Suchergebnisse

En la meva tesi, començo exposant una idea general sobre què és el Dret Penal, i en especial el Dret Penal Empresarial. Seguidament desenvolupo unes idees generals envers la organització empresarial. Tenint en compte que aquesta tesi es presenta en la Escola Politècnica Superior de l'Edificació, poso l'accent en els mètodes organitzatius d'aquesta especialitat. Partint d'aquest punt, desenvolupo l'explicació del canvi de paradigma que passa del "Societas delinquere non potest" al "Societas delinquere potest", la qual cosa converteix les entitats orgàniques en possibles subjectes d'imputació i d'acusació, que poden ser jutjades i penades; tanmateix això afecta simultàniament els seus directius. Analitzo quines són les conductes que poden ser tipificades i que poden arribar a ser punibles. Profunditzo en l'estudi comparat d'aquesta temàtica envers el principals països del mon, posant l'accent en el model americà dels E.U.A que va ser el primer en implantar-s'hi i va servir de model a tots els restants, i en l'espanyol que, recientment, s'ha inclòs en l'última reforma de Codi Penal. Explico extensament el que, al meu criteri, seria el model idoni i proposo la creació de Plans de compliment penal; tanmateix aconsello que simultàniament es creïn Plans d'empresa de comportament general que especifiquin quins seran els principis fonamentals que regiran el comportament de l'empresa i dels seus components, així com la relació amb l'Administració, amb el personal i amb els clients. Hauran d'incloure plans dinàmics d'aplicació i preveure un seguiment permanent; tanmateix haurien d' incloure un quadre de sancions i de recompenses. Proposo, doncs, els fonaments per dur les empreses a un model de cultura del compliment que les preservi d'actuacions penals en contra i que eviti els danys reputacionals que una conducta delictiva els hi pugui comportar. Finalment, exposo alguns casos que tenen a veure amb el tema de la meva tesis. Aporto les solucions que s'han donat i, també, els seu desenvolupament legislatiu espanyol que, per ara, roman a mig camí envers la meva proposta. ; I begin the following thesis presenting a general view of what is criminal law, and, more precisely, what is business criminal law. I then continue with the explanation of a few general ideas regarding business organization. Taking into account that this thesis is presented in the Escola Politécnica Superior de l'Edificació, I focus on the organizational methods of this speciality. Starting from this point, I develop an explanation of the change of paradigm which goes from Societas delinquere non potest to Societas delinquere potest. which turns organic entities into possible objects of imputation and of accusation and which can be judged and penalized. In the same way, this circumstance also affects those people who hold managerial positions. I analyse which are the conducts that can be criminalised and which can be punishable. I go into detail about the comparative studies regarding this issue in the main countries in the world, highlighting the "American model", which was first instituted in the USA and was used as a model by all the rest, and in the Spanish model, which has recently been introduced in the last reform of the penal code. I thoroughly explain what would be, in my opinion, an ideal model, and I propose that Plans de compliment penal (Criminal Compliance Plans) be created. I also suggest that, at the same time, Plans d'empresa de comportament general (Business' General Behaviour Plans) should be created which establish the main principles that will rule over the behavior of the company and its components, as well as its relations with the Administration, the staff and the customers. They shall include dynamic application plans and anticipate a permanent follow-up. They should also include a frame of penalties and rewards. I propose which should be the foundations that could lead companies to a model de cultura del compliment (compliance culture model), which can prevent companies from being the object of legal actions and which could also avoid the damage that a criminal conduct may cause to their reputation. I finally deal with some cases related to the issues displayed in this thesis. I provide the solutions that have been given and also its legislative developement, which, up to this moment, remains halfway with respect to my proposal ; Postprint (published version)

According to the international peace research projects analysis' provided by The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), The Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), The Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research), Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP), based on the financial security rate, professional level of researches, ability to involve professional stuff, abilities to influence the authority, as well as, to create the link between the science and state policy, there was made a try to illustrate the USA «think tanks» international imaging picture and to point out those, which are the most powerful and effective in terms of foreign policy research, as well as, international relations and security. Some of the reasons to choose these very «tanks» are explained too.The «think tank» industry in the USA is getting popular, in contrast to the high technological or energy sector which balance depends on the demand and supply law, it is hard to talk about the pluses and minuses of the «think tank» work. The main feature of these «tanks» is the great number of the influence methods. That is why, the every single estimation of which has to have the complex of features that gives a chance to show the role and the level of effectiveness. The key point of the research is to find the main US analytic centers that are in power to influence the foreign-policy decision.In 2013 there were 29,1 % of the world's «think tanks» total number in the North America, which means 2000 out of 6800, 1777 were located in the USA.The main research vectors of such centers remained the foreign and domestic policy of their countries, as well as, international relations. The USA has higher level of the research projects differentiation that includes almost all the aspects of the international community life.The «think tanks» rising level in the USA is followed by the competition rising level that leads to the scientific researches and recommendations effectiveness rate rise from the one side, and creates the statements, conclusions and recommendations repetition effect, from the other side.Some of the independent researches, who study the problematical aspects of the «think tanks» activity, are into the recommendations creation that will help to increase their effectiveness. Some of them are the following:1. To create working group of the main «think tanks» representatives, in order to create the number of alternative strategies and recommendations for the organizations' financing improvement.2. To offer the donors to implement more strategical and long lasting approaches to the scientific institutions' financing.3. A special donor meeting has to create a forum where the «think tanks», politicians, mass media and donors in terms of a dialogue on the financing or any other things could find a common language. Donors and «think tanks» need to organize some researching ways of the accelerated synergy, consolidation and cooperation plans, as well as, the USA independent institutions actions that conduct the great analytic and expert activities.4. To create a consolidated network of the thought-out financial standards in order to isolate «think tanks» from the private and state donors that can influence the estimation, analysis and conclusion.5. To show the «think tanks» effectiveness examples to the politicians, stuff, community organizations, citizens.6. «Think tanks» themselves should investigate the effectiveness of the mass media and the Internet use, in order to create some particular recommendations that improve this sphere.7. To implement special technologies and strategies to estimate the ratio scientific activities and the means needed for this.8. To reach the minimal number of the serving centers, some researchers and projects conducted by them. ; На основании результатов анализа исследовательских проектов Пенсильванского университета, Института исследований внешней политики, Центра стратегических и международных исследований, Фонда «Наследие», Американского института предпринимательства, Фонда Карнеги за международный мир и других, где руководствуясь оценкой финансовой обеспеченности, профессиональности уровня исследований, состоятельности привлечь квалифицированных ученых, возможности влиять на власть и способности наладить эффективную связь между наукой и государством, представлена общая картина рейтингования (имиджирования) независимых «мозговых центров» США. ; За результатами аналізу дослідницьких проектів Пенсільванського університету, Інституту досліджень зовнішньої політики, Центру стратегічних і міжнародних досліджень, Фонду «Спадщина», Американського інституту підприємництва, Фонду Карнегі за міжнародний мир тощо, в яких представлено оцінки фінансової забезпеченості, фахового рівня досліджень, спроможності залучати кваліфікованих учених, можливостей впливати на владу та здатності налагодити ефективний зв'язок між наукою і державною політикою, подано загальну картину рейтингування (іміджування) незалежних «мозкових центрів» США.

Las reformas educativas responden a las orientaciones de las diversas políticas educativas que (re)formulan los objetivos de la educación en función de las nuevas necesidades sociales, económicas y culturales, y que se han detectado a través de un diagnóstico educativo de la realidad sociopolítica en la que se enmarca. Uno de los agentes fundamentales para llevar a cabo las reformas educativas es el profesorado. Por ello, hemos realizado una serie de investigaciones, cualitativas y cuantitativas, en la última década, profundizando en la voz del profesorado y en el aspecto preponderante de los cambios propuestos que es "la atención a la diversidad" y más concretamente, de la diversidad cultural. Las investigaciones y reflexiones teórica se han centrado en España (y como estudio de caso, Cataluña), pero también han comportado el estudio de otras realidades iberoamericanas como la Transformación Educativa en Argentina (básicamente la región NOA) y en relación con el desarrollo de la Educación Intercultural y la Educación Intercultural Bilingüe en países como México, Brasil y Guatemala, principalmente. De todo ello, se desprenden una serie de resultados y orientaciones que nos deben servir para la reflexión y la acción educativa (sociocultural y política). Así, en algunas regiones se pueden estar dando lo que algunos científicos denominan "el drama del desarrollo" con los recientes megaproyectos de transformación educativa que no impiden –o, incluso, facilitan- la segmentación educativa, coexistiendo realmente más de un sistema educativo en el propio país. Hay que repensar el modelo integrador de la escuela que nace con la modernidad y es cuestionada con ella. En todo caso, y fruto del trabajo de campo realizado (observación participante, entrevistas y encuestas), podemos concluir que entre las líneas maestras que se pueden considerar como elementos clave para considerar que un centro trabaja en un sentido intercultural e inclusivo, destacan las relacionadas con la implicación del profesorado que se encuentra apoyado por las familias y la administración: buena formación de los tutores, un equipo directivo que ejerce un liderazgo claro y positivo, planteamiento de proyectos y actividades que relaciona el centro con el entorno, existencia de un plan de acción tutorial compartido que sigue el profesorado y que facilita la relación interpersonal y ayuda a la orientación a los alumnos. ; The educational reforms respond to the orientations of diverse educational politics which (re)formulate the objectives of the education in function on new social, economical and cultural needs, and that has been detected through an educative diagnosis of the sociopolitical reality in which is frame. One of the fundamental agents to carry out the educational reforms are the teachers. Because of it, we have carried out a series of investigations, qualitative and quantitative, in the last decade, deepening in the voice of the teacher and in the preponderant aspect of the changes proposed that is "the attention to diversity" and more concretely, of the cultural diversity. The investigations and theoretical reflexions have been center in Spain (and as case study, Cataluña), but they also have behaved the study of other latin american realities like the Educative Transformation in Argentina (basically the NOA region) and the relation with the development of Intercultural Education and Bilingual Intercultural Education in countries as Mexico, Brasil and Guatemala, mainly. Of all it, there has been a series of results and orientations that must serve us for the reflection and the educative action (sociocultural and political). Thus, in some regions there must be being given what scientist may call "drama of development" with the recent megaprojects of educative transformations which no avoid –or even, facilitate- the educative segmentation, coexisting more than one educative systems in the own country. We must think about the integrative model of school that is born in modernity and is question with it. In every case, and as a fruit of the field work carried out (participating observation, interviews and surveys), we can conclude that among the masters lines being consider as key elements to consider that a center works in an intercultural and inclusive sense, are emphasize those related with the implication of teachers that is supported by families and the administration: good formation of the tutors, a directive team with clear and positive leadership, posing projects and activities relating the center with the environment, existence of a plan of shared tutorial action followed by teachers and that can facilitate the interpersonal relation and aids to the students orientation.

The relationship between war and politics has always been a mirror on which to see the face of the society of the time. It would be wrong to believe that only the reflection of international power relationships and the balance between groups of power (both military and civilian) within individual states would be found, in this way in fact neither the enormous symbolic implications inherent in the two concepts would be taken into account, nor the very close relationships between their spheres. With the advent of mass society and the transformation of parties into complex organizational machines, highly hierarchical and aimed at mobilizing a huge number of militants and sympathizers, the assimilation of the competitor to the enemy becomes increasingly complete and evident. Politics and war are still different concepts, but they are starting to look more and more alike. Obviously, it is the First World War that enormously accelerates this process. The terms of the contrast between highly industrialized societies and their states appeared then in all their drama, prompting Erich Ludendorff, one of the most brilliant members of the German High Command, to hypothesize a radical inversion of the relationship between politics and war, assuming a substantial immanence of the war condition, hardly interspersed with short periods of physiological ceasefire (during which politics seems to recover its traditional role of mediation between and in nations). The entre-deux-guerres and its dramatic epilogue in September 1939 will seem to almost confirm the validity of this prediction, but the particular characteristics of the post-war period and the following forty years will firmly bring politics back. However, the end of Fordist society and its political model, the exhaustion of Soviet / American bipolarism, the globalization, the impact on political communication of a real revolution in the revolution - that is, the advent of the so-called web 2.0, in the great internet season - seem to give new impetus to that process of assimilation between political opponent and enemy to which we have just referred, building communities that are increasingly intolerant of internal conflict and more and more in radical conflict with each other. The new space offered by social networks, in spite of some optimistic, though perhaps a bit ideological, expectation, is therefore more similar to the twentieth-century square than to Pericles' agora. Have we come to Ludendorff's revenge? ; Il rapporto fra guerra e politica costituisce da sempre uno specchio in cui scorgere il volto della società del tempo. Sarebbe sbagliato credere di trovarvi solo il riflesso dei rapporti di forza internazionali e dell'equilibrio fra gruppi di potere (militari e civili) all'interno dei singoli stati, in tal modo infatti non si terrebbe conto delle enormi implicazioni simboliche insite nei due concetti, né delle relazioni assai strette fra i loro ambiti. Con l'avvento della società di massa e la trasformazione dei partiti in complesse macchine organizzative, fortemente gerarchizzate e volte alla mobilitazione di un numero enorme di militanti e simpatizzanti, l'assimilazione del competitore al nemico diviene sempre più completa e evidente. Politica e guerra sono ancora concetti diversi, ma iniziano a somigliarsi sempre di più. Ovviamente è il Primo conflitto mondiale ad accelerare enormemente questo processo. I termini della contrapposizione fra società, e relativi stati, altamente industrializzate apparvero allora in tutta la loro drammaticità, spingendo Erich Ludendorff, uno dei più brillanti membri dello Stato Maggiore germanico, ad ipotizzare una radicale inversione del rapporto fra politica e guerra, presupponendo una sostanziale immanenza della condizione bellica, a stento intervallata da brevi periodi di fisiologica tregua (durante i quali la politica sembra recuperare il suo tradizionale ruolo di mediazione fra e nelle nazioni). L'entre-deux-guerres ed il suo drammatico epilogo nel settembre 1939 sembreranno quasi confermare la validità di questa previsione, ma le caratteristiche particolari del secondo dopoguerra e del successivo quarantennio riporteranno saldamente la politica al suo posto. Tuttavia, la fine della società fordista e del relativo modello politico, l'esaurirsi del bipolarismo sovietico/americano, la globalizzazione, l'impatto sulla comunicazione politica di una vera e propria rivoluzione nella rivoluzione – cioè l'avvento del cosiddetto web 2.0, nella grande stagione di internet – sembrano voler ridare slancio a quel processo di assimilazione fra avversario politico e nemico al quale ci siamo appena riferiti, costruendo comunità sempre più intolleranti al conflitto interno e sempre più in radicale conflitto fra di loro. Il nuovo spazio offerto dai social networks, a dispetto di qualche ottimistica, quanto forse un po' ideologica, aspettativa, si rivela dunque più simile alla piazza novecentesca che all'agorà di Pericle. Siamo forse giunti alla rivincita di Ludendorff?

Developments in the Australia-Japan strategic relationship in recent years have marked a change in nature of the Australia-Japan relationship. The two countries have never been so involved in matters of security, partly due to memories of Japan's actions in World War II (WWII) and the emphasis on trade relations during the Cold War. It was not until the end of the Cold War did the strategic relationship start to make progress outside intelligence cooperation. The major factor explaining for the post-Cold War development of the Australia-Japan strategic relationship was the move by Japan to make an 'international contribution' that reflected its status as the second largest economy. The actives that could be conducted by the Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) had been and continue to be constrained due to the incorporation of Article 9 in the Japanese Constitution. Established during the American-led occupation of Japan following the end of WWII, the purpose of Article 9 was to take away Japan's ability to wage war. This had the effect of greatly restricting Japan's ability to be involved in any operation not directly related to the defence of Japan, meaning that JSDF involvement in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) was not possible. However, following the first Gulf War, the establishment on the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Law (UNPKO Law) in 1992, allowed for the deployment of the JSDF to UNPKO and disaster relief operations. It was this move by Japan that resulted in an increase in the number of times the Australian Defence Force (ADF) and the JSDF operated together in the same theatre. ADF-JSDF cooperation in UNPKO such as in Cambodia and East Timor, as well as in coalitions such as the one in Iraq is widely recognised as being significant for development of the Australia-Japan strategic relationship. Increased instances of ADF-JSDF cooperation on the ground has been reflected in a greater number of Australia-Japan security agreements that have been established in an attempt to formalise the strategic relationship. The 2007 Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation signed by the Howard and Abe governments was important as it established a framework for closer security cooperation and marked the first time Japan had entered into a security agreement with any country other than the United States (US). By formalising the Australia-Japan strategic relationship through the 2007 Joint Declaration, a link between Australia and Japan was made within the context of their respective alliances with the US. This link resulted in the view that a trilateral strategic relationship between Australia, Japan and the US was in development, and could result in an alliance. Additionally, moves by Japan in particular, to involve democratic value-sharing countries in a strategic relationship that included India had the consequence of making the purpose of the 2007 Joint Declaration a means to contain China's influence in the Asia-Pacific region. It was not until the Rudd Government came into power in late 2007 did the Australia-Japan strategic relationship become refined. The 2008 Memorandum on Defence Cooperation set the agenda for future ADF-JSDF collaboration in international peace cooperation activities. According to the Memorandum, the ADF-JSDF collaboration was to progress in four areas: peacekeeping operations; disaster relief; combating international terrorism; and in the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). This agenda reflected past ADF-JSDF collaboration and demonstrated an understanding that such collaboration was most meaningful and practical in operations of low intensity. Subsequent developments in the Australia-Japan strategic relationship have supported this move. The 2010 Australia-Japan Acquisition and Cross- Servicing Agreement (ACSA), which allows for the exchange of goods and services during joint training exercises, is one such development. In addition to military exchanges and joint training exercises, the ACSA is a means to enhance the interoperability between the ADF and JSDF, allowing for closer cooperation in operations. There is much potential in the ACSA to iron out some of the gaps in the capabilities between the two forces, in part due to the constraints placed on the JSDF by Article 9. Although the ACSA has not been applied as of yet, possibilities lie in the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) and the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). It is in the direction of practical collaboration in international peace cooperation activities that the ADF-JSDF will continue to develop.

This report investigates the underlying issues surrounding Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons capability and critically examines U.S. policy options for resolving the current deadlock. Iran is located in a strategically important and volatile area and its policies have the potential to significantly impact regional security in the Persian Gulf, the Caucasus and the wider Middle East and South Asia. America's wars with Iraq and Afghanistan have put Iran at the heart of the world's most sensitive region, giving it ample opportunity to play an important role in facilitating or hampering America's objectives. Iran with its 69 million inhabitants and control of 10% of the world's oil reserves remains a major concern to those who formulate U.S. foreign policy. The international community also faces concerns with myths and misperceptions clouding issues that often inhibit dialogue and negotiations. At stake in the emerging crisis is concern over Iran's nuclear ambitions. For the international community, preventing a nuclear program with the pursuit of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capability in Iran is vital. The United States, the EU, and the United Nations recognise that the consequences of a nuclear Iran would not only affect the region and its security, but might also inspire other countries to follow in the same vein. With the increased U.S. presence and interests in Iraq and Afghanistan, containing Iran and curtailing its potential threat to the region is even more critical. Added to this, the fear that nuclear technology would reach the hands of terrorist groups is profound. U.S. Iranian relations remain trapped by the legacies of the past and the very real differences of the present nearly a quarter-century since the revolution, which placed a modernising monarchy with a radical religious state. Concern surrounds Iran's continuing support for militant groups involved in a variety of regional conflicts, including the Palestinian- Israeli dispute. This has abrogated the close alliance with Washington. For more than a decade American officials, in Congress and successive administrations have fixated on the threat of Iran acquiring nuclear weapons. With recent developments in the region, the spectre of a nuclear Iran has become an issue of even more potent relevance.For both the U.S. and the international community, a large part of the problem in dealing with Iran is the lack of information and the inability to identify or clarify key elements on issues that concern them, in order to formulate appropriate policies and/or actions towards Iran. Some analysts view the deception and confusion as a deliberate game played by the clerics, who continue to defy the West and still manage to remain resilient despite obvious power struggles on the domestic front. The ongoing struggle in Iran between Islamic reformers and Islamic hard-liners, along with struggles within the U.S. foreign policy establishment between hawks and those seeking accommodation, has left U.S.-Iranian relations in a state of flux. A three-way power struggle between popular moderate Islamist President Mohammed Khatami, hardline clerics, who still wield substantial influence, and resistance movements seeking more radical changes has left the future of Iran in question. This report critically examines issues surrounding Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapons capability, its domestic politics, the significance of its impact on what is already a strategically important region, recent developments in U.S. foreign policy, and diplomatic efforts made by the international community. This report concludes by analysing options available to US policy makers should they choose to help Iran's transition from pariah state toward a more moderate role in the Persian Gulf. Key recommendations of this report include: 1 Stabilizing of Middle East, where Iran can play a vital role 2 U.S. to actively participate in dialogue between Iran and EU, for a greater push to end Iran's nuclear developments with diplomacy 3 U.S. to use both carrot and stick to support reasonable and realistic demands for change; Encourage future leaders of Iran who wants to undo the antimodem policies pursued by clerics; U.S. to devise a non-proliferation policy that anticipates where Iran is headed and formulate a more consistent policies towards Iran This report provides an incisive view of what could conceivably be an emerging crisis of regional and global significance.

En Uruguay, la escuela media ha atravesado un período de estancamiento en relación a la región desde el retorno a la democracia, que se refleja en los altos niveles de fracaso escolar. En este sentido, mientras en el año 2013 apenas un 40% de los jóvenes lograron finalizar este ciclo educativo, esta cifra fue de 55% para América Latina y superaba el 80% en Chile o Perú. A su vez, los logros educativos se distribuyen de manera muy desigual, y dentro del primer quintil de ingresos, apenas uno de cada diez jóvenes logra terminar la educación media. Con la llegada por primera vez de un partido de izquierda al gobierno nacional, la temática estuvo fuertemente instalada en la agenda política durante la última década. Así, en un contexto socioeconómico favorable, se incrementó el esfuerzo presupuestal, se implementaron nuevas políticas de inclusión educativa y se promulgó una Ley General de Educación, que extendió la obligatoriedad de la educación a todo el nivel medio. Sin embargo, no se generaron políticas de alto alcance en la materia que tuviesen un gran impacto sobre esta realidad desalentadora. En dicho marco, la presente investigación se centró en analizar los acuerdos y las tensiones que existieron en el período dentro de la izquierda política uruguaya, particularmente dentro del Frente Amplio y los sindicatos docentes, para comprender las dificultades a la hora de diseñar e implementar políticas educativas transformadoras en el nivel de educación media. Para ello, desde un enfoque cualitativo de análisis, se realizaron 23 entrevistas en profundidad a autoridades gubernamentales, parlamentarios, militantes frenteamplistas, técnicos y dirigentes sindicales, para interpretar sus posturas con respecto a esta arena de política, en torno a tres dimensiones consideradas centrales: el gobierno, la inclusión y el cambio educativo. De este modo, se observó que a pesar de la existencia de ciertos consensos históricos dentro de la izquierda política, como la defensa del peso del Estado en la provisión de la educación pública, también aparecieron diferencias importantes en los discursos que distanciaron a las autoridades de los dirigentes sindicales y atravesaron a los miembros del partido de gobierno. Dichas diferencias se expresaron en las tres dimensiones analizadas. Asimismo, se identificaron dos coaliciones promotoras dentro de la izquierda política, nucleadas alrededor de dos visiones opuestas con respecto al rumbo que dicha política debería tomar en el futuro. Secondary education in Uruguay has experienced a crisis since the return to democracy, and this is reflected in the school failure rates. In 2013, the completion rate of this educational level was low, around 40%, compared with 55% for the Latin American average and with 80% for Chile and Peru. At the same time, educational attainment is unequally distributed with only one in ten teenagers from the lower income quintile completing secondary school. During the last decade, the combination of the arrival of a center-left government to power and a favorable socioeconomic context put this issue in the public agenda. Consequently, there was an increase in the educational budget, new inclusive educational policies were implemented, and a new General Education Law was enacted, extending compulsory education from nine to fourteen years. However, despite these recent reforms, policies with a far-reaching potential to improve educational outcomes haven't been implemented. This research was conducted to identify and analyze the agreements and disagreements within the left-wing of the Uruguayan political spectrum, particularly, between the Frente Amplio political party and the teachers unions, in order to understand the obstacles to design and implement educational policies that could improve secondary education attainment rates. To this end, using a qualitative approach, we conducted 23 semi-structured interviews to government authorities, legislators, Frente Amplio political activists, experts, and union leaders to understand their points of view about this particular policy issue. We focused on three dimensions: educational administration, educational inclusion, and educational reform. We observed that despite of some historical consensus within the Uruguayan political left, such as agreement on the belief about the dominant role of the state in the provision of public education, there were also significant differences. Those differences were found in the three analyzed dimensions and, while in some cases they divided the authorities from the union leaders, in other cases they drove a wedge between Frente Amplio party members. Additionally, we identified two advocacy coalitions within the political left, bound by two opposite belief systems, about the future course of secondary education policy.

This dissertation examines the links between education and political culture by analyzing government-employed educators during the formative period of nation-state creation in the Middle East. It argues that a dearth of qualified personnel, coupled with local support of education, allowed educators in the government schools of Iraq, Palestine and Transjordan, to act as privileged intermediaries, backed by both the states that employed them, and by their societies. Educators' status as popular and scarce civil servants encouraged them to participate in anti-government protests while remaining government employees. The aggregate consequences of educators' ability to protest without losing their posts included ideological flexibility, the sidelining of educated groups from armed rebellions and the maintenance of non-representative regimes. Their stories articulate how local civil servants, frequently at the lowest levels of colonial bureaucracies, shape administration and governance.During the late Ottoman period, educated individuals participated in a culture of petitions and negotiation, which connected civil servants and the Ottoman state. The British military and Mandate administrations incorporated Ottoman laws regarding education, as well as Ottoman-founded institutions and Ottoman-trained personnel into the educational systems of the Mandates. This continuity between British and Ottoman policies, institutions and personnel perpetuated Ottoman-era modes of interaction between educators and the governments that employed them. British policy makers feared anti-colonial rebellions on the part of an educated unemployed, like uprisings that had taken place in both India and Egypt during periods of British control. Therefore, British officials in Iraq, Palestine and Transjordan restricted government schooling, particularly at upper levels, to a select few. Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the region, and the League of Nations' requirements to prepare the Mandates for eventual independence, resulted in local and international demand for government-sponsored education. This situation of scarcity and need granted educators a privileged position vis-à-vis their employers. Educators used their rare status to manipulate and petition their governments, while rising through the ranks of the civil service. In so doing, they evinced a broader notion of agency than simple resistance to colonial domination.Educators also theorized and articulated a variety of political ideologies, particularly during the interwar period. Educators' experiences as students and their relationships to their governments as well as their birthplaces and families shaped their concepts of political affiliation. The American University of Beirut (AUB) in particular functioned as a hub of pan-Arabism for educators; students from throughout the region met, studied, and learned to protest while at AUB. Their academic credentials permitted AUB graduates to put their philosophies into practice, as teachers, authors, administrators and later ministers throughout the Mandates. However, self-avowedly nationalist educators, even at their most extreme, overwhelmingly remained employed by their governments in some capacity despite their rebellious reputations. Educators' need to work within the government, to keep their present jobs, and the desire of local communities to preserve education and to safeguard their children's futures reinforced teachers and administrators' incorporation into government service. In the late 1950s, three factors threatened educators' intermediary role. These factors denigrated teachers' social and economic status, and pushed them towards collective rather than individual action. Mass education reduced the scarcity of teachers; their formerly rare educational qualifications became more common, and less valuable. Standardization, through rigid modes of inspection and national examinations that dictated children's future careers, reduced educators' ability to teach beyond the prescribed curriculum. Repressive measures on the part of each government also limited the intermediary position teachers had previously enjoyed. The concurrent hardening of national borders reduced the fluidity of political affiliations once open to the Mandates' inhabitants.From the late 1890s through the late 1950s, educators and former educators leveraged their scarcity. As both teachers and government ministers, they influenced the young minds of the region within and beyond the classroom. Their favored status lasted until colonial restrictions on education lessened, and mass education eroded their capacity for bargaining with their governments. The stories of these teachers and administrators underscore the importance of local civil servants to the functioning of imperial, colonial and independent governments. Their rebellions from within the government bureaucracy demonstrate how government education as an institution can simultaneously shore up and impair the authority of its state.

В статье рассмотрены философско-правовые концепции российского либерализма конца XIX начала ХХ в. по формированию идеала правовой личности. Доказана целесообразность на основе этих концепций переосмысления путей дальнейшего развития украинского общества и его ценностных оснований ; In the process of transformation of Ukrainian society towards the assimilation and implementation of basic European values such as human rights, democracy and the rule of law the role of personality that respects the dignity of others and their right to free expression in its multifaceted manifestations becomes more important. Such definitions of it assume the character of the ideal to be pursued, but that has not received adequate expression in people's minds and in practice yet. Since this ideal inextricably links right and personality, enabling the operation of law due to the special qualities of the individual, it can be defined as the ideal of legal personality. It is the formation and realization of such ideal that becomes urgent practical task of our society, which in turn requires a comprehensive theoretical understanding. It should be noted that some philosophical aspects of the meaning of legal personality and its formation are revealed in the works of Ukrainian researcher in the field of philosophy of law S.I. Maksimov. However, all actual researches are based on a certain cultural and ideological tradition. The research of a Polish-American scholar in the history of philosophical and legal thought Andrzej Walicki pays attention to the ideological and methodological potential liberal legal philosophy of the late 19th early 20th century in the Russian Empire, realization of which, unfortunately, failed because of the violent interruption of this tradition by Bolsheviks. Researches of philosophers of law of that period are of particular significance in this issue: Ukrainian by origin and outlook Bohdan Kistyakivskiy and one of the authors of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) Serhiy Gessen. It is reconstruction of the concept of "legal personality" in the views of philosophers of law of that period, which is really made for the first time, which will give, as we believe, an opportunity to analyze the formation of the ideal of legal personality. Thus, the purpose of this article is analysis and systematization of philosophical views on the issue of forming the ideal of legal personality in Russian philosophy of law, limited by the late 19th early 20th century During this period, leading philosophers and jurists come to the conclusion that the existence and development of the law governed state should be based on a legal personality. Taking into account the diversity of interpretations of liberal concepts, we begin with a brief description of the charms of liberal ideas, find out the core values that inspire these concepts and focus on the source of political programs and core values individual autonomy. As it is known, liberalism is a dynamic system that responds to changes in social life and is transformed according to the new reality. Liberal concepts of the thinkers of that time give us the opportunity to realize what freedom, equality and human rights are inviolable condition for the individual existence of human being, laying the values and guidance in the legal consciousness of a person and promoting an individual's recognition of law as the main regulator of social relations, aimed at protecting and strengthening the autonomy (which directly is an ideal basis for development of a legal personality). Thus, the abovementioned allows us to understand the significance of liberal ideas for building a modern ideal model of legal personality, formed on a combination of the spiritual and legal ideals and values. The importance of the concepts of representatives of Russian liberalism is determined by existence of: 1) the idea of equality, which in turn becomes a conceptual basis in shaping of legal personality (after all, the basic values help to reveal the inner depth (essence) of the personality, thereby reducing it to the level of subject, on whose existence law is focused.); 2) the idea of the presence of appropriate freedoms in personality (freedom is revealed as the spiritual foundation of not only the personality, but also society) and natural rights. Rights in turn, act as a form of social relations and independent personalities, behavior and interaction of which is subject to the general rules. Independence of subjects in relation to each other and their joint subjecting to common standards define the content of the legal form of freedom

Статья посвящена сравнительно-правовому анализу тенденций, все более отчетливо проявляющихся в исследованиях зарубежных (прежде всего европейских и североамериканских) ученых, некритические оценки которых лишь усугубляют системный кризис, охвативший многие сферы общественных отношений, значительно усугубляющий фундаментальные противоречия между Западом и Востоком. Используя методы историзма и компаративизма, констатируется перманентное углубление стагнации «западной» модели демократии (как с социально-экономической, так и политической точки зрения), в течение нескольких веков являвшейся «локомотивом» христианской цивилизации, место которой заняли идеологические, этические, конфессиональные суррогаты мультикультурализма и толерантности. По мнению авторов, парадокс состоит в том, что кризис, охвативший важнейшие сферы публичных и частноправовых отношений, обусловлен рядом факторов, вытекающих из процесса либерализации тех областей человеческой деятельности, табуированный характер которых еще несколько десятилетий назад не вызывал никаких возражений. Глобализация как системообразующий процесс способствовала актуализации такого явления, как «правовой империализм» (составным элементом которого следует рассматривать «правовой колониализм»), ответом на который стала масштабная радикализация террористических организаций, религиозного фанатизма и националистического экстремизма. К сожалению, ни англосаксонская, ни континентальная системы права (не говоря уже о международном праве), несмотря на отдельные положительные тенденции, не сумели адекватным образом ответить на требования дня, тем самым лишь усилив негативную составляющую «западной» цивилизационной парадигмы. Помимо Северной Африки наиболее отчетливо это проявилось на Украине, ученые которой, игнорируя теорию и практику исторического процесса, активно переписывают и редактируют историографию «самостийной государственности», стремясь тем самым оправдать «востребованность» февральского государственного переворота, что пользуется поддержкой со стороны зарубежных исследователей, все чаще актуализирующих механизмы подобного рода для оправдания русофобских концепций и антироссийских доктрин. Не желая отказываться от практики двойных стандартов, представители западной научной мысли продолжают оказывать мощное идеологическое давление на тех, кто традиционно ассоциируется с так называемым электоратом, в своей основной массе поверхностно знакомым с историей даже собственных стран. Пропаганда подменяет собой науку, ставя во главу угла широкий набор мифологем, презумпций и голословных констатаций, которые уже никто не подвергает сомнению. Цель статьи используя методологию сравнительно-правового анализа, показать ложность научных и мировоззренческих стереотипов, сложившихся как в зарубежном, так и отечественном государствоведении. ; The complex analysis of modern world political reality in the context of consideration of an actual The article deals with the comparative legal analysis of trends more and more evident in works of foreign (mainly European and North American) scientists, whose non-critical estimations only exacerbate the systemic crisis in many spheres of public relations which significantly increases fundamental contradiction between the West and the East. Using the methods of historicism and comparativism, permanent deepening stagnation of «Western» model of democracy (both socio-economic and political point of view), which for several centuries was the «locomotive» of Christian civilization, and than was replaced by ideological, ethical and religious surrogates of multiculturalism and tolerance, is stated. According to the authors, the paradox is that the crisis in the most important spheres of public and private law relations is determined by a number of factors arising from the process of liberalization of those areas of human activity, the taboo nature of which several decades ago did not cause any objections. Globalisation as a system process encouraged actualization of such a phenomenon as «legal imperialism» (as component of which «legal colonialism» should be considered), the answer to which has become a large-scale radicalization of terrorist organizations, religious fanaticism and nationalist extremism. Unfortunately, neither the Anglo-Saxon nor the continental law system (without mentioning international law), despite some positive trends, failed to adequately respond to the demands of the day, thus only strengthen the negative component of the «Western» civilizational paradigm. Apart from North Africa, it is most clearly manifested in the Ukraine, where the scientists, ignoring the theory and practice of the historical process, actively rewrite and edit historiography of «independent state», thereby seeking to justify the «relevance» of the February coup. That is supported by foreign researchers, who increasingly actualize mechanisms of this kind to justify Russophobian concepts and doctrines of anti-Russian. Not wanting to give up the practice of double standards, representatives of Western scientific thought continue to provide a powerful ideological pressure on those who have traditionally been associated with the so called electorate, in a majority superficially knowing the history of even their countries. Propaganda substitutes science, giving priority to a wide range of myths, presumptions and unfounded ascertainings which no one calls into question. Aim of the article is using the methodology of comparative legal analysis to show the falsity of the scientific and ideological stereotypes existing in foreign and domestic political science.

В статье в контексте происходившей в России радикальной ломки социальных связей в результате Октябрьской революции рассматривается формирование и деятельность инженерных рабочих войск как РККА, так и Белой армии, а также условия комплектования их инженерными и рабочими кадрами начиная с 25 октября 1917 г. и в годы Гражданской войны. В исследовательских целях в оборот введен ряд новых архивных документов. ; Formation of the administrative and militaryeconomic institutions in Russia during the civil war and the intervention of the allied forces (1918-1921) took place on the territory controlled by both the Bolsheviks and the White Army. However, this aspect, especially the state of military engineering and military engineering troops, it is not investigated in Western historiography. Even Russian historiography is limited to mention a few famous names and few major military-engineering solutions that period. Meanwhile, in this case, we should talk not only about the impact of the revolutionary break-up of former social relations and the civil war on the Corps of Engineers, but also on the impact of state and quality of engineering troops to the results of military operations and social relations (at least in the army). This topic is of interest in terms of the fortification art development during the Civil War (for example, there is extensive bibliography on fortification in American Civil War). This article is the second piece of my research in the history of Russian Corps of Engineers. Subjects of this part are institutional aspects of Russian Corps of Engineers formation in Civil War (both in Red and White armies), training and activity of labor construction units (divisions) and military engineering personnel in the wartime conditions. I put my study on the basis of a large array of previously not studied archival materials from the central archives of Russia. In this article, I tried to fill the existing gaps in the history of the becoming of Soviet engineer troops, its command and control, as well as defensive engineering and construction measures on the Civil War fronts in 1918-1921 (especially on the Eastern Front against Admiral Kolchak). In the first year of Soviet Russia, the Bolsheviks began to form a control system engineering troops as part of a new army. To do this, two management headquarters were set up in series. These were the Central Military Technical Department and Main Military Engineers Department, which was then transformed into the Engineer Defense Division. At the head of these institutions were Konstantin Velichko and Alexey Ovchinnikov, who were most experienced and authoritative officers of engineer troops of Tsarist Russia, adhered to Bolsheviks. They are attracted to cooperation the most qualified military engineering personnel (for example, an outstanding military engineer Dmitry Karbyshev) and were able to efficiently use the available resources. These engineers designed and built a new type of fortified regions to cover all major destinations and cities in Russia, which significantly increased security and military potential of the new government. This fact, as well as the centralization of the Bolshevik government and military control (including military engineering controls) contributed significantly to the victory of the Red Army over the fragmented and far less coordinated actions of the White Army (whose leaders often do not find a common language because of their ambitions). In addition, the leaders of the White movement and their military engineering departments and divisions had a much bigger deficit of material and human resources, a much weaker organization, and the lack of time, because they were attackers. This significantly weakened them both in the attack and defense. In my article, I pay special attention to the political and social changes in Russian society and in the army caused by Civil War. Thus, I show the reasons for Russian military engineers adhering from the Red Army to the White one and back were not only ideological but also economic (necessity for survive a depreciation of money and devastation) and personal (corporate relations, personal likes and dislikes). Also I first has made a summary table of colonels and generals of engineering troops of the Red, White and national armies in 1918-1920. I conclude in time of war, in the destruction of social bonds, defensibility of the army and viability of the state essentially depend on control of military engineering troops (which determine arrangement of theaters of war and preservation of civilian communications), on the organization of human and material resources for the needs of military construction.

En la meva tesi, començo exposant una idea general sobre què és el Dret Penal, i en especial el Dret Penal Empresarial. Seguidament desenvolupo unes idees generals envers la organització empresarial. Tenint en compte que aquesta tesi es presenta en la Escola Politècnica Superior de l'Edificació, poso l'accent en els mètodes organitzatius d'aquesta especialitat. Partint d'aquest punt, desenvolupo l'explicació del canvi de paradigma que passa del "Societas delinquere non potest" al "Societas delinquere potest", la qual cosa converteix les entitats orgàniques en possibles subjectes d'imputació i d'acusació, que poden ser jutjades i penades; tanmateix això afecta simultàniament els seus directius. Analitzo quines són les conductes que poden ser tipificades i que poden arribar a ser punibles. Profunditzo en l'estudi comparat d'aquesta temàtica envers el principals països del mon, posant l'accent en el model americà dels E.U.A que va ser el primer en implantar-s'hi i va servir de model a tots els restants, i en l'espanyol que, recientment, s'ha inclòs en l'última reforma de Codi Penal. Explico extensament el que, al meu criteri, seria el model idoni i proposo la creació de Plans de compliment penal; tanmateix aconsello que simultàniament es creïn Plans d'empresa de comportament general que especifiquin quins seran els principis fonamentals que regiran el comportament de l'empresa i dels seus components, així com la relació amb l'Administració, amb el personal i amb els clients. Hauran d'incloure plans dinàmics d'aplicació i preveure un seguiment permanent; tanmateix haurien d' incloure un quadre de sancions i de recompenses. Proposo, doncs, els fonaments per dur les empreses a un model de cultura del compliment que les preservi d'actuacions penals en contra i que eviti els danys reputacionals que una conducta delictiva els hi pugui comportar. Finalment, exposo alguns casos que tenen a veure amb el tema de la meva tesis. Aporto les solucions que s'han donat i, també, els seu desenvolupament legislatiu espanyol que, per ara, roman a mig camí envers la meva proposta. ; I begin the following thesis presenting a general view of what is criminal law, and, more precisely, what is business criminal law. I then continue with the explanation of a few general ideas regarding business organization. Taking into account that this thesis is presented in the Escola Politécnica Superior de l'Edificació, I focus on the organizational methods of this speciality. Starting from this point, I develop an explanation of the change of paradigm which goes from Societas delinquere non potest to Societas delinquere potest. which turns organic entities into possible objects of imputation and of accusation and which can be judged and penalized. In the same way, this circumstance also affects those people who hold managerial positions. I analyse which are the conducts that can be criminalised and which can be punishable. I go into detail about the comparative studies regarding this issue in the main countries in the world, highlighting the "American model", which was first instituted in the USA and was used as a model by all the rest, and in the Spanish model, which has recently been introduced in the last reform of the penal code. I thoroughly explain what would be, in my opinion, an ideal model, and I propose that Plans de compliment penal (Criminal Compliance Plans) be created. I also suggest that, at the same time, Plans d'empresa de comportament general (Business' General Behaviour Plans) should be created which establish the main principles that will rule over the behavior of the company and its components, as well as its relations with the Administration, the staff and the customers. They shall include dynamic application plans and anticipate a permanent follow-up. They should also include a frame of penalties and rewards. I propose which should be the foundations that could lead companies to a model de cultura del compliment (compliance culture model), which can prevent companies from being the object of legal actions and which could also avoid the damage that a criminal conduct may cause to their reputation. I finally deal with some cases related to the issues displayed in this thesis. I provide the solutions that have been given and also its legislative developement, which, up to this moment, remains halfway with respect to my proposal ; Postprint (published version)

Demokrasi kilidinin anahtarı pozisyonundaki seçimler, bireylerin geleceklerini inşa etmeye aday siyasi partiler arasından seçim yapmak suretiyle iktidarı belirlediği en etkin siyasi denetim aracıdır. Seçimlerin siyasal hayatı şekillendirmedeki rolü, seçimlere büyük ilgi gösterilmesine neden olmaktadır. Seçimler, geçmişte sadece siyasi iktidarı belirleme aracı olarak görülürken, günümüzde özellikle de 2000 Amerikan Başkanlık seçimleri ve sebep olduğu gelişmelerinde tesiriyle, siyaset kurumunun ve akademik dünyanın ilgi odağı haline gelmiştir. Demokratik olsun ya da olmasın, diktatörlükle yönetilen ülkeler hariç, dünyadaki bütün ülkelerde iktidarlar seçimle belirlenmektedir. Dünya ülkelerinin siyasal ve tarihsel olarak farklı tecrübelere sahip olmaları ve kendilerine has siyasal geleneklerinin varlığı farklı seçim sistemlerinin kabulüne de beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu farklılık, seçimlerin işleyişi faaliyetlerinde de değişik yöntemlerin ve modellerin benimsenmesine neden olmuştur. Seçmen tercihlerinin sandığa adil ve dürüst şekilde yansıdığı bir seçim gerçekleştirme arzusu, seçimlerin ülke genelinde iyi teşkilatlanmış, liyakat esasına göre belirlenmiş personelin istihdam edildiği, teknolojik alt yapıya sahip ve toplumsal itibarı ve intibaı yıpranmamış ve siyasi iktidarın müdahale alanından tamamen uzaklaştırılmış özerk ve kurumsal yapıları zorunlu kılmaktadır. Adil ve dürüst seçimlerin mümkün kılınabilmesi ancak seçimlerin yönetim ve denetiminden sorumlu kurum ve kurulların etkin yönetim ve denetim mekanizmaları ile donatılmış olmasıyla mümkün olabilecektir. Seçimlerin yönetimi ve denetimi faaliyetleri, ülkelerin benimsedikleri seçim yönetim ve denetim modellerinin farklılık göstermesi sebebiyle ülkeden ülkeye farklılık sergilemektedir. Bu farklılığa rağmen, bu modellerin hepsinin ortak amacı, seçmen iradesinin sandığa yansıması sürecini sağlıklı bir şekilde yönetmek ve sürece ilişkin yaşanabilecek hukuksuzluklara engel olmaktır. Bu anlamda bu kurum ve kurullara demokrasinin sürdürülebilirliğinin sağlanması adına çok önemli görevler düşmektedir. Söz konusu kurum ve kurulların gösterecekleri olumlu performans seçim sürecinin adil ve dürüst bir şekilde yürütülmesi ve sonuçlandırılmasının teminatını oluşturacaktır. Türkiye'de seçim teşkilatı ile seçimlerin işleyişinin karşılaştırmalı hukuk perspektifinden tüm yönleriyle ele alındığı bu çalışmanın amacı; ülkemiz açısından daha etkin bir seçim yönetim ve denetim mekanizmasının hayata geçirilebilmesi için uygulayıcılara karşılaştırmalı hukuk pratikleri perspektifinden bir model önerisi sunmaktır. ; Elections, which are the key to democracy, are the most effective means for political supervision in which individuals make choices from among political parties, which compete to build their lives. The role of elections in shaping political life causes them to be paid enormous attention. In the past, elections were regarded as a means to determine the political power only, but today, especially under the influence of the 2000 American presidential elections and the developments it led to, they have become the center of attention for politics and academic World. Whether they are democratic or not, governments are determined through elections all over the world except for countries that are governed by dictatorships. The fact that countries of the world have different political and historical experiences and have their own unique political traditions have caused different elections systems to be adopted. This difference in turn has caused different methods and models to be adopted in the activities conducted during the implementation of elections. The desire to hold an election where voters' choices are reflected fairly and honestly in the ballot boxes requires autonomous and organizational structures that are well-organized, where personnel determined on the basis of merit are employed, that possess the technological infrastructure, have an undamaged social prestige and image and are totally out of reach of the interference of the party in power. Fair and honest elections will be possible only when institutions and boards that are responsible for the management and supervision of elections are equipped with effective managerial and supervisory mechanisms. Activities aimed at managing and supervising elections exhibit variations because the election management and supervision models which countries adopt change from country to country. In spite of this difference, he common goal of all these models is to manage the process of transferring voters' will to the polls properly and prevent injustices that might arise in the process. In this sense, these institutions and committees have very serious tasks and obligations in ensuring sustainability of democracy. Positive performance that will be displayed by the said institutions and committees will guarantee that the election process will take place and be completed fairly and honestly. The purpose of this study, in which election organization and election mechanisms have been handled in all aspects from the perspective of comparative law, is to propose a model to implementers from the perspective of comparative law practices in order to put into a practice a more effective election management and supervision mechanism.

American Sociologist Joseph Kahl (1988) used tosay that in Latin America, scholars and researchersof sociology were seduced by the revolutionaryspirit of the students and started using widetheories which allowed them to understand thereasons for Latin America's backwards progressinstead of studying accessible cases in detailto reach a wider reality. From this (now old)tradition, two trends (Bryant, 2003) have takenplace which seem to have a wide acceptanceat a regional level: the trend of defending freetrade as if it were some sort of unquestionable truth and the trend of attacking it as if it weresome sort of illness we have to live with. Thishas become notorious at the academic level.Even certain authors of both academic trends(Mendoza, 2012; Trentmann, 1998) have takenadvantage of the inherent conceptual scarcityof these speeches in political economy in orderto reinforce their ideological arguments. Consequently,the speech that aims to attack freemarket by any means possible, has led scholarsand politicians to group within some sort oftheoretical bag concepts such as state reduction,the neoliberal philosophy and institutions suchas the IMF and the World Bank, under the assumptionthat they are all in complete agreementand work harmoniously. This kind of thinkingis supported by the concept of internal colonizationby Mexican sociologist Pablo GonzalezCasanova (Kahl, 1988). This enormous andunintelligible conceptual potpourri is commonlyknown by the name of Washington Consensus.However, a careful analysis of the each elementwhich supposedly comprises the WashingtonConsensus will easily show that there are someof these elements which have a very weak conceptualrelation amongst them and some othersare plain contradictory. This article intended togive some clarity on this issue through the historicaland theoretical review of three conceptswhich have been widely controversial withinLatin America. With such purpose, this workwill first state some conceptual thoughts. Thenthe history of the IMF will be shortly narrated,then I will proceed to talk about the concept ofstate reduction and the neoliberal philosophyin overall –through the thoughts of its greatestadvocate, Milton Friedman– and its original ideaabout non intervention. Then the history of the Washington Consensus will be mentioned andall three elements will be compared through acomparative chart. Finally, some conclusionswill be stated. ; El sociólogo estadounidense Joseph Kahl (1988),solía decir que en América Latina los profesorese investigadores de la sociología se dejaron llevarpor el fervor revolucionario de los estudiantes yempezaron a utilizar amplias teorías que permitieranentender las razones del atraso de AméricaLatina, en lugar de dedicarse al estudio detalladode casos accesibles para llegar a una realidad másamplia. De esta antigua tradición, surgieron dostendencias (Bryant, 2003) que parecen tener unaamplia aceptación a nivel regional: la tendenciaa defender el libre mercado como si fuera alguna especie de dogma incuestionable y la tendencia aatacarlo como si fuera una especie de enfermedadcon la cual estamos obligados a vivir. A nivelacadémico esto ha mostrado visos claros. Algunosautores de ambos bandos y con un soporteargumentativo bastante débil (Mendoza, 2012;Trentmann, 1998) han aprovechado la inherentefalencia conceptual de gran parte de estos discursosde economía política para reforzar susideologizados argumentos. Y consecuentementecon esto, dentro del discurso encaminado aatacar el libre mercado por cualquier medioposible, académicos y políticos han incurrido enla tendencia de compilar dentro de una especiede saco teórico conceptos como la reduccióndel Estado, la filosofía del neoliberalismo einstituciones como el FMI y el Banco Mundial,bajo el supuesto de que todos se encuentran encompleta armonía y acuerdo. Esta tendencia depensamiento está sustentada por el conceptode colonización interna del sociólogo mexicanoPablo González Casanova (Kahl 1988). A esteinmenso e indigerible potaje conceptual se leconoce actualmente bajo el nombre de Consensode Washington. Sin embargo, si se analiza concuidado cada uno de estos elementos, con facilidadse puede encontrar que entre todos estosconceptos, en algunos casos, existe una relaciónmuy débil y, en algunos otros, incluso, hay clarascontradicciones. El presente artículo tiene laintención de poner un poco de claridad sobreeste tema por medio de una revisión histórica yteórica sobre tres conceptos que han generadouna gran polémica dentro del continente. Coneste objetivo, primero se harán algunas consideracionesconceptuales, después se revisará lahistoria del FMI, luego se revisará el supuestoactual que se tiene sobre la reducción del Estado y se establecerá su relación con el pensamientoneoliberal –principalmente de su mayor promotor,Milton Friedman– y su idea original sobrela no intervención. Acto seguido, se revisará lahistoria del Consenso de Washington y se haránlas comparaciones correspondientes entre lostres elementos por medio una tabla comparativa.Al final, se presentarán algunas conclusiones.

The Mediterranean fruit fly (Ceratitis capitata, Wiedemann; Diptera: Tephritidae) is regarded as one of the most destructive insect pests worldwide. It was first detected in Mexico (border with Guatemala) in 1977 after it had spread throughout the Central American region. By 1982, using an area-wide IPM approach that included the Sterile Insect Technique, the Moscamed Program, established by the federal governments of Mexico, Guatemala and USA, succeeded in eradicating the pest from the areas it had invaded in Mexico. Recurrent pest entries in the form of transient detections and out­breaks continue to occur in the southern-most States of Mexico bordering Guatemala. The pest free area status is maintained by eradication actions whose effectiveness is verified by an extensive and intense surveillance network including 24,760 traps. In terms of the International Plant Protection Convention (IPPC), the Mediterranean fruit fly pest status can be defined for most of Mexico as "Pest Absent" (i.e., no records of the presence of the pest confirmed by surveys in 28 States of the 32 States) and as "Pest Transient" (i.e., pest entries that do not result in establishment after applying appropriate phytosanitary measures for their eradication) for the southern border States of Chiapas, Tabasco and Campeche, and for the northern border State of Baja California. The very significant investment that the Government of Mexico has made in the Moscamed Program for over 30 years has been extremely cost-effective (benefit-cost ratio of 112 to 1), when compared to the multi-billion dollar horticultural industry that has developed during this period. In addition through the years, the program engaged its own scientists and scientists in a number of countries and organizations in innovation and optimization of important technologies. These include production techniques for an only male genetic sexing strain, emergence towers, aerial release machines, organic targeted insecticide baits, long lasting bait stations, Phase IV traps and female biased attractants, and use of global positioning systems for data analysis and forecasting and for routing aerial releases. These tools have led to increased program effectiveness and have been adopted in many countries. ResumenLa mosca del Mediterráneo (Ceratitis capitata, Wiedemann; Diptera: Tephritidae) es considerada como una de las plagas más destructivas en el mundo. Fue detectada por primera vez en México (en la frontera sur con Guatemala) en 1977, una vez que se había dispersado por toda la región Centroamericana. En 1982, utilizando un enfoque de MIP en áreas amplias incluyendo la técnica del insecto estéril, el Programa Moscamed, establecido por los gobiernos de México, Guatemala y Estados Unidos de América, fue exitoso en erradicar a la plaga de las áreas que había invadido en México. Entradas de plaga recurrentes en la forma de detecciones y brotes transitorios ocurren en los estados del sur de México fronterizos con Guatemala. El estatus libre de plaga se mantiene a través de acciones de erradicación cuya efectividad es verificada por medio de una extensiva e intensiva red de vigilancia que incluye 24,760 trampas. Utilizando la terminología de la Convención Internacional de Protección Fitosa­nitaria (CIPF), el estatus de plaga de la Mosca del Mediterráneo se puede definir para la mayor parte de México como "Plaga Ausente" (i.e. los sistemas de vigilancia confirman la ausencia de plaga en 28 de 32 estados) y como "Plaga Transitoria" (i.e. entradas de plaga que no resultan en establecimiento después de la aplicación de medidas fitosanitarias para su erradicación) para los estados fronterizos en el sur incluyendo Chiapas, Tabasco y Campeche y para Baja California estado fronterizo en el norte. La inversión tan significativa que el gobierno de México ha realizado en el Programa Moscamed por más de 30 años ha sido altamente rentable (tasa beneficio-costo de 112 a 1), cuando se compara con la industria hortofrutícola multimillonaria que se ha desarrollado durante este tiempo. Adicionalmente, a través de los años el programa involucró a sus propios investi­gadores así como a investigadores en otros países y organizaciones en innovación y optimización de importantes tecnologías. Se incluye técnicas de producción para una cepa genética de solo machos, torres de emergencia para moscas adultas, máqui­nas de liberación aérea, insecticida cebo de origen orgánico, estaciones cebo de larga duración, trampas Fase IV y atrayentes sesgados hacia captura de hembras, uso de sistemas de posicionamiento global para análisis de datos y predicciones y para la liberación rutinaria de moscas estériles. Estas herramientas han permitido un incremento en la efectividad del programa y han sido adoptadas en muchos países. View this article in BioOne