraint law. The economic indicators mainly affected accident risk. Bringing the three models back together shows that the number of highway deaths during 1993-2001 has well been reconstructed.

Muhafazakârlık; 18. Yüzyıl sonlarında Avrupa'da başlayan ve değişime tepki duyan bir ideoloji olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Türkiye'deki geçmişi Osmanlı Dönemi'ne dek uzanırken, politik anlamda Demokrat Parti (DP), Anavatan Partisi (ANAP) gibi oluşumlarla yerini sağlamlaştırmıştır. Günümüzde AK Parti de kendini Muhafazakâr Demokrat olarak tanımlayarak tabanında ideolojiye yer açar. Muhafazakârlığın çevreyle bağı sorgulanacak olduğunda birtakım ortak yönler de açığa çıkmaktadır. Muhafaza etme arzusunun başı çektiği bu ortaklıklar arasında bilime ve ilerlemeye duyulan şüphecilik, namevcut kuşaklarla ilgili duyulan kaygı gibi satır aralarının varlığı neticesinde iki felsefe arasında ilişki kurmak zor olmamıştır. 2002 yılında iktidarı eline alan AK Parti de muhafazakâr parti kimliğiyle düşünülüp; seçim beyannameleri, hükümet programları ve ilerleme raporları başta olmak üzere çevre ile ilgili uygulamaları bu ideoloji etrafında değerlendirilmeye alınmıştır. Ayrıca Avrupa Birliği(AB)'ne uyum süreci kapsamında yerine getirilen ve getirilmesi muhtemel çevre politikaları doğrultusunda, bu politikalarının uygulanması, planlanması ve geleceğe dair öngörülen çevresel projeler partinin muhafazakâr demokrat bir kimlikle hareket edip etmemesi yönünde irdelenmiştir. ; Conservatism has emerged as an ideology which elicits the change and has begun in the end of the 18th century in Europe. While its past in Turkey leads back to the Ottoman Era, consolidated its place in political sense with such establishments as Demokrat Parti (DP) and Anavatan Partisi (ANAP). Nowadays, AK Parti recesses the ideology in its base by defining themselves as Conservatist Democrat, too. Some kinds of communities are revealed when it comes to examine the relation of Conservatism to the environment as well. Between these communities that head the desire of conserving, it has not been difficult to interrelate these two thoughts with the presence of the subtexts such as the skepticism towards science and progress, and the anxiety towards the unavailable generations. AK Parti, which acceded in 2002, has been considered with the conservatist party identity, and its practices about the environment, initially the election manifestoes, government programs and progress reports, have been evaluated surrounding this ideology. Besides, with the orientation of the environment policies that may be suggested or have been suggested within the adaptation process to European Union (EU), the planning and implementation of these policies and the environmental projects foreseen for the future are examined regarding whether the party should act with a conservatist democrat identity or not.

The Programme for the Reduction of Bureaucracy launched by the Hungarian government in 2015 has several directions, such as rethinking of the system of administrative organs, reshaping of civil service, simplification of administrative procedures, and fight against administrative silence, as well. New codes on the administrative procedure and on the judicial review of the administrative decisions were passed in 2016 and 2017, and the sectoral regulation has been transformed, as well. The most important change of the sectoral procedural rules was the replacement of procedures for permissions to a simple duty of notification. The authors investigate, if these institutions really help to reduce the burdens citizens and companies have in connection with bureaucracy: whether they are efficient tools against administrative silence and really are improving the situation of the parties vis-à-vis the administration and fostering good administration. They also take a closer look on the newly established action for failure to Act I of 2017 on the Code of Administrative Court Procedure (in force since 2018) intended as an additional tool, as well as its other new institutions addressing the problem of silence of administration.

Research evidence increasingly suggests that young children in residential care without parents are at risk of harm in terms of attachment disorder, developmental delay and normal brain development. This damage caused by early privation of parenting has been shown to have long-term consequences. Kevin Browne and colleagues* report on a survey of 33 European countries that was conducted to identify the number and characteristics of children aged less than three years placed in residential care without their parents for more than three months during the year ending 31 December 2003. Ministries of Health in Europe were asked for official data. For the 31 countries who responded it was estimated that 23,099 children (11.2 per 10,000) aged less than three years were living in institutions. There was great variation between countries for the proportion of young children in institutions and family foster care. Although residential care was shown to cost on average three times as much as foster care, 33 per cent of countries had more young children in institutions than fostered. Those countries with lower GDP and health expenditure had larger proportions of young children in institutions associated mainly with abandonment, disability and medical problems. Only four per cent of children were biological orphans with deceased parents. It is recommended that no child less than three years should be placed in residential care without a parent. Even when high-quality institutions are used as an emergency measure, research has suggested that a child should be moved into family foster care as soon as possible.

Before the advent of democratic rule in South Africa, most people had expected the country to experience an explosion of politicized ethnicity when minority rule was replaced. Yet this has not come to pass, and ethnic political parties have declined in number and influence in post-apartheid South Africa. Instead, between 1994 and 1999 partisan politics developed in a multipolar direction, with some parties embracing racial mobilization and others attempting to build multi-ethnic, non-racial entities. This article explains these developments as a product of the ways that political parties have responded to the incentives established by political institutions, on the one hand, and the structure of social divisions, on the other. The analysis holds implications for our understanding of the ways in which social cleavages in ethnically divided societies become politically salient, and for the lessons of institutional and constitutional engineering, particularly with respect to how proportional representation systems interact with other factors to shape politics in ethnically diverse societies.