Suchergebnisse

У статті надано аналіз соціального змісту та форм соціальної активностісучасного українського соціуму. Акцентовано увагу на ціннісному контексті соці-ального діалогу як прояву соціальної активності, що регулює відносини між соціальними групами. Зроблено висновок, що в період соціальних невизначеностей ефективна (конструктивна) соціальна взаємодія між соціальними групами, що мають можливості та бажання активно впливати на суспільні процеси, приводить до становлення нових соціальних відносин, які впливають на прогресивне реформування структурної організації суспільства, виступають обов'язковою умовою стабільності соціуму і знижують його потенційну соціальну конфліктогенність. ; The article presents an analysis of social content and forms of social activity of modern Ukrainian society. Social activity can be defined as the systematic actions of aimed at each other, and are intended to be in response to the expected behavior. The process of effective social activity involves not only «dialogue» between social groups differently aware of their responsibility and involvement in solving social problems may be a factor in preventing social conflicts, but the «form» of this dialogue. Today in Ukrainian society there are three basic variations (forms) of social activity – consent (in the form of a voluntary commitment to social realities); involvement (in the form of opportunities for free expression of ideas, but mainly these thoughts are perceived only as «social background»); part (as a concerned social actors implementing their ideas in action). The dominance in society some form of social dialogue and character causes, dynamics, direction, spatial and temporal boundaries of social activity. Social dialogue as a «consent» describes a state of social interaction in society when certain socially oriented situations and processes (political, economic, cultural, ideological, ethnic, etc.), members of society actively, though unconsciously, act according to the interests of others in the illusory trying to pursue their own interests (in other words, bring himself to sacrifice). «Inclusion» (in the form of free expression of ideas stakeholders in enhancing social dialogue that may or may not influence the course of social events) as a form of social dialogue suggests that social community, which relate to certain events of social reality had to opportunity to openly discuss these issue and should have been eligible to vote (influence) to finally solve them. «Participation » (in the form of democracy stakeholders) as a form of social dialogue mean a process of social activity where all stakeholders in solving social problems agree on the terms of influence on the course of social events and openly take joint decisions. In other words, this form of dialogue presupposes social groups who not only have the desire, ambition, latent motives, but also able to take responsibility for the evolution of social reality. This social practice of social dialogue characterizes formation of public consciousness more understanding, perception (attitude) to the concept of «responsibility to society». The attention is focused on the value context of social dialogue as a manifestation of social activity, regulating relations between social groups. The conclusion is that an effective (structural) social interaction between social groups that have the ability and desire to actively influence social processes, leads to the emergence of new social relations in the period of social uncertainty. These relationships influence on the progressive reform of the structural organization of society, are the prerequisite for the stability of society and reduce its social conflict potential. ; В статье представлен анализ социального содержания и форм социальной активности современного украинского социума. Акцентируется внимание на ценностном контексте социального диалога как проявления социальной активности, регулирующего отношения между социальными группами. Делается вывод о том, что в период социальных неопределенностей эффективное (конструктивное) социальное взаимодействие между социальными группами, имеющими возможность и желание активно влиять на общественные процессы, приводит к становлению новых социальных отношений, которые влияют на прогрессивное реформирование структурной организации общества, выступают обязательным условием стабильности социума и снижают его потенциальную социальную конфликтогенность.

ABSTRACT In the past three years (2012-2015), several repressive law amendments have been introduced in Russia, focusing on controlling the civil activism. "Foreign Agent Law" (2012) on Russian NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), the adoption of a federal "Homopropaganda" law (2013) and, most recently, a law on "Undesired NGOs" (2015), have contributed the most to the hostile attitudes towards civil society, namely LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, trans-gender, queer and intersex) movement. These law amendments together with a growing and professionalizing LGBTQI movement have gained attention both in Russia and beyond its borders. This thesis investigates the LGBTQI movement's differing methods of trying to raise awareness among fellow-citizens. People who are active in the movement negotiate the ways of taking part in the LGBTQI movement in St Petersburg within the movement and under the restrictive policies towards LGBTQI activism. Not only do these negotiations concern domestic questions but they also have a global character, as participants modify different ways of participating in activism to fit the local circumstances. In addition, Soviet history has a key role in both explaining today's civil activism and LGBTQI movement in Russia but moreover in understanding the repressive policies. The data were collected during the years 2013-2015. I have employed ethnographic research methods by interviewing, observing and being a participant-observer within the local LGBTQI movement. In addition, my data consists of my field diary and the LGBTQI activists' blog writings. LGBTQI people are marginalized in public rhetoric which has turned public actions highly political and similarly suppressed some of the social aspects of it aside. At the same time, LGBTQI activists argue these to be the most important motivations for their actions. Combining private life with public activism has become one the biggest challenge for the participants and a debate within the local LGBTQI movement. Taking part in the movement has turned not only a fight for democracy but also a fight for more modern Russia. Participation in the movement include large value-based questions of loyalty, devotion and individual needs. TIIVISTELMÄ Viimeisten kolmen vuoden aikana (2012-2015) Venäjällä on asetettu voimaan useita kansalaisyhteiskuntaa rajoittavia lakeja. Erityisesti "Foreign Agent" -laki, "Homopropaganda" -laki sekä viimeisimpänä laki "ei-toivotuista" järjestöistä ovat lisänneet negatiivisia asenteita ja toimia sekä järjestöjä että yksilöitä kohtaan. Lait ovat samalla nostaneet HLBTQI-henkilöiden (homoseksuaalien, lesbojen, trans-suokupuolisten ja inter-sukupuolisten) oikeuksia ajavat järjestöt erityisen tarkkailun kohteeksi. Tutkielmani tarkastelee pietarilaisen HLBTQI-liikkeen jäsenten neuvotteluja toimintatavoistaan muuttuvassa ja haastavassa toimintaympäristössä heidän pyrkiessään lisäämään kansalaisten tietoisuutta seksuaali- ja sukupuolivähemmistöistä sekä heidän oikeuksistaan. Tutkin lisäksi liikkeen sisäisiä määrittelyjä sopivista toimintakeinoista samalla kun poliittinen keskustelu ja päätöksenteko siirtävät toimintamuotoja laittoman toiminnan piiriin. Tässä ilmapiirissä yksityiselämän ja julkisen aktivismin yhdistämisestä on tullut monelle HLBTQI-liikkeeseen osallistuvalle yhdeksi suurimmista haasteista. Liikkeeseen osallistuvat pyrkivät lisäksi uudelleenmuotoilemaan toimintatapoja, jotta ne soveltuisivat paremmin paikalliseen ja muuttuvaan toimintaympäristöön. Tässä yhteydessä neuvostohistorialla on olennainen rooli sekä tämän päivän kansalaisaktivismin että HLBTQI-henkilöiden oikeuksia rajoittavan päätöksenteon selittämisessä. Keräsin tutkielmani aineiston vuosina 2013-2015 hyödyntäen etnografisia tutkimusmenetelmiä kuten haastattelua, havainnointia sekä olemalla itse osallistuva havainnoija paikallisessa HLBTQI-liikkeessä. Lisäksi aineistoani ovat HLBTQI-aktivistien blogit sekä oma kenttäpäiväkirjani, jota kirjoitin Venäjällä ollessani. Lisäksi valokuvasin erilaisia kulttuuritapahtumia, suosittuja tapaamispaikkoja ja mielenilmauksia. Uusien toimintakeinojen luominen, julkisen aktivismin politisoituminen sekä jännittynyt ilmapiiri vaativat henkilökohtaista sitoutumista liikkeeseen. Liikkeeseen osallistuminen on taistelua demokratian mutta myös modernimman Venäjän puolesta. Samanaikaisesti emigroituminen on todellinen vaihtoehto joillekin toimintaan osallistuville. Liikkeessä toimiminen sisältääkin laajoja arvopohjaisia kysymyksiä, jotka koskevat lojaaliutta, omistautuneisuutta sekä yksilöllisiä tarpeita.

Esta pesquisa analisou historicamente o discurso de gerentes gerais (GG) de atendimento (GA) e de câmbio (GC) de três Bancos públicos e dois Bancos privados, tendo como objetivo verificar a trajetória profissional, com enfoque nas relações entre subjetividade, trabalho e gênero. As novas formas de trabalho na contemporaneidade têm exigido excelência, qualificação constante e uma profissional multiqualificada, "patroa" de si, quadro que adquire intensidade quando se realiza um recorte analítico de gênero. Nos bancos a participação das mulheres nos cargos superiores vem crescendo, principalmente na função gerente. A partir de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com vinte e duas gerentes, delimitadas dentro do contexto histórico e espacial específico foi possível analisar como elas lidam com o trabalho em suas respectivas áreas e como enfrentam as dificuldades. Os dados foram analisados através da técnica da análise do discurso de Michel Foucault. O estudo apresenta os conceitos de trabalho como práticas sociais a partir das experiências vividas e de relações de gênero como ferramentas políticas e de poder revelando as complexidades presentes nas relações sociais de produção no mundo capitalista contemporâneo. O trabalho adquire novos contornos a partir da análise de três momentos da vida profissional das gerentes: entrada no banco, o trabalho atua como função produtiva e simbólica, como meio de sobrevivência e projeção social e econômica, no momento de afirmação na carreira bancária, o trabalho coaduna com as funções anteriores e se apresenta com um poder disciplinar transformando as gerentes em trabalhadoras regradas e produtivas e o momento da consolidação como gerente, onde já incorporaram os modos de objetivação e a política do banco e através das experiências que afloram na vida, as gerentes ultrapassam as regras estabelecidas e o trabalho atua constituindo novos modos de ser e agir. ; This research examined the historical discourse of general managers (GG) service (GA) and exchange (GC) of three public banks and two private banks, aiming to verify the career, focusing on relations between subjectivity, work and gender . New forms of work in contemporary excellence and have required constant qualification and a professional multi skilled "boss" himself, "mistress" of yourself, picture that acquires intensity when it performs an analytical approach gender. Banks in the participation of women in senior positions is growing, especially in the function manager. From semi-structured interviews with twenty-two managers, bounded within the historical context and specific spatial parse how they handle the work in their respective areas and how they face difficulties. Data were analyzed using the technique of discourse analysis of Michel Foucault. The study introduces the concepts of work as social practices from the experiences and gender relations as political tools and power revealing the complexities present in the social relations of production in the contemporary capitalist world. The work acquires new characteristics from the analysis of three moments in the life of professional managers: check at the bank, the work serves as a productive function and symbolic as a means of survival and social and economic projection, on a bank statement, work well with the previous functions and is presented with a disciplinary power in transforming managers and workers productive and ruled moment consolidation as a manager, where he has incorporated the modes of objectification and the policy of the bank and through the experiences that arise in life, the managers go beyond the rules established and work acts constituting new ways of being and acting.

Violent conflicts related to tribal-political differences have characterised the Kenyan society since the declaration of multi-party democracy in 1991. The 2007/8 post-election violence (PEV) in particular resulted in the displacement of many Kenyans. Scattering of families saw some children losing months or years of schooling with others permanently excluded from education, while the participation and achievement of those arriving in school was characterised by complex needs and experiences. This PhD study explored pupil and teacher perceptions of the learning and development needs of conflict-affected children in one primary school in Kenya. In particular, this study sought to understand how school leadership practice was developed and leadership roles negotiated, in order to meet pupils' needs and develop an inclusive ethos. The study addressed the connection between leadership, inclusion and post-conflict education. A single intrinsic case study with aspects of ethnography was undertaken adopting an interpretive approach. Sixteen pupils (9–12 year-olds) shared their views of their learning and development needs through two activities. The headteacher, deputy, senior teacher and six teachers were interviewed (n=9) and asked to reflect on the challenges they experienced in addressing pupils' needs. Their perceptions of the roles for school leadership were sought, and observations of their everyday practices were conducted in classrooms, assemblies and school ceremonies. Data from these interviews, observations, texts-on-walls, and pupils' activities were thematically analysed. The participants identified the following as pupils' learning and development needs: access to, acceptance in, and predictability of their new school; 'peer-connectedness', social development, and social inclusion. Children emerged as active agents in their own education, combating adversity through supportive peer relationships. Eurocentric and African perspectives on leadership, and Davies' (2004) work on education and post-conflict reconstruction were particularly useful in making-sense of how leadership unfolded in practice. Three areas of educational reconstruction in particular were identified as significantly underpinning leadership roles: i) reconstruction of leadership structures allowed shared leadership which facilitated the meeting of pupils' needs at different levels; ii) reconstruction of relationships targeted repairing children's emotional, social and moral distortion, and iii) reconstruction of learning cultures encouraged collaborative learning initiatives that improved academic standards. The study found that the connection between school leadership and inclusion in post-conflict schools can be understood along three themes. The first is 'post-conflict conflict'. I have used this term to reflect that the cessation of overt tribal violence, coupled with movement of pupils into this new settlement ushered in a new phase of conflict for pupils, teachers, schools and their communities. Schooling was characterised by poverty, fragmented/mobile families, distorted social values associated with post-election atrocities, alongside, structural barriers linked to government and sponsor-related needs. Second, 'connectedness': while societal fragmentation produced divisions, fear and suspicion of 'others', reversing the situation required school leadership to foster social connectedness. Finally, 'Africanised school leadership': fostering connectedness required enlisting communal responsibility and mutuality in undertaking emerging roles, thus, employing aspects of local indigenous heritage. The study contributes to knowledge in the emerging field of educational leadership in post-conflict settings (Clarke and O'Donoghue, 2013) whilst addressing the less investigated connection between teachers, leadership and inclusive education (Edmund and Macmillan, 2010), particularly in post-conflict circumstances. The research is timely in informing leadership programs that the government of Kenya is advancing e.g. in decentralising decision-making (MOE, 2012b/c) and, re-alignment to its obligations in the IDP Protocol of the Great Lakes Pact (Kigozi, 2014). Recommendations are made for policy, practice and further research. The conclusion to my study argues for a reconceptualisation of school leadership practice beyond single-leader paradigms, whilst revisiting prioritisation of roles for school leadership, especially, towards fostering inclusiveness in the conflict-prone Kenyan society.

The author specifies the tendencies of the modern society development, which are globalization, integration, internationalization and demographic instability. The tendencies require from a man, who lives in a fast changing world, an ability to find and make independent decisions, to take responsibility for the actions, to apply the necessary competences in the professional area for increasing own competitiveness. The paper pays attention to the necessity of developing lifelong learning, which is formulated and fixed in the National educational doctrine of the Russian Federation up to 2025, Concepts of long-term socioeconomic development of the Russian Federation up to 2020, and Concepts of the Federal law "On education in the Russian Federation", where necessity of conditions for "participation in lifelong learning" is specified and emphasized. Education is one of the social substructures and, therefore, it is considered as a social institution. The content of lifelong learning is a factor of society and its transfer from one stage to another one. Development and functioning of lifelong learning is determined by economic, political, social, cultural and other factors and conditions of the society. Generally, education is defined as formation of man in the image and likeness. The sources of the concept "education" go back to the early Middle Ages, they are connected with the concept "image". Beginning with the Renaissance, when a man became a value, education has been considered as a way of a man's self-development. Education combines teaching and up-bringing (self-education) as internalization of social values (standards, rules, traditions and commandments), shared by all its members. The connection of teaching and up-bringing is inseparable. "Both teaching and up-bringing are unbreakable, - L. N. Tolstoy pointed out, - it is impossible to bring up without imparting knowledge, and all the knowledge has upbringing influence" [1, p. 109]. Education (being, managed from outside by self-education, otherwise, by building the image of "I") can be considered in three interrelated aspects, which assume educational system, educational process, and individual or collective result of the process (if we speak about the education of a concrete person, his/her accomplishments). ; Тенденции развития современного общества - глобализация, интеграция, интернационализация, демографическая нестабильность - требуют от человека, живущего в быстро меняющемся мире, умения самостоятельно находить и принимать решения, брать ответственность за свои поступки, обладать необходимыми компетенциями в профессиональной сфере деятельности для повышения своей конкурентоспособности. Потребность в развитии непрерывного образования зафиксирована в Национальной доктрине образования Российской Федерации до 2025 года, Концепции долгосрочного социально-экономического развития Российской Федерации на период до 2020 года, в Концепции проекта федерального закона «Об образовании в Российской Федерации». В этих документах отмечается необходимость создания условий «для обеспечения участия в непрерывном образовании».Образование является одной из социальных подструктур общества, и поэтому рассматривается как социальный институт. Содержание непрерывного образования - индикатор состояния общества, перехода от одной его стадии к другой. Развитие и функционирование непрерывного образования обусловлено экономическими, политическими, социальными, культурными и другими факторами и условиями существования общества. Образование традиционно определяется как создание человека по образцу и подобию. Истоки понятия «образование» находятся в раннем Средневековье, они связаны с понятием «образ». Начиная с эпохи Возрождения, когда человек становится ценностью, образование рассматривается как способ его саморазвития. Образование объединяет обучение и воспитание (самовоспитание) как интернализацию ценностей общества (нормы, правила, традиции, заповеди), разделяемых всеми его членами. Связь обучения и воспитания нерасторжима. «И воспитание, и образование неразделимы, - подчеркивал Л. Н. Толстой, - нельзя воспитывать, не передавая знаний, всякое же знание действует воспитательно» [1, с. 109]. Образование (будучи, в сущности, управляемым самообразованием, иначе говоря, построением образа «Я») может рассматриваться в следующих взаимосвязанных планах: как образовательная система, как образовательный процесс, как индивидуальный или коллективный (совокупный) результат такого процесса (если речь идет об образовании конкретного человека - его образованности).

Fragmentation and a large variety in search of one's own hyperindividuality is anchored in symbolic creativity of an individual who constantly forms its own unique identity. The search for new, blending, selecting, and the pursuit of "the new" mixes here with mirages and employing the existing subcultural assets, giving a new postmodern quality. As a result, the individual, a postmodern participant of rap subculture, both in Poland and Ukraine, is trying to distinguish oneself from others, interpret oneself in opposition to the mainstream and, based on one's own experience, rebel against the world. Lack of approval for the reality emerges as acts of rebellion, which often comes down to aesthetic codes, symbols and signs characteristic of rap subculture. It is, however, a protest rather than rebellion since it does not involve behavioral activity, but it is verbalized by defining the status quo. People identifying with rap subculture have a multitude of sources of individual, cultural and social identity. Both their system of values and lifestyle, through participation in selected forms of subcultural activities, clothing, and accessories, are closely related to the perception of the world by such persons. Young people often identify themselves with different subcultures at the same time. Belonging to several subcultures shows multiple subcultural identities of respondents and confirms the dissertation's hypothesis. Rap jargon is rich and broadens the vocabulary of contemporary language. Adapting the subcultural lexis is closely connected with identifying oneself with a group. Thinking in terms of specific subcultural categories and interpretation of reality is not indifferent to the individual's life motivations and accomplishments. For the identity of the individual is emphasized by the usage of social dialect and knowledge of slang words. Rebellious attitude is directed primarily at people and objects, rarely abstract phenomena. Strong ties with the US, where rap has originated, are visible primarily in lexical layer of both Poles and Ukrainians. Selective bilingualism is adapted to the socio-political reality and current problems of the country. To the same extent it helps to explain and imposes its own way of seeing and interpreting the real world. Interviews with respondents indicate that rap language evokes emotions and leads to reflection on the world around us. Events that trigger rebellion in the fatalistic, full of self-centeredness rap lyrics are injustice, inequality, power, lack of prospects and limitations. Defiance makes sense only if it is a group action. The biggest problem worrying the respondents is low standard of living. However, for the Polish people unemployment, as well as hypocrisy, poverty and lack of prospects for the future are more disturbing. The Ukrainians on the other hand dread corruption, lack of prospects for the future, injustice and politicians. Key values for Poles are love, health, friendship, freedom and respect. Ukrainians cherish friendship, health, self-fulfillment, freedom and love. The essence of this subculture is expressed in the language of rap since the content of the songs incorporates the key message inspired by stimuli of the surrounding world characteristic of this youth movement. Language of this transfer specifies the ontology by means of which people identifying with the rap subculture describe their world, not discarding the sovereignty of another man, their affiliation with another subculture, or their favorite kind of music. It must therefore be concluded that rebellion and protest against the reality in the lyrics of rap, which takes a fatalistic form is the result of problems with multiple and unstable identity.

The project focused on the emergency management systems in the five Nordic countries. It investigated whether local social services have a formal role in the contingency planning of the systems. The project was part of The Nordic Welfare Watch research project during the Icelandic Presidency Program in the Nordic Council of Ministers 2014-2016. The council financed the project. The main findings show that Finland, Norway and Sweden specifically address the role of social services in times of disaster in their legal frameworks on emergency management. Finland and Norway also address the role in the law on social services. In Sweden, the role is more implicit as the social service act applies regardless of circumstances. All countries expect all authorities to make a contingency plan. This means that even if the law in Denmark and Iceland does not address the roles of social services, the services are legally obligated to make contingency plans. Furthermore, Finland, Norway and Sweden have prepared special guidelines on contingency planning for social services. In recent years the Nordic countries have all faced disasters due to natural, technical and man-made hazards. The frequency of such disasters is on the rise according to forecasts. In order to enhance resilience and preparedness of those most vulnerable in disasters, the involvement of local social services in the emergency management system is of vital importance. The literature shows how social services can enhance social and human investment, the citizen's economic participation and political empowerment. Furthermore, the literature shows that the co-operation between social services and the voluntary sector during the emergency and recovery phases is crucial, and the Red Cross is usually the largest voluntary organization providing social services during disasters in all the countries. The following recommendations build on the results of the project. Their purpose is to make the Nordic Welfare States more resilient and better prepared for future challenges. • There is a need to share knowledge on how to increase the involvement of social services in all phases of emergency management. The guidelines for social services' contingency planning and their plans should be shared across the Nordic countries and among various actors on the state, regional and local levels. This task could also be implemented under the umbrella of the Svalbard Group. • There is a need to make the role of social services known in the emergency management systems, so that the relevant parties can activate the full potential of social services in all phases of the disaster cycle. It is likewise important to inform the social services of emergency management law and organization in order to facilitate effective co-operation in the event of disaster. • It is important to address the role of emergency management in the education of social workers and social carers and enhance disaster research in the social sciences. • It is important to create opportunities for the social services to prepare for future disasters. It is also important to include the social services in emergency management exercises. The exercises might also be extended in scope in order to cover all phases of disasters. Nordic countries could share exercise scenarios involving tasks for the social sector and make use of scenarios already developed. • The Nordic Council of Ministers and the Nordic Welfare Center (NVC) should address social sector preparedness issues. Social sector preparedness cooperation should be enhanced under the umbrella of the Nordic Council of Ministers (Svalbard Group) and collaborate closely with the Haga-process. Such high-level co-operation enhances regional and local level co-operation.

En esta tesis se analiza la construcción de la identidad cultural, a partir de los rasgos culturales, las costumbres y rituales asociados con la tradición del son de huapango en la Sierra Gorda queretana. A la vez se estudian los mecanismos de permanencia, reproducción social y cultural de los músicos huapangueros así como los factores de carácter cultural, político y económico presentes en este estilo musical, y la manera en que se transmite y se difunde tanto en comunidades de la Sierra Gorda, como en espacios urbanos del estado de Querétaro. Uno de sus principales exponentes es el municipio de San Joaquín, el cual constituye el eje para la etnografía que sustenta esta tesis. Este género musical se muestra como un elemento que distingue culturalmente a la población de la región huasteca, a la vez que la posiciona a nivel nacional e internacional, no solamente por la música, sino por el baile asociado a ésta, por lo cual lo se ubica como un componente de identidad y cohesión social en la región. El estudio incluye el rol que desempeñan las familias de huapangueros así como otros actores partícipes en la difusión y reproducción del huapango así como las estaciones de radio y televisión y las nuevas tecnologías en información y comunicación. En la transmisión y aprendizaje de este son hacia las nuevas generaciones operan elementos de educación informal y formal, en los espacios familiar e institucional, respetivamente. Por esta razón, se considera que tiene asegurada su permanencia y continuidad, tanto por las formas en las que se recrea en la región y fuera de ésta, como por las ventajas que representa el acceso a las nuevas tecnologías en información y comunicación (TIC¿S), incluyendo la participación en redes sociales amplias. ; This thesis analyzes the construction of cultural identity as it is derived from the cultural characteristics, customs and rituals associated with the tradition of huapango-style music in the Sierra Gorda mountains of the state of Querétaro. It also studies the mechanisms of permanence, social and cultural reproduction of the huapango musicians themselves, the cultural, political, and economic factors present in the phenomenon, and the manner in which it is transmitted and diffused throughout communities in the Sierra Gorda mountains as well as urban centers of the state of Querétaro. One of its main exponents is the municipality of San Joaquin which is the main ethnographical source supporting this thesis. It shows that this musical genre is an element that distinguishes culturally the inhabitants of the Huastec region, positioning it at national and international levels, not only because of the music, but also for the accompanying dance, and forming a component of identity and social cohesion in the region. The study covers the role played by the families of musicians and other participating actors in the dissemination and replication of huapango, such as, radio stations and television, and new information and communication technologies. In the transmission and learning of the huapango-style music to new generations, elements of both informal and formal education are involved in familial and institutional spaces, respectively. As a result, it is proposed that this musical genre¿s permanence and continuity is ensured, because of the manner in which it is recreated both within the region and outside it, as well as, the advantages provided by access to new information and communication technologies (ICT), including participation in wider social networks.

Историография заграничного похода русской армии 1813-1814 гг. традиционно затмевалась героическим 1812 г. Очень мало опубликовано исследований, посвященных проблемам кампании 1813-1814 гг. На сегодняшний день темы, связанные с заграничным походом, в силу своей значимости для российской истории становятся актуальными. Поэтому важно проследить то, как они освещались в отечественной историографии и на какие аспекты кампании 1813-1814 гг. обращали большее внимание. ; The subject of historiography on the foreign campaign of the Russian army of 1813-1814 was traditionally eclipsed by the heroic events of the previous year. The Russian historical science shows more interest in the historiographical research on the problems of the war of 1812. Works analyzing the campaign of 1813-1814 are few in number. The foreign campaign of 1813-1814 led to large changes in the European world order. For decades Russia became one of the leading European powers. The Napoleonic wars gave rise to many kinds of legends, served as the basis for the formation of the key Russian historical myths. Being closely related to historiography, historical myths began to form the state historical policy. Today, topics associated with the foreign campaign of the Russian army in 1813-1814, because of their importance for the Russian history, are relevant. In this regard, it is necessary to trace how the domestic historical science covered the event and what aspects of the 1813-1814 campaign receive more attention. The first time researchers addressed the historiography on the foreign campaign of the Russian army of 1813-1814 was during the celebration of the centennial of the Patriotic War. The monograph of S. Kartsov and K. Voensky Prichiny voyny 1812 goda [Causes of the War of 1812] and the article by V. Alexeyev "Otechestvennaya voyna v russkoy istoricheskoy literature" [Patriotic War in Russian Historical Literature] were first attempts of periodization and analysis of the historiography of the 19th century. During the Soviet period of the Russian historical science, there was no summary research on the foreign campaign of 1813-1814. The development of historiography of the 1812 era was influence by the political situation. During a long period, the work of historians was focused on the creation of a negative image of the enemy. They saw a prevailing reactionary significance in the foreign campaign. Moreover, the participation and the role of Alexander I were reduced to a minimum. The Russian army and the talented commanders won the war. Special attention was given to Kutuzov. However, researchers turned to the historiographical issues of the foreign campaign of 18131814 in the context of the history of the War of 1812 and foreign policy of Russia at the beginning of the 19th century. The works of L. Beskrovny, N. Troitsky, B. Abalikhin and V. Dunaevsky are representative in this respect. At the present stage, Russian historians turned to the experience of historiography of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, as well as to the western historiographical tradition of studying the Napoleonic wars. The authors of a number of papers, not specifically devoted to the historiographical issues, feel the need to pay attention to the historiography of certain moments and aspects of the era of 1812. For the first time there began a discussion on the Napoleonic wars in regular scientific conferences devoted to the era of 1812. Despite the availability of a sufficient number of works, there is no coherent work on the historiography of the foreign campaign of the Russian army of 1813-1814.

В статье рассматриваются актуальные причины, способы и механизмы влияния экономических элит на демократическую политическую власть. В качестве наиболее яркого примера автор обращается к опыту Соединенных Штатов Америки страны, активно пропагандирующей важность практического претворения в жизнь демократических ценностей. Проведенные американскими учеными в 2013-2015 гг. исследования показывают, что интересы большинства граждан кардинальным образом расходятся с устремлениями финансово состоятельной «верхушки» общества, составляющей около 1% населения страны, а возможность влияния среднестатистических американцев на политиков при этом практически отсутствует в силу недостаточности у них как финансовых ресурсов, так и личных связей. В связи с этим современный порядок вещей позволяет все больше увеличивать разрыв между богатыми жителями и остальным населением, который уже достиг исторического максимума и оставил около 47 млн американцев за чертой бедности. Автором анализируются данные статистики, опросов и научных исследований за последние несколько лет, что позволяет оценить сложившуюся в стране ситуацию «де-юре» и «де-факто». На основании полученных данных сделаны выводы о несоответствии декларируемого и практически осуществляемого демократического порядка, а также выявлены способы, позволяющие обеспеченным гражданам воздействовать на публичные органы власти. Это не только общеизвестная практика финансовой поддержки избирательных кампаний в обмен на лояльность кандидата, но и создание малоизвестных комиссий и совещаний с участием финансовых элит, дающих рекомендации органам власти; представителей крупного бизнеса в президентских собраниях; возможности личного взаимодействия экономических элит и политиков.По мнению автора, все это свидетельствует о развитии опасной тенденции по превращению государства из социально ориентированного образования в рыночно ориентированного актора мировой политики, главной целью которого является экономическая прибыль. ; In this article the timely causes, methods and mechanisms of the influence of economic elites on the democratic political power are examined. As the most glaring example, the author refers to the experience of the United States the country that actively promotes the importance of practical implementation of democratic values. Studies, which were conducted by the American scientists in 20132015, however, show that the interests of the majority of citizens are fundamentally at odds with the aspirations of the financiallywealthy "elites" of the society, which is about 1% of the population. Also there is virtually no possibility of influence on the American politicians by the average citizens, as they don't have both financial resources and personal connections. Due to the fact, this order of things provokes disparity between rich people and the rest of the population, that has already reached a historic highest point and left about 47 million of Americans below the poverty line.The author analyzes the statistics, surveys and researches were taken in the past few years, which allows to evaluate the situation in the country both "de jure" and "de facto". Then the conclusions of non-compliance of the declared democratic order and practically implemented are drawn, and also the ways which allow the economic elites to influence the public authorities are identified. It is not only the well-known practice of financial support of election campaigns, but also the lesser-known creation of commissions and meetings with the financial elites, giving the guidance to the authorities; the participation of representatives of business in the presidential meetings; opportunities of personal interaction between the economic elites and politicians.In general, this article, in the author's opinion, is an argument in favor of a dangerous trend of turning the government from a socially oriented formation in a market-oriented actor in world politics, whose main objective is to get an economic profitability.

У статті, на основі низки джерел, показані деякі моменти з історії участі Івана Федоровича Драча у боротьбі за незалежність України у роки перебудови. Саме Іван Драч був першим, хто відкрито направив потік національної свідомості на курс незалежності. Метою даного дослідження є бажання науково підтвердити, чому І. Драча історики називають «батьком» Руху. Для цього автор виділяє сім основних причин. Таким чином доводиться і вирішальний вплив НРУ на чолі з І. Ф. Драчем на політичну ситуацію в УРСР кінця 1980-х — початку 1990-х років, що стало одним з основних чинників набуття Україною незалежності. На перших Всеукраїнських зборах Руху його обирають головою, а його фраза «У Русі моя зупинка «Незалежність» стала крилатою, та одночасно — виразником бажань усієї патріотичної української інтелігенції того часу. А на других та третіх зборах у своїх звітних доповідях, особливо «Рух і утвердження української демократичної незалежної держави» Іван Драч остаточно переконав представників Народного Руху взяти непохитний курс на досягнення державної незалежності України. Період за домінуючою роллю в створенні Народного Руху і діяльності Драча, який очолював його спочатку один, а починаючи з третіх Всеукраїнських зборів, з Михайлом Горинем і В'ячеславом Чорноволом, автор символічно називає Івано-Федорівським. ; В статье, на основе ряда источников, показаны некоторые моменты из истории участия Ивана Федоровича Драча в борьбе за независимость Украины в годы перестройки. Именно Иван Драч был первым, кто открыто направил поток национального сознания на курс независимости. Целью данного исследования является желание научно подтвердить, почему историки называют И. Драча «отцом» Руха. Для этого автор выделяет семь основных причин. Таким образом доказывается и решающее влияние НРУ во главе с И. Ф. Драчем на политическую ситуацию в УССР конца 1980 х — начала 1990-х годов, что стало одним из основных факторов получения Украиной независимости. На первом Всеукраинском собрании Руха его избирают председателем, а его фраза «В Рухе моя остановка «Независимость» стала крылатой, и одновременно — выразителем желаний всей патриотической украинской интеллигенции того времени. А на вторых и третьих сборах в своих отчетных докладах, особенно «Движение и утверждение украинского демократического независимого государства» Иван Драч окончательно убедил представителей Народного Руха взять непреклонный курс на достижение государственной независимости Украины. Период с доминирующей ролью в создании Народного Руха и деятельности Драча, который возглавлял его сначала один, а начиная с третьих Всеукраинских сборов, с Михаилом Горынем и Вячеславом Чорновилом, автор символически называет Ивано-Федоровским. ; The article, based on a number of sources, showing some moments of history Ivan Drach participation in the struggle for Ukraine's independence during the restructuring. It was Ivan Drach was the first to open stream sent on a course of national consciousness of independence. The aim of this study is the desire scientifically prove why Ivan Drach historians call «father» of the Movement. To this end, the author identifies seven major reasons. And thus have a decisive influence Rukh (People's Movement of Ukraine) led by І. F. Drach on the political situation in the USSR of the late 1980s — early 1990s, which was a major factor in the independence of Ukraine. At the first national meeting of the Movement was elected head of his phrase «In Rukh my stop» Independence «became airborne, and at the same time — the mouthpiece of patriotic desires of all Ukrainian intelligentsia of the time. And in the second and third meetings in their annual report, especially the «movement and establishment of independent democratic Ukrainian state» Ivan Drach finally convinced the representatives of the People's Movement to adamant course to achieve the independence of Ukraine. The period for the dominant role in the creation of the People's Movement and of Drach, who led his first one and starting from the third nationwide meeting with Michael Goryn' and Vyacheslav Chornovil, the author symbolically calls Ivano-Fedorivs'kyi.

El presente trabajo describe la vinculación que Joaquín Jordá mantuvo con su pasado a través de la película El encargo del cazador; un pasado marcado por su participación en la Escuela de Barcelona, su paso por la Escuela Oficial de Cine (EOC) y su militancia política. Para ello, se abordan sus trabajos como realizador, desde los años 60 hasta la filmación de El encargo del cazador, con el objetivo de trazar su evolución como director y el proceso que desarrolló hasta crear un estilo propio que luchará a contracorriente con sus trabajos previos. En segundo lugar, y a través de la figura de Jacinto Esteva, protagonista de El encargo del cazador, se ha descrito la unión especial que existió entre Jordá, la Escuela de Barcelona y la gauche divine. Ambos mantuvieron una amistad durante los años 60 y, tras el fallecimiento de Esteva, Jordá recuperó la memoria de su compañero y la del grupo al que había pertenecido filmando El encargo del cazador. Gracias a este reencuentro con su pasado, Jordá pudo reconstruir la imagen de este grupo y separarse de él, desmitificando aquella Escuela de Barcelona y reedificando, al mismo tiempo, la imagen de Jacinto Esteva a través de la última etapa de su vida. Por último, se han buscado las causas de este cambio atendiendo al contexto cinematográfico en el que apareció la película para evidenciar una transformación en la tendencia documental que se vivía en España, transformación de la que formó parte El encargo del cazador, y que buscó el cambio en la reflexión acerca del cine, su historia y sus procesos.Palabras clave: cine español, documental, Joaquín Jordá, Jacinto Esteva, El encargo del cazador, Escuela de Barcelona. AbstractThis paper explores the links that Joaquín Jordá sustained with his past through the film El encargo del cazador; a past marked by his participation in La Escuela de Barcelona, his time at the city's Escuela Oficial de Cine (EOC) and his political militancy. It does so by examining his work as a filmmaker from the 1960s until the filming of El encargo del cazador, in order to trace his evolution as a director and the development of a unique style that challenged his previous work. Secondly to this, and through engagement with the figure of Jacinto Esteva, the protagonist of El encargo del cazador, this piece examines the special relationship that existed between Jordá, La Escuela de Barcelona and la gauche divine. Jordá and Esteva maintained a friendship during the 1960s and, after the death of Esteva, Jordá sustained the memory of his friend and la gauche divine by filming El encargo del cazador. Thanks to this engagement with his past, Jordá was able at once to rebuild the image of this group and dissociate himself from it, demystifying La Escuela de Barcelona and rebuilding, at the same time, the image of Jacinto Esteva through the representation of the last phase of his life. Lastly, the reasons for these shifts are explored by considering the cinematic context in which the film was created, in order to put in evidence a transformation in documentary trends in Spain at that time; a transformation of which El encargo del cazadorwas a part, and which sought change via reflection upon cinema itself, its history and its processes.Keywords: Spanish cinema, documentary film, Joaquín Jordá, Jacinto Esteva, El encargo del cazador, Escuela de Barcelona.

В статье указывается, что право на свободу совести и вероисповедания относится к первому поколению прав права политические и гражданские (личные). В связи с этим данное право является естественным, оно воспринимается многими лицами как абсолютное и неограниченное. Поэтому ограничение данного права продиктовано необходимостью защиты прав и свобод других лиц, а также безопасности государства, что также отражено в международных и отечественных правовых актах. Отмечается, что для большего контроля государственными органами за нетрадиционными для Российской Федерации вероисповеданиями необходимо выработать криминологически обоснованные выводы и руководствоваться ими для запрета определенного вероисповедания. В настоящее время эти государственные органы испытывают ряд трудностей, что приводит, во-первых, к неэффективному государственному и социальному контролю, а во-вторых, к нарушению реализации права на свободу совести и вероисповедания. Обращается внимание на тот факт, что, начиная с 90-х гг. XX в., в России наблюдается духовно-нравственный кризис общества. Рассматриваются психологические факторы, способные оказать влияние на вступление лица в адепты нового религиозного течения в России. Акцентируется внимание, что наименование ст. 239 «Создание некоммерческой организации, посягающей на личность и права граждан» УК РФ не соответствует ее содержанию. Поэтому нами предлагаются два пути решения коллизии: 1) изменить наименование статьи УК РФ следующим образом: «Создание либо участие в религиозном, общественном объединении или некоммерческой организации, посягающей на личность и права граждан»; 2) исключить из ч. 1 данной статьи УК РФ деяние, переведя его в иную статью УК РФ и внеся при этом соответствующие изменения в ч. 3 действующей ст. 239 УК РФ. ; In article authors specified that the right to liberty of conscience and religion concerns to the first generation of the rights the right political and civil (personal). In this regard this right is natural, many persons perceive it as absolute and unlimited. Therefore restriction of this right is necessary because of need of protection of the rights and freedoms of other persons, and also safety of the state that is also in the international and domestic legal acts. Authors noted that for bigger control by public authorities of religions, nonconventional for the Russian Federation, it is necessary to develop criminological valid conclusions and to be guided by them for the ban of a certain religion. Now these public authorities experience a number of difficulties that leads, first, to inefficient state and social control, and secondly, to violation of realization of a right to liberty of conscience and religion. Authors paid attention to that fact that, since 90s of the XX century, in Russia there is spiritual and moral crisis of society. Authors considered the psychological factors capable to exert impact on the introduction of the person in adherents of a new religious trend in Russia, focused the attention that the name of Art. 239 «Creation of the non-profit organization encroaching on the personality and the rights of citizens» of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation does not correspond to its contents. Therefore authors offered two solutions of a collision: 1) to change the name of the article of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation as follows: «Creation or participation in religious, public association or the non-profit organization encroaching on the personality and the rights of citizens»; 2) to exclude act from p.1 in this article of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, having transferred it to other article of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation and having made at the same time corresponding changes in the 3rd part of existing Art. 239 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation.

Развитие информационной и телекоммуникационной инфраструктуры и высоких технологий является характерной чертой современного общества. Информационная сфера становится неоъемлемым компонентом экономики страны, активно влияет на состояние политической, экономической, оборонной и других составляющих безопасности Российской Федерации. Одновременно с процессами информатизации происходит формирование новых угроз информационной безопасности личности, общества, государства. Требования к специалистам в области информационной безопасности высоки, сегодня нужны кадры нового поколения, способные быстро адаптироваться к постоянно изменяющимся угрозам информационной безопасности, обладающие высоким уровнем профессиональной компетентности. Совершенствование системы подготовки специалистов, работающих в сфере информационной безопасности, относится к первоочередным задачам государственной политики. Сформулированы базовые принципы обеспечения высокого качества подготовки специалистов в области информационной безопасности, которые предусматривают активное взаимодействие с работодателями сферы информационной безопасности, ориентацию образовательного процесса на динамичные изменения угроз, синхронизацию с потребностями региона, создание инновационной образовательной среды вуза. В качестве перспективных путей повышения эффективности образовательного процесса предложены прогрессивные подходы комптентностный и инновационный. Компетентностный подход усиливает практикоориентированность образования, подчеркивает роль опыта, умений практически реализовать знания, определяет в качестве результата образования формирование компетенций. Развитие научно-исследовательской и инновационной деятельности рассматривается как основа фундаментализации образования, как неотъемлемая составляющая часть подготовки кадров, основа реального участия вуза в процессах модернизации экономики. Сформулированы педагогические условия, реализация которых обеспечит качественную подготовку специалистов в области информационной безопасности. Приоритетным направлением повышения качества подготовки является организация научно-исследовательской и инновационной деятельности в сфере информационной безопасности. Реализация предложенных педагогических условий способствует обеспечению высокого качества подготовки специалистов в области информационной безопасности, формированию профессиональной компетентности и мотивационно-ценностной включенности в инновационную деятельность. ; The development of information and telecommunication infrastructure and high technologies is a characteristic feature of modern society. The information environment becomes an integral component of the economy of the country, actively influence the state of political, economic, defense and other components of the security of the Russian Federation. Simultaneously with the processes of Informatization of the formation of new threats to information security of personality, society, state. Requirements to experts in the field of information security high, we need staff today new generation, able to adapt quickly to constantly changing threats to information security with a high level of professional competence. Improving the system of training specialists working in the field of information security, refers to the priorities of the state policy. Formulated the basic principles of providing high quality of specialists training in the field of information security, which include active cooperation with employers in the field of information security, orientation of educational process on the dynamic change of threats, out of sync with the needs of the region, creation of innovative educational environment of the University. As promising ways to improve the efficiency of the educational process proposed progressive approach would be to kompetentnostnyj and innovative. Competence-based approach enhances the practical orientation of education, emphasizes the role of experience, skills to practically implement the knowledge to solve problems, determines as a result of the formation of competences. The development of research and innovation is considered as the basis of fundamentalization of education, as an integral part of the training, the basis of real participation of the University in the process of modernizing the economy. Formulated pedagogical conditions, realization of which will ensure quality training of specialists in the field of information security. A priority is the organization of research and innovation in the field of information security. Implementation of the proposed pedagogical conditions contributing to high quality of specialists training in the field of information security, the development of professional competence and the motivational value of involvement in innovative activities.

Рассматриваются проблемы антикоррупционной активности общественных организаций в Латвии. Анализируются предпосылки формирования и основные компоненты международной и европейской антикоррупционной политики. В качестве методологической основы для анализа участия гражданского общества в антикоррупционной активности предложены концепции коллективного действия и модель универсализма партикуляризма, которые наиболее актуальны для анализа коррупции и антикоррупционной политики в странах Центральной и Восточной Европы. На примере деятельности латвийских организаций «Delna» и «Providus» показана история формирования антикоррупционного движения в этой стране и проанализированы лучшие практики и основные проблемы гражданского участия в борьбе с коррупцией. Автором статьи был проведен ряд интервью с представителями антикоррупционных организаций Латвии. В ходе теоретического и эмпирического анализа было выявлено, что страны с системным уровнем коррупции требуют комплексных и долгосрочных антикоррупционных стратегий. Особая роль в антикоррупционной активности принадлежит гражданскому обществу и, в частности, общественным антикоррупционным организациям. В их задачу входит повышение общественной осведомленности о коррупции и формирование коалиций с государством и бизнесом для успешного формирования антикоррупционных законов и институтов. Анализ антикоррупционной деятельности международных организаций Латвии в сотрудничестве с Бюро по предотвращению и борьбе с коррупцией показал, что за последние два десятилетия в Латвии были предприняты такие шаги, как борьба с преступными элитами и формирование антикоррупционных институтов. Антикоррупционным организациям Латвии также удалось продвинуться в вопросе влияния на властные органы и политические партии в процессе внедрения антикоррупционных инструментов и свержения коррупционных элит. Наиболее сложной проблемой представляется трансформация ценностей и мировоззренческих установок, что требует долговременных стратегий и совместных усилий властных структур и гражданского общества. Можно отметить успешность проведенных с участием общественных организаций реформ и внедрение антикоррупционных инструментов, предложенных международными организациями, в частности «Transparency International». ; The paper considers the nongovernment organizations' anticorruption activity in Latvia. The background of creating and basic components of international and European anticorruption policy are analyzed. As a methodological basis for the analysis of civil society involvement in anticorruption activity the conception of collective action and the model of "universalism particularism" have been chosen. These theories are the most appropriate for the analysis of corruption and anticorruption policy in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe. The history of anticorruption movement in Latvia is exemplified by activity of nongovernment organizations ("Delna" and "Providus"); the best practices and main problems of public participation in fighting corruption are analyzed. The author of the article performed a set of the interviews with the members of anticorruption organizations in Latvia. Theoretical and empirical analysis has shown that countries with system corruption need comprehensive and long-term anticorruption strategies. The civil society plays an important role to control corruption, especially anticorruption civil society organizations. Their aims include raising awareness about corruption and building coalitions with state and business organizations for successful installation of anticorruption laws and institutions. The analysis of the anticorruption activity of Latvian organizations' revealed that they passed some steps in collaboration with the Corruption Prevention and Combating Bureau in the last two decades such as fighting criminal elites and creating anticorruption institutions. Anticorruption organizations in Latvia also succeeded in influencing the authorities and political parties in the process of implementation of anticorruption instruments and dethroning corrupt elites. The most difficult problem is transformation of people's values and beliefs, which demands long-term strategies and joint efforts of the authorities' and civil society. It is important to note the success of the reforms which were carried out together with the civil society organizations and application of the instruments suggested by international organizations such as "Transparency international".