Suchergebnisse

Examines the basic morphology of political parties as organizations in modern democratic societies within the context of normative democratic theory. The internal structure of parties is analyzed in terms of different faces of parties, eg, in public office, on the ground, & party central offices. Statistical data are presented on changes in total party membership across 16 Western European countries, 1960-1999, & the economy of & incentives for party membership are discussed; divisions between leaders & followers & between those party members personally engaged in government & those who are not (parliamentary vs extraparliamentary) are considered. Party resources, budgets, & financing are also addressed. Tables. K. Hyatt Stewart

Data drawn from national surveys (total N = 431) carried out in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, & Hungary in 1994 were used to explain the difference in performance between political parties in the three countries. The Hungarian Socialist Party (HSP) is in government, the Slovak Party of the Democratic Left (PDL) has a stable vote of around 15%, & the Communist Party of Bohemia & Moravia is in decline. The positions of successor-party supporters are similar across the three countries in respect to economic issues; however, the perceptions of the parties' ideological position varies from extremist in the PDL to centrist in the HSP. These perceptions reflect national variations in economic preferences resulting from differing economic experiences. It is concluded that the future of the successor parties may depend more on the success of market transition than the historical ideology of the parties. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 1 Appendix, 19 References. J. Lindroth

En un momento en el que las redes sociales tienen un importancia fundamental en la comunicación en todos los contextos y en el que las posibilidades de difusión de información ya no se encuentran en manos de las empresas informativas de forma concentrada, a través de una metodología cuantitativa, la investigación analiza las estrategias de comunicación de los partidos políticos concurrentes a las elecciones de 2018 al Parlamento de Andalucía en Instagram, así como el papel de los periodistas y de los medios de información en cuanto al engagement obtenido, demostrando que tan sólo el partido VOX desarrolló una estrategia planificada a nivel nacional y que los periodistas individuales logran mayor difusión y generan más engagement que las empresas informativas. Por otro lado, cualquier mensaje en formato meme obtiene más difusión que cualquier otro tipo de mensaje. La investigación presenta como limitación el marco temporal, ya que se centra en una única campaña electoral. Se espera que futuros trabajos analicen nuevas campañas electorales de forma que se puedan refrendar las conclusiones aquí presentadas. ; Social networks are currently crucial to communication in all contexts and the possibilities for information dissemination are no longer concentrated in the hands of media companies. Hence, using quantitative methodology, the research analyses the communication strategies of the political parties participating in the 2018 elections to the Parliament of Andalusia (Spain) on Instagram, as well as the role of journalists and the media in relation to the engagement obtained. The results show that only the VOX party developed a nationally planned strategy and that individual journalists achieved higher dissemination and generated more engagement than news corporations. On the other hand, any message in meme format received the largest dissemination in comparison with other types of message. The time- frame imposed a limitation on the research as it focused on a single electoral campaign. It is expected that future papers will analyse new electoral campaigns so the conclusions presented here may be endorsed.

The objective of the research was to analyze the electoral marketing strategies used by the political parties participating in the electoral campaigns for the mayor of the city of Valledupar, Colombia, based on the government program of each of these organizations. It was descriptive, non-experimental, transactional, documentary and field type. As a collection technique, a questionnaire was applied to the 9 chiefs of political parties with a Likert scale validated by experts. The theoretical basis was based on Barrientos (2010), Montecinos (2007), Vilar (2012). The results showed a high level of development of the marketing mix in terms of product, price, place and promotion, being important to emphasize that the price despite being located at the high level, warrants a continuous adjustment of strategies to capture the vote In the different segments of the population, since on this depends the electoral success and, consequently, the implementation of the government program. ; La investigación tuvo como objetivo analizar las estrategias de mercadeo electoral utilizadas por los partidos políticos participantes en las campañas electorales a la alcaldía de la ciudad de Valledupar, Colombia, basados en el programa de Gobierno de cada una de estas organizaciones. Fue de tipo descriptiva, no experimental, transeccional, documental y de campo. Como técnica de recolección se aplicó un cuestionario a los 9 jefes de partidos políticos con escala Likert validado por expertos. La fundamentación teórica se basó en Barrientos (2010), Montecinos (2007), Vilar (2012). Los resultados demostraron un nivel alto de desarrollo de la mezcla de mercadeo en cuanto a producto, precio, plaza y promoción, siendo importante destacar que el precio a pesar de ubicarse en el nivel alto, amerita un ajuste continuo de las estrategias para captar el voto en los diferentes segmentos de la población, ya que de ello depende el éxito electoral y en consecuencia, la puesta en práctica del programa de gobierno.

El artículo explora las relaciones entre el estatus politico de las estructuras del presupuesto participativo (PP) y el perfil asociativo de los representantes de la sociedad civil en cuatro experiencias brasileñas. Nuestro foco es considerar la ubicación de la coordinación del PP en el gobierno municipal, las características de su consejo y la afiliación partidaria de los consejeros de la sociedad civil. Los resultados muestran que cuanto más alto es el estatus político del PP en la Administración Local, el consejo es más disputado y ocupado por representantes afiliados al partido político en el poder. Es decir, se produce un conflicto donde los grupos más organizados dirigen sus estrategias de ocupación del espacio político hacia el PP. ; The article explores the relationships between the political status of coordinating structures of participatory budgeting (PB) and the associative profile of civil society representatives in four Brazilian experiences. Our focus is to take into consideration the location of the coordination office of PB within the municipal government, the characteristics of the PB Council and the party affiliation of civil society councilors. The results show that the higher political status of PB at local government the more the council will be fought over and occupied by representativesaffiliated to the incumbent political party. That is to say, a conflict occurs where the most organized groups channel their strategies to occupy the political space towards the PB.

In 2015, a new party called Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah) was formed following the departure of progressive Islamists from the Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), leaving the latter to be a party dominated by conservative Islamists. Much of the groundwork for the formation of Amanah took place in Malaysia's southern state of Johor. A prominent Johor PAS activist, Mazlan Aliman, was among the first to propagate the idea that a new, progressive platform needed to be formed. This eventually led to the "Bakri Declaration" which forms the basis for the establishment of Amanah. Working in the Pakatan Harapan national opposition coalition, Amanah is eyeing for around a third of the state legislative assembly seats in Johor. It has potential in constituencies with mixed-ethnicity voter demographics, especially those with 30-45 per cent Chinese voters. Johor PAS is badly affected by the crossing over of a sizeable portion of their active members and leaders to Amanah. In the next election, it is likely that PAS will be decimated in the state if it refuses to partner with any other mainstream parties.