Suchergebnisse

© 2015 Macmillan Publishers Limited. Ruminant livestock are important sources of human food and global greenhouse gas emissions. Feed degradation and methane formation by ruminants rely on metabolic interactions between rumen microbes and affect ruminant productivity. Rumen and camelid foregut microbial community composition was determined in 742 samples from 32 animal species and 35 countries, to estimate if this was influenced by diet, host species, or geography. Similar bacteria and archaea dominated in nearly all samples, while protozoal communities were more variable. The dominant bacteria are poorly characterised, but the methanogenic archaea are better known and highly conserved across the world. This universality and limited diversity could make it possible to mitigate methane emissions by developing strategies that target the few dominant methanogens. Differences in microbial community compositions were predominantly attributable to diet, with the host being less influential. There were few strong co-occurrence patterns between microbes, suggesting that major metabolic interactions are non-selective rather than specific. ; We thank Ron Ronimus, Paul Newton, and Christina Moon for reading and commenting on the manuscript. We thank all who provided assistance that allowed Global Rumen Census collaborators to supply samples and metadata (Supplemental Text 1). AgResearch was funded by the New Zealand Government as part of its support for the Global Research Alliance on Agricultural Greenhouse Gases. The following funding sources allowed Global Rumen Census collaborators to supply samples and metadata, listed with the primary contact(s) for each funding source: Agencia Nacional de Investigación e Innovación, Martín Fraga; Alberta Livestock and Meat Agency, Canada, Tim A. McAllister; Area de Ciencia y Técnica, Universidad Juan A Maza (Resolución Proy. N° 508/2012), Diego Javier Grilli; Canada British Columbia Ranching Task Force Funding Initiative, John Church; CNPq, Hilário Cuquetto Mantovani, Luiz Gustavo Ribeiro Pereira; FAPEMIG, Hilário Cuquetto Mantovani; FAPEMIG, PECUS RumenGases, Luiz Gustavo Ribeiro Pereira; Cooperative Research Program for Agriculture Science & Technology Development (project number PJ010906), Rural Development Administration, Republic of Korea, Sang-Suk Lee; Dutch Dairy Board & Product Board Animal Feed, André Bannink, Kasper Dieho, Jan Dijkstra; Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Vahideh Heidarian Miri; Finnish Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, Ilma Tapio; Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria, Argentina (Project PNBIO1431044), Silvio Cravero, María Cerón Cucchi; Irish Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, Alexandre B. De Menezes; Meat & Livestock Australia; and Department of Agriculture, Fisheries & Forestry (Australian Government), Chris McSweeney; Ministerio de Agricultura y desarrollo sostenible (Colombia), Olga Lucía Mayorga; Montana Agricultural Experiment Station project (MONB00113), Carl Yeoman; Multistate project W-3177 Enhancing the competitiveness of US beef (MONB00195), Carl Yeoman; NSW Stud Merino Breeders' Association, Alexandre Vieira Chaves; Queensland Enteric Methane Hub, Diane Ouwerkerk; RuminOmics, Jan Kopecny, Ilma Tapio; Rural and Environment Science and Analytical Services Division (RESAS) of the Scottish Government and the Technology Strategy Board, UK, R. John Wallace; Science Foundation Ireland (09/RFP/GEN2447), Sinead Waters; Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Desarrollo Rural, Pesca y Alimentación, Mario A. Cobos-Peralta; Slovenian Research Agency (project number J1-6732 and P4-0097), Blaz Stres; Strategic Priority Research Program, Climate Change: Carbon Budget and Relevant Issues (Grant No.XDA05020700), ZhiLiang Tan; The European Research Commission Starting Grant Fellowship (336355—MicroDE), Phil B. Pope; The Independent Danish Research Council (project number 4002-00036), Torsten Nygaard Kristensen; and The Independent Danish Research Council (Technology and Production, project number 11-105913), Jan Lassen. These funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. ; Peer Reviewed

This article discusses actions taken by the international community, through the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (opcw) and the Security Council, about the threat that represents the fact that a Statelike Syria possess and used chemical weapons against its population as a violent reaction of the government of Syria, violating the most fundamental rules and principles of international law and international humanitarian law. However, we must recognize that on this occasion it was able to achieve a unanimous consensus among the members of the Security Council to impose a process of destruction of chemical weapons, materials and accessories that has the government of the Republic of Syria, through the Security Council Resolution 2118, avoiding to resort to the sanctions referred in the chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, prevailed by this way the international law and keep a military invasion off in Syria, a situation that was considered by the government of the United States ; Este artículo analiza las acciones tomadas por la comunidad internacional, a través de la Organización para la Prohibición de las Armas Químicas (opaq) y del Consejo de Seguridad sobre la amenaza que representa el hecho de poseer y, sobre todo, de usar armas químicas en contra de la población, como una reacción enérgica por parte del gobierno de Siria, violando las normas y principios más elementales del derecho internacional y del derecho internacional humanitario. Hay que reconocer que en esta ocasión se pudo lograr un consenso unánime entre los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad para imponer un proceso de destrucción de las armas químicas, materiales y aditamentos que posee el gobierno de la República de Siria, mediante la Resolución del Consejo de Seguridad 2118, sin tener que recurrir a las sanciones mencionadas en el capítulo VII de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, por lo que imperó el derecho internacional. Como podrá observar el lector, las acciones en conjunto tomadas tanto en el seno del Consejo de Seguridad, por la opaq, como en el consenso llevado a cabo entre Rusia y los Estados Unidos obligaron al gobierno de Siria a comprometerse a aceptar lo estipulado en la Convención sobre Armas Químicas, y se evitó de esta manera que se realizara una invasión militar a Siria, situación que empezaba a ser considerada por el gobierno de los Estados Unidos. ; L'article analyse les actions prises par la communauté internationale, à travers l'Organisation pour l'interdiction des armes chimiques (OIAC) et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, concernant la menace que représente le fait de posséder des armes chimiques et, surtout, de les utiliser contre la population, dans le chef des autorités syriennes, violant ainsi les normes et principes les plus élémentaires du droit international et du droit international humanitaire. En cette occasion -il faut le souligner- les membres du Conseil de sécurité sont parvenus à un consensus unanime pour imposer un processus de destruction des armes chimiques (équipements, matériaux et stocks) que possède le gouvernement de la République de Syrie, à travers la résolution 2118 du Conseil de sécurité (2013), sans avoir à recourir aux sanctions internationales prévues au chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations unies ; le droit international a donc prévalu. L'article souligne le fait que les actions conjointes prises au sein du Conseil de sécurité, à travers l'OIAC, et dans l'accord passé entre la Russie et les États-Unis, ont obligé le gouvernement syrien à s'engager à accepter les dispositions de la Convention sur les armes chimiques, et qu'ainsi on a évité la réalisation d'une intervention militaire en Syrie, option alors envisagée par le gouvernement des États-Unis.

Around the world violence against women is rooted in many different ways of discrimination, inequality and oppression interrelated and deeply linked to patriarchal power. This is a persistent problem and unacceptable phenomenon. Violence against women is a consistent pattern of explotation, domination and power. Gender discrimination is the cause of violence against women, social norms and gender stereotypes come to perpetuate this phenomenon. Because of the impact that violence has on women, all the efforts are focus principally on responses and services for survivors, but the best way to avoid gender violence is trying to prevent its origins and root causes. This paper explain various factors that has influence in violence and insecurity against women and their experiences of prevention and protection of local networks is performed, taking into account the socioeconomic reality, politics, public participation and fulfillment of rights. Additionally, the problem of gender violence against women is studied because we are looking for an effective solution to this phenomenon. The impacts of violence reverberate through a different dimension, affecting the full exercise of their citizenship, socialization, solidarity and civic responsibility in general. Local authorities involved limitedly in the field of public safety, sectional organizations begin to design policies aimed at strengthening citizen participation on security. Besides that the government does not give an integral vision but a segmented is stablish, a real comprehensiveness will be at the same time that the crime faces , the citizenship keep building and implementing ways in order to prevent conflicts and violence will decline in these measures. To achieve this goal it is necessary that the central government and regional governments assigned enough resources to train justice instances involved in this issues, as well as the citizenship who must be aware of their important role in order to participate in the achievement of a life full of respect, equality and without discrimination. ; En todo el mundo la violencia contra la mujer es un fenómeno persistente, generalizado e inaceptable, arraigada en una multiplicidad de formas de discriminación, desigualdad y opresión relacionadas entre sí y profundamente vinculada al poder patriarcal. La violencia contra la mujer constituye un patrón constante de explotación, dominio y poder. La discriminación de género son las causas de la violencia contra las mujeres, las normas sociales y los estereotipos de género vienen a perpetuar este fenómeno. En vista de los efectos devastadores que la violencia tiene en las mujeres, los esfuerzos se han concentrado principalmente en las respuestas y servicios para las sobrevivientes, sin embargo la mejor manera de contrarrestar la violencia de género es prevenirla tratando sus orígenes y causas estructurales. Por tanto, en el presente trabajo se realiza un análisis de los factores que inciden en la violencia e inseguridad contra las mujeres y sus experiencias de prevención y protección de las redes locales, tomando en cuenta su realidad socioeconómica, política, participación pública y cumplimiento de derechos. Adicionalmente, se estudia el problema de la violencia de género contra la mujer ya que se busca una solución efectiva ante este fenómeno. Los impactos de la violencia se hacen sentir a través de una dimensión diversa, afectando el ejercicio pleno de su ciudadanía, la socialización, la solidaridad, la responsabilidad cívica en general. Los poderes locales intervienen limitadamente en el campo de la seguridad ciudadana, organismos seccionales que empiezan a diseñar políticas orientadas al fortalecimiento de la participación ciudadana en asuntos de seguridad se imponen en el gobierno este fortalecimiento se da no desde una visión integral sino más bien segmentada, la integralidad sería que al mismo tiempo en que se enfrenta a la delincuencia, la ciudadanía vaya construyendo e implementando instancias de prevención y que los conflictos de violencia vayan disminuyendo con estas medidas.

Kelompok Nelayan Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga adalah salah satu organisasi nirlaba yang tergabung dari anggota yang memiliki kesamaan tujuan. Keuangan kelompok nelayan ini masih sangat dipengaruhi oleh pemberi sumbangan. Untuk dapat memahami fenomena pengelolaan keuangan yang diterapkan oleh kelompok nelayan ini maka penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui : 1)Darimana saja sumber pendanaan kelompok Nelayan Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga, 2)Bagaimana pengelolaan keuangan kelompok Nelayan Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga, 3)Apakah pengelolaan keuangan kelompok Nelayan Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga telah mengikuti prosedur-prosedur akuntabilitas. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mendeskripsikan setiap persepsi dan perilaku yang diamati peneliti melalui observasi,wawancara mendalam dan dokumentasi. Adapun informan yang dipilih secara acak sebagaimana informan dianggap bermanfaat dalam menjelaskan fenomena yang diamati. Teknik analisis data yang dilakukan melalui tahapan reduksi data,penyajian data dan berakhir pada penarikan kesimpulan dengan kerangka teoritik yang telah ditetapkkan sebelumnya. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa: 1) Sumber pendanaan yang diterima oleh kelompok nelayan ini bersumber dari sumbangan pemerintah,sumbangan desa dan badan usaha setempat serta penerimaan tetap berupa jasa kepada tamu untuk melihat dolphin dan snorkling. 2) Pengeloaan keuangan yang dilakukan oleh kelompok nelayan ini yaitu dengan dipinjamkan kepada anggota untuk mensejahterakan anggotanya sesuai dengan persentase bunga yang ditetapkan oleh kelompok.3) Kelompok Nelayan Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga ini telah menerapkan prosedur-prosedur akuntabilitas seperti pengungkapan keuangan kepada intern kelompok dan pemberi sumbangan yang dilakukan konsisten tiap bulannya,aturan-aturan yang mengikat anggota dan pengurus dikelompok yang merupakan wujud pengendalian,tanggung jawab,dan kewajiban begitu juga dengan responsivesness yang dilakukan apabila terjadi permasalahan,maka kelompok akan memusyawarahkannya dalam sangkepan (pertemuan dalam kelompok). Kata Kunci : Akuntabilitas, Pengelolaan Keuangan, Organisasi Nirlaba The Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga Organization of Fishermen is one of the non government organizations whose members have the same objective. Its finance is still highly dependent on the donations given by donators. In order to understand the phenomenon of finance which is applied by this organization, this present study was intended to identify: 1) the funding sources of the Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga organization of fishermen; 2) how the finance of the Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga organization was managed; 3) whether the finance of the Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga organization of fishermen had been managed in accordance with the procedures of accountability. Qualitative method was employed in the present study, in which each perception and behavior was observed by the researcher through observation, in depth interview and documentation. The informants, who were supposed to be able to explain the phenomenon observed, were randomly chosen. The data were analyzed through data reduction, data presentation and conclusion drawing using the theoretical framework already determined. The results of the study showed that: 1) the funds received by the organization came from the donations donated by the government, the village and the local corporations, and the guests who regularly came to go snorkeling and watch dolphins. 2) The money which the organization had was also lent to the members to improve their welfare with an interest rate already determined by the organization. 3) The Dharma Samudra Tukadmungga organization of fishermen had applied the procedures of accountability. As illustrations, it monthly exposed its finance to its members and those who had given donations; the regulations which bound the members were workable; it controlled and was responsible for its finance; they were responsive when they had problems; they solved the problems amicably through meetings. keyword : Accountability, Financial Management, Non Government Organization

AbstractThis thesis discusses the problems associated with traditional market revitalizationempowerment of post-renovation market traders (Studies in Market Rose PontianakCity) .From the results of research using normative juridical legal research methods canbe concluded, that: Pontianak City Government has shown its support for therevitalization of traditional markets through market traditional. Revitalization is donenot only on the physical building, but also the management of traditional markets inways that more modern.Pasar Rose is one example of the traditional markets that havebeen revitalized by both the Government of Pontianak. Roses are not only revitalizedthe market physically, but also managed by the new governance and modern. Proved bythe existence of some form of public services penunjuang facilities and mentoringprograms. However, for the case of Roses Market, to consider complaints after therelocation market traders on the lonely visitors and decreasing turnover.In practice, theGovernment of Pontianak is located in a position that is a dilemma because on the onehand, Pontianak City Government wants to revitalize traditional markets that there is apotential source of revenue. However, on the other hand, the City does not havesufficient funds and a clear concept for the revitalization of the market, so it tends to becompromised by the developer as capital owners, who are many irregularities in theimplementation of the management of market regulation, for example, the failure of therevitalization of traditional markets, land use incompatibility and even conflict betweenthe old merchant with developer. Model revitalization of traditional markets should notonly focus on increasing revenue, but in favor of the interests of the wider community.Therefore, in the design of market management model needs to involve a wide range ofrelevant stakeholders, such as the Market Management Department, Public WorksDepartment, City Planning Office, the Department of Transportation, traditionalmerchant associations, developers, and so that the interests of each party can beaccommodated with the fair.Keywords: Revitalization of Traditional Market Traders Associated WithEmpowerment2AbstrakTesis ini membahas masalah revitalisasi pasar tradisional dikaitkan denganpemberdayaan pedagang pasca renovasi pasar (Studi pada Pasar Mawar KotaPontianak).Dari hasil penelitian menggunakan metode penelitian hukum yuridisnormative diperoleh kesimpulan, bahwa : Pemerintah Kota Pontianak telahmembuktikan dukungannya kepada pasar tradisional melalui kebijakan revitalisasi pasartradisional. Revitalisasi yang dilakukan tidak hanya pada fisik bangunan, tapi jugapengelolaan pasar tradisional dengan cara-cara yang lebih modern.Pasar Mawarmerupakan salah satu contoh pasar tradisional yang telah direvitalisasi dengan baik olehPemerintah Kota Pontianak. Pasar Mawar tidak hanya direvitalisasi secara fisik, tapi jugadikelola dengan tata kelola yang baru dan modern. Terbukti dengan adanya beberapafasilitas penunjuang berupa layanan umum dan program pendampingan. Namun khususuntuk kasus Pasar Mawar, perlu diperhatikan keluhan para pedagang pasca relokasi pasarmengenai sepinya pengunjung dan menurunnya omset. Dalam pelaksanaannya,Pemerintah Kota Pontianak berada dalam posisi yang dilematis karena di satu sisi,Pemerintah Kota Pontianak ingin merevitalisasi pasar-pasar tradisional yang adasebagai sumber PAD yang sangat potensial. Namun, di sisi lain, Pemerintah Kotatidak mempunyai dana yang memadai dan konsep yang jelas untuk revitalisasi pasar,sehingga cenderung bersikap kompromistis dengan pengembang sebagai pemilikmodal, sekalipun banyak terjadi penyimpangan dalam pelaksanaan Perda PengelolaanPasar, misalnya kegagalan revitalisasi pasar tradisional, ketidaksesuaian penggunaanlahan, bahkan konflik antara pedagang lama dengan pengembang.Model revitalisasipasar tradisional seyogianya tidak hanya berorientasi pada peningkatan PAD, tetapiberpihak pada kepentingan masyarakat yang lebih luas. Karena itu, dalam menggagasmodel pengelolaan pasar perlu melibatkan berbagai stakeholders yang terkait, sepertiDinas Pengelolaan Pasar, Dinas PU, Dinas Tata Kota, Dinas Perhubungan, asosiasipedagang tradisional, perusahaan pengembang, dan sebagainya agar kepentingan darisetiap pihak dapat terakomodasi dengan adil.Kata Kunci: Revitalisasi Pasar Tradisional Dikaitkan Dengan PemberdayaanPedagang

ABSTRACT The porpoise of this doctoral dissertation is to analyze the relationship between freedom of speech and government intervention in the Spanish radio and television during the first half of the 20th Century. The approach we decided focus on the consequences derived of the adopted juridical measures, specifically in the consolidation of the new status of the radio and television in the Spanish society. The transversal nature of the study has allowed us to complete the main juridical aspects with the implications in the broadcasting in general, including content control, censorship and ideological orientation. The action of the public authorities over the Spanish broadcasting has been always there, no matter the government political filiation. A profound distrust in the influence of the mass media on society had as a consequence an over control with the apparition of new instruments that constrict the speech freedom. By the end of the period covered in this dissertation, with the Franco government already consolidated, the available means the Ministry had and the set of regulations established, make quite impossible any broadcast emission uncontrolled. The studied now presented shows how the Law, sometimes, is used against the Freedom, although, before make a judgement, the historical evolution and the nature of the Spanish society must be taken into account. RESUMEN El estudio que aquí se presenta ha tenido como objetivo prioritario el análisis de la relación existente entre libertad de expresión e intervención estatal en la radiodifusión española durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Principalmente se ha tratado de orientar el análisis hacia la trascendencia generada por esa intervención estatal sobre el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión, advirtiendo que su contenido adquiere, precisamente por la aparición y consolidación mediática de la radiodifusión y la intensa intervención del Estado sobre ella, nuevos contornos hasta entonces no contemplados, positivos o negativos, en su dimensión garantista. La amplia perspectiva analítica transversal e interdisciplinar por la que se ha optado en esta memoria como apoyo a su prioritaria dimensión jurídica, ha tenido como consecuencia, tal como pretendía su objeto, lograr aportaciones novedosas que han proporcionado nuevos matices para el estudio de la intervención del Estado no solo en la radiodifusión sino extrapolables, en muchos aspectos, al sistema mediático en general. La relación interactiva entre las áreas normativas de intervención estatal (control de los medios, censura de sus contenidos y orientación ideológica) y su incidencia en las fases del proceso de comunicación radiofónica (descompuesto básicamente en las fases elaboración del mensaje, difusión y recepción) ofrecen nuevas opciones especulativas sobre el objetivo prioritariamente pretendido que ha sido, en definitiva, profundizar en las formas, contenido, efectos y consecuencias de esa intervención estatal sobre el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión a través de la comunicación radiofónica. La actuación de los poderes públicos sobre la radiodifusión española fue una constante mantenida desde el inicio de su actividad como medio de comunicación colectiva, cuyos efectos sociales y políticos siempre provocaron tal recelo en los gestores del Estado que, con independencia de su ideología, siempre optaron por su control, bien como medida preventiva en las situaciones de excepción constitucional, bien siguiendo los principios de los regímenes dictatoriales que gobernaron el país en las década de los veinte y de los cuarenta. Tanto los modos como los instrumentos de intervención radiofónica fueron depurándose paralelamente al desarrollo y consolidación de la radio como medio de comunicación de primer orden. Al final del período estudiado, con el régimen franquista en pleno fortalecimiento, apenas quedaban fisuras por donde pudiera escaparse cualquier actuación radiofónica no controlada, eliminando así cualquier atisbo de libertad de expresión.

Цель. Неустойчивость российской экономики и медленные темпы ее роста говорят, что государство не в полной мере выполняет свои базовые регуляторные функции в обеспечении конкуренции. При этом государство в нашей стране пытается широко участвовать в хозяйственной деятельности практически во всех отраслях. Сложившаяся модель управления экономикой получила название «ручного управления». В такой модели управления действенность эффективных методов регулирования конкуренции существенно снижена, что и обусловило актуальность изучения данных проблем. Научная новизна. В данной статье предложены аргументы в пользу новой модели управления экономикой, которая основана на совершенствовании регулирования конкуренции, внедрении методов управления рисками и развитии человеческого капитала в государственном управлении экономикой. Конкуренция означает, что производитель производит то, что продается, стимулы потребителя уравновешиваются его вознаграждениями. Конкуренция поддерживает эффективного собственника и устраняет из процессов обмена неэффективного. Результаты. Важно отметить, что за период после рыночных реформ система государственного управления претерпела три этапа развития. На первом этапе в 90годы система государственного управления характеризовалась потерей адекватной реакции на состояние общества и экономики, безоглядной верой в рыночные силы, снижением объемов производства, деиндустриализацией. При этом с положительной стороны следует отметить повышение уровня налогового администрирования. На втором этапе-нулевые годы, устойчивость государственного управления неуклонно повышалась, покончено с парадом суверенитетов, стала возрождаться система бюджетного и народнохозяйственного планирования, росли объемы производства, экспорт, доходы населения. На третьем этапе десятые годы текущего века, государственное управление экономикой исчерпало потенциальные ресурсы методов управления сырьевой моделью экономического роста. На сегодняшний день управление экономикой испытывает потребность в переходе на новые структуры и методы управления, соответствующие инновационной модели экономического роста. Прежде всего, это зоны опережающего развития, инновационные кластеры, инновационные центры. ; Purpose. The instability of the Russian economy and its slow growth rate indicate that the government does not fulfil its basic regulatory functions of ensuring competition. With this the government in our country is trying to widely participate in the economic activity in virtually all sectors. The current model of economic management has been named «manual control». In this management model, the efficiency of effective control methods of competition regulation is considerably lower. Scientific novelty. In the article the arguments in favor of the new model of economic management are proposed based on the competition regulation improvement, introduction of risk management practices and human capital development in public management of economy. Competition means that a manufacturer produces what is sold, consumer incentives are balanced with their rewards. Competition supports efficient owners and eliminates the inefficient ones from the exchange. Results. It is important to note that in the period following market reforms the public administration system has undergone three stages of development. At the first stage, in the 90-s, the public administration system was characterized by the loss of adequate response to the state of society and the economy, immense belief in market forces, reduced output, deindustrialization. At the same time improvement of tax administration should be noted from the positive side. At the second stage, in the 00-s, the stability of government has been steadily increasing, a parade of sovereignties was done away with, the system of budgetary and economic planning started to recover, production volumes, exports and incomes were growing. At the third stage the 10-s of the current century, public management of the economy depleted the potential resources of raw material management model of economic growth. To date, there is a need for economic management to transfer to the new structure and management methods relevant to the innovation model of economic growth. First of all, these are priority development zones, innovation clusters and innovation centers.

In the context of the Cold War, how PRC, a party-state in the socialist bloc, got along with France, a nation in the capitalist bloc? And what roles the PCF and French Maoists played between two countries? This thesis presents the ideological and realistic elements in Sino-French relations from 1949 to 1969.At first, these two countries were opposed in the Indochinese War and the Korea War. The official exchanges were broken. The PCF became the main bridge linking the two countries by its enterprises or associations, like the Association of Franco-Chinese Friendship.After the Geneva Conference, the bilateral relationship improved and some communication channels were created. But the American foreign policies and the Taiwan issue were still barriers. In this period, the PCF and its mass organizations also played important roles in the Sino-French relations. And the Chinese government appreciated the information and suggestions provided by the PCF. But the French government was alert to the ideological or political elements in the activities.In 1958, Charles de Gaulle returned to power, but he did not choose to recognize China immediately. And China adopted an indifferent attitude towards his government because of the ideological problems. Following the deterioration of relations between the PCF and the PCC and the resolution of the Algerian problems, the ideological roles that prevented the restoration of Sino-French relations were weakening.Although the bilateral relationships developed quickly after the establishment of Sino-French relations, the difficulties still remained. The Cultural Revolution and May 68 had a negative impact on their relations. Until the autumn 1968, the attitudes of the Chinese leadership toward France returned to normal.To sum up, the ideological elements in Sino-French relationship always exist. But realistic interests became more and more important and encouraged the two countries to improve their relations. A peaceful coexistence is a consensus for both China and France. ; Dans la cadre de la Guerre Froide, comment la Chine – un Parti-État au bloc socialiste – s'entend-elle avec la France – un pays du camp capitaliste ? Et quels rôles jouent le PCF et les Maoïstes français ? Cette thèse présente les éléments idéologiques et réalistes dans les relations sino-français depuis 1949 à 1969. Au début, les deux pays s'opposent à cause des guerres d'Indochine et Corée. Les échanges politiques et économiques officiels sont rompus. Le PCF devient le pont principal qui relie deux pays par ses entreprises ou associations comme l'Association des Amitiés franco-chinoises.Après la Conférence de Genève, la relation bilatérale s'améliore et certains canaux de communication sont créés. Mais la détente est limitée en raison des États-Unis et du problème de Taïwan. Dans cette période, le PCF et ses organisations de masses aussi jouent des rôles importants dans la relations sino-françaises. Et les chinois apprécient les informations et suggestions proposées par le PCF. Mais le gouvernement français est vigilant sur les activités avec des éléments idéologiques ou politiques.La troisième partie marque l'établissement des relations diplomatiques. Mais Charles de Gaulle reprend le pouvoir et ne choisit pas de reconnaitre la Chine immédiatement. Et la Chine adopte une attitude indifférente envers de Gaulle en raison des problèmes idéologiques. Cependant, les conflits sino-soviétiques et les affaires indochinoises la poussent à changer ses attitudes en 1961-1962. A la suite de la détérioration des relations avec le PCF et de la résolution des problèmes algériens, les rôles idéologiques qui empêchent la rétablissement des relations sino-français s'affaiblit.Bien que les relations sino-françaises se développent très vite, les difficultés restent. La Révolution culturelle et Mai 68 exercent un impact négatif. Conclusion, comment arranger buts réalistes et ambitions idéalistes dans les politiques étrangères, c'est une question importante pour les deux pays.

Gender equality policies in Spain have experienced considerable setbacks in the last few years. The economic crisis and the need to implement austerity policies appear as the main reasons behind the huge budget-cuts and the elimination of some equality machineries. Additionally, the equality agenda has been reoriented, with maternity related issues occupying a central position. Even though these new policy priorities emerge during the crisis, they may well be related to the fact that conservative parties have taken office both at the state and the regional level. Thus, recent events invite revisiting literature on gender policies and the color of parties in government in order to explore the influence of such variable. Thanks to the analysis of all the Autonomous Communities and the central government, this article shows the impact of the presence of conservative cabinets not only in terms of a decrease of the resources dedicated to gender policies, but also in terms of the promotion of a new political agenda based on the roles of women as mothers and carers. For so doing, first, a logistic regression analysis helps capture the incidence of this variable with regard to the budgets spent by both levels of government during the period 2002-2014. Second, a qualitative analysis assesses its impact on the emergence of a new policy agenda and the shifts that have occurred in relation to the equality architecture during this same lapse of time. Consequently, this article reveals that even though most setbacks have taken place during the economic crisis, they clearly covariate with the presence of conservative parties in office. This fact allows concluding that the crisis has acted as a window of opportunity which has permitted to call into question a policy sector that had experienced a 20-year expansion period. ; En España las políticasde género han sufrido un considerable retroceso en los últimos años. La crisiseconómica y la necesidad de desarrollar políticas de austeridad han sido presentadascomo las razones principales para realizar importantes recortes en suspresupuestos y para eliminar diversos organismos. Paralelamente, la agenda deigualdad también ha sido reorientada, pasando a ocupar una posición central lapromoción de la maternidad. Aunque estas nuevas prioridades políticas emergenen un contexto de crisis, acontecen en paralelo con la llegada al poder de lospartidos conservadores en el gobierno estatal y en múltiples gobiernosregionales. En este sentido invitan a revisar la literatura sobre políticas degénero y el color de los partidos políticos en el gobierno y a explorar lainfluencia de esta variable. A través del análisis de todas las ComunidadesAutónomas y del gobierno estatal, este artículo mostrará el impacto de lapresencia de los partidos conservadores en el poder, no solo en términos depérdida de recursos sino también, y más importante, en términos del desarrollode una agenda política focalizada en las mujeres como madres y cuidadoras. Paraello, en primer lugar, a través de un análisis de regresión logística, secuantificará la influencia de dicha variable en los presupuestos en materia deigualdad de género de ambos niveles de gobierno para el periodo 2002-2014. Ensegundo lugar, a través de un análisis cualitativo se revisará su influencia enla evolución de la agenda política y de la estructura institucional durante esemismo lapso de tiempo. De este modo, se mostrará que a pesar de que losretrocesos tienen lugar esencialmente en periodo de crisis, covarían de maneraclara con la presencia de gobiernos conservadores. Todo ello permite concluirque la crisis económica actúa como una ventana de oportunidad para poner encuestión un área competencial que había experimentado una creciente expansiónen los últimos 20 años.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui (1) Perencanaan pendidikan karakter pada Panti Asuhan Dana Punia, (2) Penerapan pendidikan karakter pada Panti Asuhan Dana Punia, (3) Kendala penerapan pendidikan karakter di Panti Asuhan Dana Punia, (4) Solusi untuk mengatasi kendala penerapan pendidikan karakter di Panti Asuhan Dana Punia. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian deskritif kualitatif. Subjek penelitian ini adalah Ketua Yayasan, Ketua Panti, Pembina dan Anak-Anak Panti. Sampel diambil dengan menggunakan metode porpusive sampling. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan: (1) Observasi, (2) Wawancara, (3) Pencatatan dokumen. Hasil penelitian menyebutkan bahwa: (1) Perencanaan pendidikan karakter pada Panti Asuhan Dana Punia adalah berupa program kerja. (2) Penerapan pendidikan karakter pada Panti Asuhan Dana Punia adalah berbentuk ekstrakurikuler dan pengetahuan tambahan berupa kursus bahasa inggris. (3) Kendala penerapan pendidikan karakter di Panti Asuhan Dana Punia adalah belum adanya bantuan secara rutin, anak-anak panti asuhan kurang displin dan pembina yang sangat minim. (4) Solusi untuk mengatasi kendala penerapan pendidikan karakter di Panti Asuhan Dana Punia adalah untuk mengatasi bantuan pemerintah yang tidak menentu, pihak yayasan melakuan pedekatan kepada pemerintah terkait agar dana yang diberikan oleh pemerintah secara rutin dikeluarkan, sehingga nantinya dapat menunjang kebutuhan anak-anak dan dapat menjalankan seluruh program-programnya dengan lancar. Solusi untuk permasalahan dari anak adalah diberikannya pembinaan dan pengarahan tentang kedisiplinan, agar anak Panti Asuhan mengerti tentang arti disiplin dan mampu menerapkan dikehidupannya sehari-hari Solusi untuk pembina adalah membagi anak-anak menjadi beberapa kelompok belajar dan selanjutnya memberikan tugas-tugas untuk dikerjakan bersama agar anak-anak tersebut dapat membantu satu dan sama lain. Kata Kunci : Panti Asuhan, Perencanaan, Pelaksanaan dan Pendidikan Karakter This study aims to determine (1) Planning character education at the Orphanage Fund Punia, (2) Application of character education at the Orphanage Fund Punia, (3) Constraints implementation of character education at the Orphanage Fund Punia, (4) The solution to overcome the application character education in Orphanage Fund Punia. This research is a qualitative descriptive study. The subjects were Chairman of the Foundation, Chairman of the Institution, and the Trustees of Children Orphanage. Samples were taken using porpusive sampling method. The data collection techniques: (1) observation, (2) interview, (3) Registration of documents. The study says that: (1) Planning character education at the Orphanage Fund Punia is in the form of a work program. (2) The implementation of character education at the Orphanage Fund Punia is shaped in the form of extra-curricular and extra knowledge of English language courses. (3) Constraints implementation of character education in the Orphanage Fund Punia is the lack of support on a regular basis, children orphanages less disciplined and coaches are very minimal. (4) The solution to overcome obstacles in the implementation of character education Punia Orphanage Fund is to cope with erratic government assistance, the Foundation undergo retrofitting to the relevant government for the funds provided by the government routinely excluded, so that will be able to support the needs of children and can run entire programs smoothly. Solutions to the problems of children are given guidance and direction of discipline, so that children understand the meaning Orphanage disciplined and able to apply everyday dikehidupannya Solutions for coaches is to divide the children into groups to learn and then assigns tasks to work together in order to these children can help one and another. keyword : Character Education, Orphanage, Implementation and Site planning

Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD) merupakan dana perimbangan yang berasal dari Pemerintah Kabupaten/Kota diserahkan pada Pemerintah Desa yang diharapkan menjadi penyangga utama pelaksanaan pemberdayaan masyarakat dan pembangunan desa sehingga dapat meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui mekanisme penyaluran Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD) dan faktor penghambat lemahnya pelaksanaan Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD), serta pengawasan pengelolaan Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD) di Desa Tri Eka Buana. Penelitian ini berlokasi di Desa Tri Eka Buana, Kecamatan Sidemen, Kabupaten Karangasem. Jenis data yang digunakan adalah kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi dilakukan dengan menentukan pihak-pihak yang menjadi narasumber purposive sampling. Analisis data digunakan reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan atau verifikasi data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa mekanisme penyaluran Alokasi dana Desa (ADD) dalam APBDesa dilakukan secara bertahap yaitu tahap I, II, III, dan IV. Namun terdapat keterlambatan pencapaian program yang direncanakan oleh desa karena dalam pencairan Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD) dilakukan secara bertahap dan faktor penghambat lemahnya pelaksanaan Alokasi dana Desa (ADD) karena kualitas sumber daya manusia dan peran masyarakat serta pengawasaan pengelolaan Alokasi dana Desa (ADD) dilakukan oleh Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD) sebagai pengawas controling. Artinya untuk menampung dan menyalurkan aspirasi masyarakat desa. Pengawasan Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD) terhadap pengelolaan Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD) telah dilaksanankan semaksimal mungkin sesuai dengan tugas pokok dan fungsi dari Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD) yang di tandai dengan pembangunan infrastuktur desa Tri Eka Buana yang bersumber dari Alokasi Dana Desa (ADD) Desa Tri Eka Buana. Kata Kunci : Pemerintah Daerah, Pemerintah Desa, Alokasi Dana Desa. The funds allocated for the rural areas are the funds which are provided by the regency/city government, and are expected to support the implementation of the people's empowerment and the rural development so that such funds can improve the people's prosperity. This study was indented to identify the mechanism of how the funds allocated for the rural areas were distributed, and what factors hampered the distribution and how the supervision of the funds allocated for the rural areas was managed at Tri Eka Buana Village. This present study was conducted at Tri Eka Buana Village, Sidemen Village, Karangasem Regency. The data, which were collected through observation, interview and documentary techniques, were qualitative data. The informants were determined using the purposive sampling technique. The data analysis included data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing, or data verification. The result of the study showed that the mechanism of the distribution of the funds allocated for the rural areas (ADD) through the Village's Budget included four stages; they are stage I, stage II, stage III, and stage IV. However, the program planned by the village was achieved late due to the quality of human resources, the role played by the community and the supervision of the management of the funds allocated for the rural areas (ADD) by what is called Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD) as the controller. That is to accommodate the aspirations of rural communities. Supervision Village Consultative Body (BPD) on the management of the Village Fund Allocation (ADD) has implemented as closely as possible in accordance with the duties and functions of the Village Consultative Body (BPD) were on the mark with the construction of rural infrastructure Tri Eka Buana sourced from the Village Fund Allocation (ADD) Desa Tri Eka Buana. keyword : Regional Government, Village Government, Funds Allocated for the Rural Areas

Abstract The research examines the U.S. approach to the independence of the Philippines and its stages at the end of the 1920's and in the early 1930's. The Philippines belonged to the United States from 1898 to 1946. The relationship between the two countries was quite controversial from the very beginning. Many of the different phases and factors resulted in the U.S. Congress passing a law in March 1934, which guaranteed full independence to the Philippines after a ten-year transition period. The birth of the law which led to Philippine independence was a complex political process, with a number of variables influencing the attitudes and the solution. These factors accounting for the formation of the solution changed as time progressed. One of the key variables in terms of the Act of Independence began when the Great Depression began in 1929, which affected especially agricultural producers. As the Philippines was administratively a part of the federal government, in these circles it was seen that only independence could be the solution to close the archipelago outside of the domestic market. In fact, the sugar and coconut imports from the Philippines were not a real competitor to the federal farmers. In addition to the domestic farmers the Cuban sugar producers, who were headed by U.S. investors, felt that Philippine duty-free import was challenging their share of the federal market. They were of the opinion that the independence of the Philippines could guarantee them better market positions in the federal sugar market, and strove to promote the Independence Act as soon as possible. As a result of the worsening unemployment situation Filipino migrant workers started competing for scarce jobs. As a part of the United States Filipinos had free immigration rights. In particular, on the west coast and in the employees' organizations, independence was seen as the easiest way to limit immigration. In addition to the economic cycle other significant factors were the changes in foreign policy, and in particular the rise of Japan as a powerful superpower in the Far East. The federal government and the majority of the Congress represented opposing views of the independence issue. The Congress was able to show strength in this confrontation. The main sources of the material consist of the U.S. government documents, the Congress document collections, foreign relations document collections, memoirs and other documents. ; Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Yhdysvaltain suhtautumista Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen ja siihen liittyneisiin vaiheisiin 1920 -luvun lopulla ja 1930-luvun alkupuoliskolla. Filippiinit kuuluivat Yhdysvalloille vuosina 1898–1946. Maiden välinen suhde oli hyvin kiistanalainen alusta alkaen. Monien eri vaiheiden ja tekijöiden seurauksena Yhdysvaltain kongressi hyväksyi maaliskuussa 1934 lain, joka takasi Filippiineille täyden itsenäisyyden kymmenen vuoden siirtymäajan jälkeen. Filippiinien itsenäistymiseen johtaneen lain synty oli monimutkainen poliittinen prosessi, jossa oli useita suhtautumiseen ja ratkaisuun vaikuttaneita muuttujia. Näiden tekijöiden osuus ratkaisun muodostumiseen muuttui ajan edetessä. Yksi keskeisimmistä muuttujista itsenäisyyslain suhteen oli vuonna 1929 Yhdysvalloissa alkanut suuri lamakausi, josta kärsivät erityisesti maataloustuottajat. Koska Filippiinit oli hallinnollisesti osa liittovaltiota, näissä piireissä nähtiin, että ainoastaan itsenäisyys voisi saattaa saariston sisämarkkinoiden ulkopuolelle. Filippiineiltä tuotava sokeri ja kookosöljy eivät olleet todelliset kilpailijat liittovaltion viljelijöille. Kotimaan viljelijäväestön lisäksi Kuuban sokerintuotantoon investoineet amerikkalaiset sijoittajapiirit kokivat Filippiinien tullivapaan tuonnin vievän heiltä markkinoita. He katsoivat, että Filippiinien itsenäisyys takaisi paremmat markkina-asemat liittovaltion sokerimarkkinoilla ja pyrkivät edistämään itsenäisyyslain mahdollisimman pikaista säätämistä. Alati pahenevan työttömyyden seurauksen filippiiniläiset siirtotyöläiset kilpailivat hupenevista työpaikoista. Filippiiniläisille oli taattu vapaa maahanmuutto-oikeus. Etenkin länsirannikolla ja työntekijäjärjestöissä saarten itsenäistyminen nähtiin olevan helpoin tie maahanmuuton rajoittamiseen. Taloudellisten suhdanteiden ohella muita merkittäviä tekijöitä olivat muutokset ulkopolitiikassa ja etenkin Japanin nousu voimakkaaksi suurvallaksi Kaukoidässä. Liittovaltion hallinto ja kongressin enemmistö edustivat vastakkaisia näkemyssuuntia itsenäisyyskysymyksessä. Kongressi pystyi osoittamaan voimansa tässä vastakkainasettelussa. Tutkimuksen keskeisin lähdeaineisto koostuu Yhdysvaltain hallinnon asiakirjoista, kongressin asiakirjakokoelmista, ulkoaisainhallinnon asiakirjakokoelmista, muistelmista sekä lähdeteoksista.

As the principal subsidized home ownership housing scheme in Beijing, the Economical and Suitable Housing Scheme (ESHS) has gone through several different stages in the past three decades. Following the newly developed housing policy framework in 2007, ESHS was endowed with the objective of providing affordable home ownership to low-income urban residents. Despite the rich literature on ESHS in China, relatively little is known about the performance of estates of ESHS in Beijing developed after 2007 under the new regulations. Largely missing from the existing literature is an analytical account of the development of ESHS in Beijing and an in-depth evaluation and explanation of its performance in recent years. This study thus aims to examine and analyze the effectiveness of ESHS since 2007 with the intention of helping to improve the effectiveness of ESHS and to provide useful lessons to other subsidized housing schemes in Beijing. Following the lead of scholars who have studied subsidized housing schemes in other countries and areas, this study built up its own analytical framework appropriate to the Chinese context. To achieve the study goal, the evaluation of the performance of ESHS was conducted in terms of four indicators: housing affordability, housing accessibility, housing availability and housing quality. The investigation of the causes were conducted from the public policy perspective focusing on policy design and policy implementation. To enhance the data base, open-ended interviews with officials at different levels from different government departments and structured questionnaire surveys with residents in ESHS in Beijing had been conducted. This study reveals that the performance of ESHS after 2007 was barely acceptable. Specifically, the housing affordability and housing accessibility and housing quality of ESHS were less than satisfactory. Even though the housing availability of ESHS in quantity terms did not have significant problems, the housing availability in terms of location was highly undesirable. As for housing affordability, it is found that the ESHS was more affordable to urban residents than to suburban residents, the major reason being the higher income enjoyed by the former. Regarding housing accessibility, this study found that the approach to determine the eligibility criteria of ESHS failed to include all the households who could not afford to purchase market housing. In the housing quality domain, it is found that ESHS housing estates in Beijing failed to meet the residents' daily needs, and suffered from poor housing construction quality and inconvenient locations. In addition to the evaluation of performance, this study also found that besides the strong commitments from the government, policy design commensurate with policy goal and effective policy implementation determines the performance of a subsidized housing scheme. In particular, the formulation of eligibility criteria and the pricing mechanism at the policy design stage, and the conflicting interests of the three levels of government at the implementation stage were most critical. This study further argues that the four dimensions of performance which were inter-connected to each other were all commonly hinged upon the use of land as the main source of subsidy. This study adds to the existing literature on contemporary China by evaluating and explaining the most recent performance of a dominant housing subsidy policy tool in China. By constructing and employing a comprehensive conceptual framework for the analysis, this study offers to the contemporary China literature a sophisticated yet revealing conceptual tool to unveil the intricacies of housing subsidies in the rapidly changing China. ; published_or_final_version ; Urban Planning and Design ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

The concept of "Housing First" has taken on a powerful status in the complex of government, non-profit and academic systems that study and seek to eliminate homelessness. It is a compelling concept, in that it has brought our society to the realization that housing instability itself is often the culmination of various underlying and intersecting issues, ranging from mental health and addiction issues to domestic abuse and poverty. The "Housing First" principle holds that homeless individuals stand a far poorer chance of improving their condition while they remain homeless; that the stability of a permanent home provides the foundation that allows individuals to begin addressing the issues that led to their housing instability in the first place. However, the elegance of the fundamental principle behind "Housing First" also risks creating an illusion, wherein agencies and governments might too easily conclude that the entirety of this approach to ending homelessness is merely to begin housing the homeless. While that is a step in the process, it is but a piece of the Housing First approach. And unless all the various elements of the approach are also included in the actual work done on the ground, the success observed so far in communities that have tried the Housing First approach will not necessarily be replicated. This can lead to disappointment for those trying to implement new strategies, undermine the effectiveness of Housing First, and most importantly, fail to fully help those individuals in need. Housing First encompasses a strategic application of key principles across the entire homeless-serving system. When it is introduced into a new jurisdiction, it must be accompanied by an overhaul of the current approach to social policy and service delivery. The implementation of Housing First requires a difficult and systematic process, beginning with planning and strategy development that recognizes how every part of the homeless-serving system will co-ordinate around the Housing First philosophy. In many cases, the entire organizational infrastructure will have to be re-aligned in a way that supports the implementation of a Housing First approach. On the ground, services must be co-ordinated in a way such that clients can be assessed by level of need using standardized methods across all agencies, while reducing duplication of services across agencies. An important part of this is the requirement for an effective and integrated information management, so that different agencies can track what services are — and are not — being provided to each client, to what effect, and how the client's need level changes over time. Finally, there must be formal systems of performance management and quality assurance to clarify whether systems are operating as they should, and whether goals — most importantly, improving the condition of clients — are being met. There is a great deal of growing support for the Housing First approach in the non-profit sector and government sector alike. This presents an opportunity to make real progress in making wholesale changes to our approaches for ending homelessness, which have been needed for some time. Key to that is leveraging the widespread enthusiasm for Housing First programming into a reform for the entire homeless-serving system. Housing First as a popular catchphrase is not a magic bullet for ending homelessness — but as a philosophical basis for guiding broader change throughout the system, it does have the potential to get us closer to that ultimate goal.

This paper focuses on the characteristics of the modern phenomenon in politics - lustration. The author establishes the theoretical foundations of the concept of lustration , describes the timing of the emergence of the concept , analyze the principles and mechanisms of this phenomenon. Also the author draws conclusions on the implementation of lustration process in Ukrainian politics.Many researchers were interested in the problem of lustration, such as: E. Blankenburg, W. Deynichenko, I. Levenok, A. Prysiazhnyuk, I. Rybachok, A. Rudenko, O. Sahno E. Fishteyn, S.Shevchuk et al. . However, a comprehensive study of the phenomenon of lustration and practical guidance on the application of lustration in Ukrainian politics yet. Therefore, the author considers it appropriate to highlight the main aspects of the lustration process in our country.Since the paper is devoted to the theoretical study concept lustration , the author gives different interpretations of the concept refers to historical references emergence of the term " lustration ". For example , it was found that the term " lustration " was first used in the Roman Empire in the 1st century BC. In Ukraine, began to be implemented lustration process in the second half 16 first half 17th century. Lustration were represented - periodic descriptions of the state property to determine its income.In 1990-1993 in post-socialist countries, including Estonia, Latvia, Romania, Hungary, Czech Republic, adopted the Law "On Lustration", these laws prohibit the persons concerned to hold some public offices and elected to representative bodies.The author offers a definition of lustration, lustration - clean power from the old staff, prohibition functionaries of the previous government to take positions in the state apparatus to be elected to representative bodies, to be judges, and sometimes even engage in teaching, etc.In addition, the term "lustration" is several interpretations:- Religious and magical rites, which are guarded by the faithful representations of disease and other ills.- Prohibition to hold executive and some high officials who have questionable past.- Check disloyalty and lack of participation in the governing law enforcement or strict modeFor example, lustration is political - the public system protect the people from the usurpation of state power by illegal actions of political parties, members of the party of protection against violations of internal party illegal activity.Furthermore the author cites and describes the types of lustration , the main ones are: political lustration , public , economic. For each type of author applies the principles and mechanisms for their implementation.The author provides development forecasts lustration process in Ukraine politics and believes that they will gain further scale . Also, the author describes the main challenges , which must comply with the newly elected authorities in Ukraine to introduce lustration policy in our country. Chief among them: limitations separatist settings in the community , monitoring of political parties and civil society groups , opposition activities oligarchic circles of power, and so on.The author concludes that initially lustration - the change , cleansing , destruction of the totalitarian system of government , and if used lustration to the current realities of Ukrainian politicians , it is - the current distrust of government. ; Данная статья посвящена теоретическому исследованию понятия «люстрация». В статье приведены несколько толкований данного понятия, рассмотрены виды люстрации и проанализированы первые шаги к политической люстрации в украинском обществе. Также в работе приведены исторические справки появления понятия «люст-рация». Предоставлено прогнозы относительно дальнейшего развития люстрационных процессов в Украине. ; Статтю присвячено теоретичному дослідженню поняття «люстрація». Подано декілька тлумачень цього терміна, розглянуто види люстрації та проаналізовано перші кроки до політичної люстрації в українському суспільстві. Також у роботі наведено історичні довідки появи поняття «люстрація». Надано прогнози щодо подальшого розвитку люстраційних процесів в Україні.