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Why do new parties continue emerging and attracting votes in new democracies? Does the duration of the democratic regime facilitate party system stabilization? With original data on legislative elections in fifteen East European countries (1990–2004), this article shows that new party entry is more likely when the cost of entry is low, the benefit of office is high and the perceived level of electoral viability is high. Support for new parties is influenced by the extent of disappointment with existing parties. Further, while the number of new parties decreases gradually as democracies age, the support for new entrants follows no clear unidirectional pattern across time.

In this article, we examine the extent to which the influence of external efficacy on support for populist parties is conditional on the degree to which a populist party is an established player in a given party system. We do so using a two-step regression approach that allows us to investigate the varying effect of external efficacy in a multilevel setting. Making use of data on 23 European Union member states, we empirically demonstrate that the nature of support for populists varies depending on the extent to which these parties are established actors in their national party systems. This is true for Western and Eastern European populist parties. These findings make an important contribution to the broader literature on the success and survival of populist parties. They indicate that these parties do not keep up their image as radical opponents of the national political establishment the more they become electorally successful and join government coalitions.

The paper introduced here focuses on the particularities of Lithuanian political parties' discourse on European integration. The questions which this paper seeks to answer are: how much 'Europe' actually figures into parties' national election manifestos and what parties says about the nature of the European polity and the policy objectives to be implemented by the EU? The results of the analysis show that, although in principle there is a support to the European integration, political parties follow the logic of instrumental rationality containing strategic actions and specific domestic interest implementation in the united Europe. These contradictions may lead to the inconsistencies of party politics toward European integration.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.16.3.19344 ; Straipsnyje analizuojamos Europos integracijos idėjos 2016 m. Seimo rinkimų programose. Remiantis kiekybine turinio analize ir politinio diskurso analize, straipsnyje siekiama atsakyti į kelis klausimus: kiek partijos skiria dėmesio europinei tematikai rinkimų metu? kokiais argumentais ir požiūriais partijos konstruoja eurointegracijos idėjas? ką joms reiškia narystė ES? Tyrimo rezultatai parodė, kad, nors partijos išreiškė paramą Europos integracijai, dominavo instrumentalus požiūris į eurointegracinius procesus, nes narystė ES vertinama teigiamai tada, kai atitinka vidaus ir užsienio politikos interesus. Tos eurointegracinės politikos sritys, kurių įgyvendinimas neatitinka nacionalinių interesų arba susijęs su nacionalinės tapatybės klausimais, vertinamos neigiamai ir gilesnei integracijai europiniu lygmeniu nėra įsipareigojama. Šie partijų požiūriuose atsiskleidę prieštaravimai ateityje gali sąlygoti neatitikimus partijoms formuojant ir įgyvendinant sprendimus Europos integracijos atžvilgiu.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.16.3.19344

For maintaining the existence and preservation of natural resources, in this case namely the Provincial Government of South Kalimantan has organized a groundwater conservation program. However, this policy must in accordance with the provisions of Islamic teachings because this district is inhabited by the majority of the Muslim community. The research aims to describe the overview of groundwater conservation policy in the Provincial Regulation of South Kalimantan Number 5 of 2018 on Groundwater Management and an ecological fiqh perspective on the groundwater conservation policy. This study uses the literature study method with a normative juridical approach. Its' legal material is the Provincial Regulation of South Kalimantan Number 5 of 2018 on Groundwater Management and other related regulations. The results showed that the groundwater conservation policy in South Kalimantan was carried out with three programs, namely: groundwater protection and preservation, groundwater conservation and groundwater conservation, and determination of groundwater conservation zones. The policy is implemented by involving community participation. The groundwater conservation policy of South Kalimantan Province in terms of Ecological Jurisprudence is a form of embodiment of the teachings of environmental wisdom that can strengthen intellectual and spiritual aspects, including the concept of monotheism.

In this, the first major treatment of party identification in twenty years, three political scientists assert that identification with political parties still powerfully determines how citizens look at politics and cast their ballots. Challenging prevailing views, they build a case for the continuing theoretical and political significance of partisan identities.The authors maintain that individuals form partisan attachments early in adulthood and that these political identities, much like religious identities, tend to persist or change only slowly over time. Scandals, recessions, and landslide elections do not greatly affect party identification; large shifts in party attachments occur only when the social imagery of a party changes, as when African Americans became part of the Democratic Party in the South after the passage of the Voting Rights Act. Drawing on a wealth of data analysis using individual-level and aggregate survey data from the United States and abroad, this study offers a new perspective on party identification that will set the terms of discussion for years to come

This article traces the contours of emerging social science research on the resolution of civil conflict, which has been one of the more prevalent threats to sustainable peace since the Cold War. We present findings from our own research on the design of peace agreements and civil conflict, by first examining whether more elaborate and comprehensive agreements are also more effective, then by looking at the effect of intervention on civil war peace agreement design over the years 1975 to 2011. Results suggest that elaborate and comprehensive agreements are not as effective as one would suspect. Further, interventions by third parties do indeed impact agreement structure in predictable ways. We then recount how this research brought us into conversation with other political scientists whose work addresses vital elements of civil conflict resolution. We conclude with an introduction to the special issue that aims to bring scholars and practitioners together in one forum to examine and improve civil war peace processes.

AbstractTomboy Tools is a company that markets tools and home‐repair techniques to women, using a home party sales model. This provides an interesting case to consider how traditional gendered domains can be transcended, and how they are reshaped to allow this to happen. Drawing on participant observation and interviews with consumers, salespeople, and executives of Tomboy Tools, this paper draws on Collins' (2004) theory of interaction ritual chains to explore the microstructures and ritual dynamics of these home parties. Our analysis reveals how both new and more traditional feminine practices and scripts are idealized and reinforced within the collective effervescence that is generated through the shared ritual experience. We examine how women critically interpret the tensions and contradictions that arise in the symbolic representations that seem to support both female empowerment and traditional feminine stereotypes. This leads to varying meanings among the women with respect to the artifacts and sales rituals presented, for their implications on gender identity and politics.

Lance Paul Larsen v. The Hawaiian Kingdom. At <http://www.pca-cpa.org>.Permanent Court of Arbitration Tribunal, February 5, 2001.In Larsen v. The Hawaiian Kingdom Lance Paul Larsen, a resident of the state of Hawaii, sought redress from the Hawaiian Kingdom for its failure to protect him from the United States and the State of Hawaii. The parties, who agreed to submit their dispute to arbitration by the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), shared similar goals and wished the Arbitral Tribunal (Tribunal) to address the question of the international legal status of Hawaii.

Aiming to evaluate a macro-level association of vaccination rate as well as booster vaccination rate with the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in the United States and Japan, a cross-sectional study was conducted using data in each jurisdiction. Data on the total number of people who were fully vaccinated as of the end of December 2021, data on the total number of people who have received a booster dose as of the end of March 2022 and data on the cumulative number of confirmed COVID-19 cases were obtained from the website of the national governments. A generalized regression model was used to examine the association. This study showed that a higher vaccination rate was associated with a lower number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per year in 2021 for both the United States and Japan. The number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per 1000 population per year (95% confidence intervals) as a 1% increment of the vaccination rate was −0.74 (−1.29, −0.20), p = 0.007 for the United States and −1.48 (−1.95, −1.00), p < 0.0001 for Japan. A similar association was observed for the booster vaccination rate in 2022, although the association was attenuated in a multivariable model, particularly for the United States. This study provided macro-level evidence that vaccination may reduce the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases.

Aiming to evaluate a macro-level association of vaccination rate as well as booster vaccination rate with the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in the United States and Japan, a cross-sectional study was conducted using data in each jurisdiction. Data on the total number of people who were fully vaccinated as of the end of December 2021, data on the total number of people who have received a booster dose as of the end of March 2022 and data on the cumulative number of confirmed COVID-19 cases were obtained from the website of the national governments. A generalized regression model was used to examine the association. This study showed that a higher vaccination rate was associated with a lower number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per year in 2021 for both the United States and Japan. The number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per 1000 population per year (95% confidence intervals) as a 1% increment of the vaccination rate was −0.74 (−1.29, −0.20), p = 0.007 for the United States and −1.48 (−1.95, −1.00), p < 0.0001 for Japan. A similar association was observed for the booster vaccination rate in 2022, although the association was attenuated in a multivariable model, particularly for the United States. This study provided macro-level evidence that vaccination may reduce the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases.