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학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사회과학대학 지리학과,2020. 2. Edo Andriesse. ; 본 박사학위논문은 아프리카 가나 서부의 남획과 석유 산업이 연안지역사회 소규모 어민들의 생계에 어떤 영향을 미치는지를 연구하였다. 어업과 석유 부문의 공식 및 비공식 행위자와의 상호 작용과 이들 행위자가 어민들의 생계 적응 전략을 어떻게 형성했는지 확인하였다. 연구방법은 400명의 어민 가구들을 대상으로 한 설문조사와 42명의 핵심 이해관계자들을 대상으로 한 인터뷰를 혼합하여 채택하였다. 설문조사와 인터뷰는 2018년 12월에서 2019년 4월 사이에 가나에서 Shama 지역의 Apo와 Bentsir, Nzema East 지역의 Axim, Ahanta West의 Discove와 Akiwidaa, 그리고 Sekondi-Takoradi Metropolis 지역의 Sekondi와 New Takoradi에서 실시하였다. 설문조사와 인터뷰 응답자는 눈덩이 표집법과 의도적 표집법을 통해 선발되었다. 설문에는 객관식, 단답식, 서술식 질문이 포함되었다. 단답식 그리고 객관식 질문들을 통해서는 응답자들이 특정 답변을 선택하도록, 서술식 질문을 통해서는 현지 어업 관련 경험과 기타 문제에 대해 자유롭게 서술하도록 하였다. 설문조사 결과는 사회과학자를 위한 IBM SPSS 버전 21.0과 Excel 프로그램을 통해 분석하였다. 인터뷰 결과는 주제별로 답변을 기록하고 번역하였다. 설문조사와 인터뷰의 결과는 아프리카 가나 서부 지역의 어민들이 어획량과 어업 기회 감소로 인해 사회경제적 취약성이 높다는 것을 보여준다. 어획량과 소득의 감소는 남획이 어업 생계에 미치는 가장 큰 영향의 결과인 것이 밝혀졌다. 어민들의 이동 제한, 어구의 파괴 및 몰수, 해초의 존재 및 토지 기회의 부족은 석유 산업에 의해 유발되는 생계 위협의 주요 요인들이다. 남획과 석유 시추 활동의 결합 효과는 해상 어업 공간 감소, 토지 소유 및 농업 기회의 제한, 해양 생태계 파괴로 이어졌다. 전반적으로, 자연적(natural), 재정적(financial), 인적(human), 물리적(physical) 자본이 남획과 석유 산업의 영향을 가장 많이 받는 것으로 나타났다. 현지 어민들과 공동체 지도자들은 금어기(禁漁期, closed fishing season)에 대해 다른 평가를 가지고 있었다. 설문조사와 인터뷰에 따르면, 어부들은 금어기 시행보다는 불법 어업에 대한 법률을 시행하는 것을 선호하고 있었다. 어민과 지도자들의 상충되는 의견은 (1) 금어기 도입에 따른 어민들의 재정적, 자연적, 문화적 자본의 감소와, (2) 의사 결정 과정에서의 참여 수준의 결과로 보인다. 전반적으로 이와 관련하여 두 가지 다른 정치적 담론이 충돌하는 현상이 나타났다. 한쪽은 연안 공동체의 소규모 어민들의 입장으로, 수산법을 엄격하게 시행하는 동시에 모든 어민들이 자유롭게 바다를 사용하는 개방 담론이다. 다른 한쪽은 정부와 환경 NGO들의 입장으로, 해양 자원의 장기적인 지속 가능성을 위해 계절적으로 바다의 사용을 금지하는 보존 담론이다. 개방 담론은 최근 제시되고 있는 과학적 결과들에 의해 보존 담론에 의해 위축되고 있음이 여러 사례 지역에서 발견되고 있다. 현지 어민들과 석유 기업 사이에서 발생하는 갈등은 해상 유전 주변의 구역(버퍼 구역 500~1,000m)에서 주로 발생한다. 이 지역은 어업적으로 그리고 생태학적으로 매우 중요한 곳이며 상당한 석유 및 가스 매장량을 보유하고 있다. 한편으로 지역 어민들은 유전 주변의 비옥한 어장에 대한 장기적인 사용을 유지하고자 한다. 반면, 석유 및 가스 회사는 석유 탐사 및 생산을 유지하기 위해 동일한 해저에 대한 사용권을 얻고자 한다. 지역 어민들이 전개한 해양 공간 내 이동을 통한 생계 전략은 단기적인 대처 전략으로 해석된다. 서부 지역 어민들 사이에서는 빛과 화학 물질을 사용한 불법 및 파괴적인 어업 방법이 유행하고 있다. 어민들의 경험을 바탕으로 한 적응 전략이 중요하지만, 지속 가능하지 못하며 불법적인 방법들은 해양 어류의 재건에서 역효과를 낳고 있다. 본 논문은 지속 가능한 생계 접근과 정치생태학에서 파생된 행위자 중심 접근을 통합하였고, 이를 통해 해안의 취약성과 적응 전략을 이해하고 해양 자원의 재건에 대한 담론들을 이해하는 분석틀을 제공했다는 점에서 의의가 있다. ; This study is concerned with how overfishing and the petroleum industry has affected the livelihoods of small-scale fisherfolk in the coastal communities of Western Region. It investigates the interaction between formal and informal actors in the fisheries and the petroleum sector and the ways in which these actors influence or shape the livelihood adaptation strategies deployed by coastal fisherfolk. A mixed- methods approach made up of 400 fisherfolk households survey and 42 interviews with stakeholders in the fisheries and the petroleum industries were conducted. The surveys and interviews were conducted between December 2018 and April 2019 in Ghana. A total of 400 households survey was conducted in Shama (Apo & Bentsir), Nzema East (Axim), Ahanta West (Discove & Akwidaa) and in the (Sekondi-Takoradi Metropolis) Sekondi & New Takoradi. Respondents for the survey and interviews were selected through snowballing and purposive sampling techniques respectively. The questionnaire included closed, open and multiple-choice questions. The closed ended and multiple choice questions permitted respondents to select specific choice of answers while the open ended questions offered the respondents the opportunity to freely talk about their experiences and knowledge related to the local fishing industry and other relevant issues concerning the marine conservation. The statistical package for social scientist IBM SPSS Version 21.0 and Excel spreadsheet were used to analyze the results from the household surveys. The results from the interviews were translated and transcribed where applicable and organized into relevant thematic themes. The survey results coupled with the knowledge obtained from interviews shows that fisherfolk in the Western Region of Ghana are under high levels of socioeconomic vulnerability because of decrease fish catch and declining small-scale fisheries opportunities. Decreased fish catch and low income were found to be the main impact of overfishing on fisherfolk livelihoods. The spatial restriction of fisher's mobility offshore, the destruction and confiscation of fishing gear, the presence of seaweed in the ocean, and the lack of land opportunities are some of the key petroleum industry-induced stressors on fisheries livelihoods. The combined effects of overfishing and oil and gas activities has resulted in decreased fishing space at sea, limited land ownership and farming opportunities and destruction of marine ecosystem. Overall, the natural, financial, human and physical capital were find to be the most impacted by overfishing and the petroleum industry. Fisherfolk and local fisheries leaders had different perceptions regarding the ecological effectiveness of closed seasons. The survey results coupled with the knowledge obtained from interviews suggest that fisherfolk prefer the state to enforce the laws on illegal fishing rather than the implementation of closed season. The conflicting perceptions appear to be a result of fisherfolk perceived impact of closed season on their financial, cultural and natural capital as well as their level of participation and perceived influence in decision-making leading to the introduction of the closed season. Overall, two different discursive positions were established with respect to the closed season. An open access fisheries narrative together with strict enforcement of fisheries laws and seasonal closures supported by conservation discourses. The open access argument from the fisherfolk to continue fishing were found to be weak compared to the powerful and dominant scientific conservation narratives by the state and the NGOs. The conflict produced between the local fishers and the petroleum industry occurs at strategic spatial areas at sea (buffer zones -500&1000m radius) around oil fields offshore. These areas are considered ecologically fertile grounds for fisheries and holds considerable oil and gas reserves. On the one hand local fishers seeks to maintain long term access to fertile fishing grounds around the oil fields. On the other hand, oil and gas companies also wants to keep oil reserves in the same seabed to maintain oil exploration and production. The marine spatial mobility livelihood strategies deployed by the local fisherfolk could be described as a short-term coping strategies. Illegal light fishing and other destructive fishing methods such as the use of chemicals is on the increase and are more prevalent among fisherfolk in the Western Region. The various in situ marine-based adaptation strategies deployed by fisherfolk, especially illegal light fishing and fishing around oil rigs, are unsustainable and are counterproductive in the rebuilding of depleted marine fish stocks. The integration of the sustainable livelihoods approach and an actor-oriented approach derived from political ecology served as an important analytical package to understand the current coastal vulnerabilities and adaptation strategies as well as the opposing discourses over the rebuilding of marine resources. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Study Background 1 1.2 Research problem 3 1.3 Study objective and research questions 6 1.4 Research method 7 1.4.1 Data gathering techniques 9 1.4.2 Data analysis and interpretation of results 12 1.5 Organization of the study 16 Chapter 2. Literature Review 19 2.1. The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach 19 2.1.1 Livelihood assets 20 2.1.2 The vulnerability context 23 2.1.3 Policies, Institutions and Processes (PIP) 24 2.1.4 Livelihood strategies and outcomes 25 2.2 Political Ecology 27 2.2.1 Themes/Approaches of Political Ecology 28 2.2.2 Power and actor-oriented political ecology 30 2.3 Rational for the integration of SLA and Political ecology (PE) 33 2.3.1 Analytical framework of study 33 Chapter 3. Case study introduction 38 3.1 Introduction to Ghana 38 3.1.1 Western Region of Ghana. 40 3.2 Fisheries management & governance in Ghana 44 3.3 Structure and overview of Ghana's marine fishing sector 54 3.3.1 Increasing capacity amidst decreasing fish catch 57 3.4 The emerging oil and gas industry in Ghana. 62 3.4.1 The petroleum industry, environmental impacts and conflicts: lessons from Sub-Saharan Africa. 64 Chapter 4. Coastal Vulnerabilities and Conflicts Management. 67 4.1 Overview of Household Survey 67 4.2 Impacts of overfishing on the livelihoods of fisherfolk 71 4.3 Impacts of the petroleum industry on the livelihoods of fisherfolk. 74 4.3.1 Livelihood situation before and after oil and gas extraction and production. 77 4.4 Differences and commonalities of vulnerabilities within and among the study areas 80 4.5 Contesting access to the use of coastal waters: The political ecology of closed season. 83 4.5.1 Bottom-up initiatives verse top down approaches 89 4.6 Differences and commonalities of local support for marine conservation 95 4.7 Negotiating marine space in coastal Ghana: the political ecology of fishing and the petroleum industry. 98 Chapter 5. Livelihood Adaptation Strategies 109 5.1 Non-marine based adaptation strategies 109 5.2 Marine –based adaptation strategies. 114 5.3 local area differences and commonalities 131 5.4 Towards an all-inclusive and participatory fisheries governance and management. 137 Chapter 6. Conclusion 142 6.1 Key findings 142 6.2 Empirical and theoretical contributions 144 6.3 Policy Recommendations 149 6.4 Limitations of the study and future research 151 Bibliography 153 APPENDIXES 168 Abstract in Korean. 190 Acknowledgements 193 ; Doctor

This doctoral thesis aims to reconstruct the political, economic and social of the events linked to the Sardinian industrial planning, with specific attention to the mining sector, in a period of time that fits the end of World War II until the nineties of the twentieth century. The multiplicity of public and private archival sources and press gave rise to a complex research of different archives and libraries present time on the territory of Sardinia and Rome. In particular, we analyzed the cards of these archives: the Sardinian Regional Council Historic Archive (Cagliari), the Archive of Filcem (Iglesias), Historical Archive Mining Igea Spa (Iglesias), Historical Archive Eni (Rome-Pomezia ), Central State Archive (Rome), Historical Archive of the CISL Sarda (Cagliari), on the basis of the parliamentary records produced by the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The method of comparison among political extracting documents, economic and trade union allowed to have a bigger picture and capable of restoring the complex historical issues that have given rise to the story of mining in Sardinia in the late twentieth century. My research, through an analysis of the bibliographic and archival materials, has focused on industrial policy, due to the experience of the "Revival Plan" and the subsequent intervention of the national and regional level public sector in favor of the Sardinian mining. The first chapter of the thesis provides an overview of the role played by the mining policies provided by Revival Plan in the processes of development after World War II up to the dynamic processes that led to the advent of the initiative public during the period between the late sixties and early seventies. The history of the Sardinian economic development and policies aimed at relaunching the mining sector, as is clear from the analysis of archival documents and works of contemporary historiography, is fully part of economic planning in the actions taken by the central and regional institutions to allow the re-launch economically depressed structures in the South. The issues socio-economic backwardness of the island and the stagnation of regional industrial structures, as in the case of the mining sector, had raised public awareness on the problems of the island's economic structure, highlighting the need for economic planning that basasse on the industrial development of the territory. Faced with this scenario, the political and trade union circles islanders after World War II supported a platform of demands for "economic and social revival of Sardinia" that, based on the treatises of Article 13 of the special statute of Sardinia (26 February 1948), It was to contribute to the development of economic structures of Sardinia across the planner action of central and regional institutions. The reports provided by the trade unions and the documentation kept at the Historical Archives of the Regional Council of the rest to highlight ways in the mining sector vigesse a very precarious socio-economic situation, which could conflict with the preparation of a program of development based on the intervention of the initiative public. Within this scenario, the action of the Sardinian politicians and trade unions, in the second half of the forties and until the approval of Law No. 588, contributed to the involvement of mining activities in the area planning phases of the Plan rebirth, since in their view represented the premise for achieving socio-economic development under Article 13, and the subsequent Sardinian mining industry growth in the economic scenario of the national / local level. The timing and modalities of implementation of the Revival Plan, nevertheless, negatively engraved on expectations of mining areas fulfilling commitments under Article 13 of the Special Statute. An analysis of labor relations and in the acts of the Regional Council of Sardinia emerges as trade unions and political leaders of the opposition parties stigmatizzassero delays of regional and national institutions, which in their judgment penalizing the industrial policies designed to raise industry regional mining. The sixties, though they were marked by the approval of Law No. 588 and the preparation of a series of measures for the expansion and the consequent restructuring of the sector Metal (as in the case of the regional decision of March 1968 which established the Ente mining Sardo), were instead characterized by a deepening crisis of the mining areas and the failure of the objectives of the "Revival Plan" ,. Despite the establishment of development programs for metallic mineral products, the analysis of the bibliographic and archival complex revealed that the absence of an adequate industrial policy by national Governments and Regional had penalized the nature objectives socio- provided for by the economic Revival Plan and aggravated the precarious conditions of the mining sector, which at the end of the sixties will be marked by a progressive advertising. In this regard, the contributions produced by contemporary historiography and archival sources made it possible to provide an overview on the guidelines of mining policies in the season of the "Revival Plan" and placed in evidence the limits of economic planning pursued in the course of the sixties and the criticality of the relationship between national and regional bodies. The system of relations between the State and the Region, in this scenario, will be a key element in the interventions in support of the mining industry, whose consequences (political, economic and social) they recorded substantially in the economic dynamics of the seventies.In the second chapter, after providing an in-depth analysis on the mining policies of the local area / national aftermath of the publicity of the mining sector, I tried to reconstruct the process that would have marked the phases of the public initiative, pausing on policies industrial assumed by national and regional institutions during the seventies. During the conference of Grosseto (1970), Florence (1972) and Cagliari, political and trade union circles of national and regional level had argued that the public sector action could represent a growth factor for the development of the mining sector of the island. Industrial processes put in place by EMSA dall'Egam and constituted in this regard an important milestone for the relaunch of the mining industry and occupational island, even though the policy measures of the national / regional level could not provide solutions to the crisis mining industry. Regional and state authorities, as the analysis of archival documents and literature produced during the decade between the end of the seventies and the eighties, did not intervene in a unified manner, a circumstance that caused numerous conflicts of competence which caused a expenditure of financial resources and that there was a reorganization of the productive activity and a resolution of social and business problems. The industrial policy decisions taken at the end of the seventies, in relation to the acts produced by the Regional Council and the trade unions belonging to the CGIL and CISL, were marked by the rescue and by the advance of the mining activities of the Eni group, which in fact accentuated the dependence of the regional industrial system from the system of State holdings, Following the approval of Law 279/1978, Eni took over the liquidator Committee of Ex Egam society and strove to the restructuring of the mining sector, with the establishment of the Equity Mining and Metallurgical Company (Samim), where the confluence of part of Mining companies belonging to the Ente Sardo (PiomboZincifera Sarda) and all'Egam (Ammi Sarda and Sogersa). The late seventies and early Eighties marked a stage where the doubts and uncertainties continued to demand payment in the sector Metal Sulcis-Iglesias and the consequent challenge to the system of companies with public participation, taking a function of rescue of marginal businesses and financially distressed. In the third and final chapter I finally analyzed the public final stages of the intervention of State Holdings through the Eni group initiative until disposal of the mining sector and the consequent industrial conversion of mining areas. Through the study of the testimonies contained in the local newspapers and the memories of the major trade union leaders of the period, I was able to rebuild the profile of the mining disputes within the mining companies and Samim and Sim up to the progressive abandonment of the metalliferous resources from public groups they had to provide for the restructuring of the metal mines of Sulcis- Iglesiente and Guspini. Examination of Historical Archive documentation of the CISL Sarda and Central State Archives and newspaper it was possible to detect a new heightened interest of national, regional and trade unions on the problems of the mining area, aimed at a revival of the mining sector local through the allocation of substantial funding and the provision of a series of legislative measures, such as the national mining law 752/1982, aimed at the exploitation of mineral resources in respect of the supply of domestic raw materials. Within this context, the restructuring of the mining sector and the consequent downsizing of the workforce employed in the Sulcis, following the industrial policies adopted by Eni, caused the resumption of the platform of demands on the political and regional trade union front, with the aim of respond to the dismantling of the mining and non-compliance of the national government and the State holdings. Within this dramatic scenario, the financial situation of the Samim brought to light the public failure of the initiative in the development policies of the Metal area of Sulcis-Iglesiente. Facing the collapse of the mining sector they isolate the provident Eni Group demerged Samim in 1986, dividing it into two parts and forming the Italian Mines Company (Sim) for the mining sector and New Samim for the metallurgical industry, with the aim to separate the "losing" sectors from the sectors in which Eni active prospects could return from an industrial point of view. Despite measures taken by Eni, the state and regional intervention experience in the mining sector had its epilogue in the nineties, when it began the gradual disposal of mining and started the process of environmental rehabilitation of mining areas characterized from disused mining activities or undergoing decommissioning. In the second half of the nineties ended the programmatic experience Mining Ente Sardo, a factor that gave way to the launching of regional and national legislative measures aimed at revitalizing, remediation, and historical and cultural development of the regional mining heritage by Igea Company SpA and of the Geo-mining Park.

As the current chair of BRICS, Russia is pursuing a rather extensive agenda related to finance that includes enhancing the role of member countries in the international monetary and financial system and developing interbank cooperation and settlements in national currencies. BRICS is an intergovernmental organization founded by Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa that recently expanded and now includes Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates. There has also been discussion of a potential BRICS currency as part of a strategy of de-dollarization — the substitution of the dollar as the primary currency for international financial transactions. The U.S. trade war with China, as well as U.S. sanctions on China and Russia, are central to this ongoing discussion.Although much U.S. media attention was paid to the enhancement of military and political cooperation during the summit between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing earlier this month, financial issues also figured high on the agenda. The Russian delegation included Putin's new defense minister, Andrei Belousov, whose appointment is believed to help ensure that the Russian economy better serves the strategic needs of the military. Russia's Finance Minister Anton Siluanov and the governor of the Central Bank, Elvira Nabiullina, also participated. Nabiullina's participation was particularly noteworthy as she does not regularly accompany Putin on overseas visits. However, her participation would have been crucial for any discussion regarding sanctions workarounds and Moscow's interest in de-dollarization. Also noteworthy was Putin's mention that trade turnover between the two countries in 2023 increased by some 25 percent, reaching over $227 billion. He was also keen to underscore that 90 percent of bilateral trade between the two countries was conducted in rubles and/or yuan. It must be mentioned that Chinese banks are under increasing pressure from the U.S. to stop funding these arrangements. In any case, Putin's observations were clearly intended not only for the Chinese leadership but also for the "global majority" or Global South as well to promote global joint Sino-Russian initiatives, such as de-dollarization, which have received increased support recently. Indeed, it was probably no coincidence that during Putin's visit it was announced that Beijing dumped a total of $53.3 billion of U.S. Treasuries and agency bonds combined in the first quarter, according to calculations based on the latest data from the U.S. Department of the Treasury. Belgium, often seen as a custodian of China's holdings, also disposed of $22 billion of Treasuries during the same period. These figures underscore China's continuing commitment to de-dollarization.As of March 2024, over half (52.9%) of Chinese payments were settled in RMB while 42.8% were settled in U.S. dollars. Furthermore, according to data released by the People's Bank of China, China's gold reserves rose to 2264.87 tons in the first quarter of 2024, up from 2235.39 tons in the fourth quarter of 2023.This is double the share from the previous five years. According to Goldman Sachs, foreigners' increased willingness to trade assets denominated in RMB continues to contribute to de-dollarization in favor of China's currency. Early last year, Brazil and Argentina announced that they would begin allowing trade settlements in RMB. With the onset of the global de-dollarization trend, numerous countries have sped up diversifying their reserves by augmenting their gold holdings and adopting local currencies for international transactions.At the ASEAN finance ministers and central banks meeting in Indonesia in March, policymakers discussed cutting their reliance on the U.S. dollar, the Japanese yen, and the euro and moving to settlements in local currencies instead. And, in early April, Indian media widely reported that the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) had announced that India and Malaysia were starting to settle their trade in the Indian rupee. India already conducts most of its energy trade with Russia in rupees or rubles.As de-dollarization accelerates, the BRICS nations continue efforts to establish a new reserve currency backed by a basket of their respective currencies. BRICS members have not developed their own currency; however, a BRICS blockchain-based payment system is in the works, according to Kremlin aide Yury Ushakov in March 2024. The payment system, referred to as the BRICS Bridge, would connect member countries' financial systems using payment gateways for settlements in central bank digital currencies. Ideally, a BRICS currency would allow these countries to assert their economic independence while competing with the existing international financial system. The current system is dominated by the U.S. dollar, which accounts for about 90 percent of all currency trading. Until recently, nearly 100 percent of oil trading was conducted in dollars; however, in 2023, one-fifth of oil trades were reportedly conducted with non-dollar currencies.The potential impact of a new BRICS currency on the U.S. dollar remains uncertain, with experts debating its potential to challenge the dollar's dominance. According to an article on Nasdaq.com, "Any such currency, if stabilized against the dollar, would weaken the power of U.S. sanctions, by reducing the influence of the dollar globally…weakening the status of the dollar as a global currency and mitigating risks associated with global volatility due to the lessening of dependence on the dollar…As more countries would seek alternatives to the dollar this would only accelerate the trend toward de-dollarization."In a recent interview, Sergey Ryabkov, Russia's deputy foreign minister, revealed that the de-dollarization agenda would take center stage at the BRICS summit scheduled to take place in Russia in October 2024. The alliance will become stronger after the summit, ushering developing nations into a "whole new ball game." The BRICS has also created the BRICS Bank in 2015. Now known as the New Development Bank, or NDB, it mobilizes resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in the BRICS and other emerging market economies and developing countries. In 2021, the NDB expanded its membership and admitted Bangladesh, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Uruguay as new members. In March its board of directors concluded its 43rd meeting at its headquarters in Shanghai. During meetings a robust project pipeline for 2024 was discussed, aligned with the development objectives of NDB's member countries.Although the threat of de-dollarization and a digital BRICS currency do not appear imminent, there is no doubting the commitment, particularly by China and Russia, to the creation of an alternative to the existing financial architecture underpinned, as it is, by the U.S. dollar. If successful, the addition of a competing system could prove particularly enticing to countries in the Global South and would hopefully lead U.S. policy makers to exercise greater restraint regarding the use of sanctions as a foreign policy hammer, especially given the current domestic environment of inflationary pressure and ever-growing national debt.

Venezuela once again is approaching an opportunity for change as presidential elections are scheduled for 2024 and legislative, regional and local elections for 2025. The U.S. has suggested it could ease sanctions if the government of President Nicolas Maduro makes democratic advances — for instance by improving its electoral system — and for months there have been rumors of a deal. However, no major announcements have been made, though Maduro has continued to ratchet down his authoritarian hold on Venezuelan politics. Thus, the potential for these elections to change the status quo is uncertain.The opposition primary and risk of judicial interventionIn response to calls for the need to renew its leadership, the opposition decided to hold a primary election on October 22 to determine its candidate for 2024. This is no small task in a country immersed in a deep humanitarian emergency and in which, to use the words of the United Nations Independent Fact Finding Mission, official policy is to "silence, discourage and quash opposition to the Government of President Maduro."The National Primary Commission, an independent body in charge of organizing the opposition primary election, has fought an uphill battle. In Venezuela, there is an electoral branch of government headed by the National Electoral Council. The Primary Commission sent several communications to the Electoral Council before June 5 of this year, asking for meetings to evaluate the possibility of the Electoral Council providing technical assistance, including access to the official voting centers, providing security and guaranteeing public order. However, there was no answer and on June 15, almost all the members of the Electoral Council resigned under strong pressure from the government, and an irregular process of appointment of new members took place. As a result, the Primary Commission decided it would forge ahead, independently organizing the primary. More than three months later, and exactly a month before the primary was to take place, the new Electoral Council publicly addressed the requirements of the Primary Commission. The Electoral Council recommended moving the date to November 19 and using Venezuela's automated voting system.The Electoral Council said nothing, however, about the participation of María Corina Machado, Henrique Capriles, or Freddy Superlano. These candidates were disqualified to run for public office via unconstitutional administrative proceedings by the Venezuelan Comptroller. Insiders suggest that the Electoral Council would not prohibit their participation in the primary, but that they could not control the actions of the Supreme Court of Justice. The judiciary plays a significant role in the repression of the government's opponents. It was precisely the Supreme Court that ordered the suspension and repeat of the governor's election in Barinas state when it was lost by Argenis Chávez, the brother of late President Hugo Chávez, in November 2021, saying Freddy Superlano, the winning candidate, was actually disqualified.The Primary Commission issued a public statement explaining that, with the primary elections just days away, it was not possible to change course and move the date. The Electoral Council replied with its own public statement saying that it holds exclusive competence to carry out electoral proceedings.This latest response from the Electoral Council underscores a possibility that has always been present: a judicial intervention in the opposition primary. The Supreme Court has consistently acted as an arm of the executive under Maduro and Hugo Chávez before him. If such an intervention takes place, opposition candidates will need to find another strategy to participate in the 2024 elections.Opposition coordinationOver the past 20-plus years, the opposition has struggled to coordinate behind a single strategy. There is a long history of elite divisions over who controls Venezuela's petro-state apparatus. And opposition divisions are characteristic of countries ruled by authoritarian governments — from communist Poland, to South African apartheid, to Chile under Pinochet. There have been a number of cases in Venezuela where the opposition has been able to coordinate, such as the 2015 legislative elections which it won in a landslide. The Maduro government fully understands this difficulty and does whatever it can to divide the opposition. This last-minute offer by the CNE to organize the primary election fits clearly within this strategy.There are two additional challenges. First, the lifting of the above mentioned political disqualifications had been one of the main demands by the United States in negotiations surrounding possible sanctions relief. If a deal is reached before the elections, Machado or Capriles might be able to run. If not, and one of them wins, it will likely create a period of conflict within the opposition over a plan for succession and quite possibly a move to boycott by affected candidates. Second, it is likely that candidates who are not running in the primary will nevertheless run in the presidential election, for example, comedian Benjamin Rausseo or Zulia governor Manuel Rosales. If and when they do, it could divide the opposition vote, thus allowing Maduro to win reelection with minority support.Whether these challenges are constructively met or not, it is important to take a step back to appreciate this moment. It is remarkable that, within a year of a contentious decision to put an end to Juan Guaidó's interim government, the Venezuelan opposition has unified around an electoral strategy. This has not happened since 2015. Indeed, Machado, the person who has been most opposed to an electoral solution over the years, is now the leading candidate. The primary itself has done what primaries should do – it has brought candidates in closer contact with the people and generated popular enthusiasm and engagement. Furthermore, the Primary Commission has been courageous and judicious in organizing the event. Although much still needs to be done to thicken coordination among opposition leaders and parties, and their connection to the population, these achievements are important and should be acknowledged.International engagementVenezuela's conflict and the potential for an electoral solution should be on the agenda of international stakeholders. The humanitarian emergency has forced almost eight million Venezuelans to flee, many to the United States. More than half of the population lives in poverty and faces food insecurity. Meanwhile, the oil industry and productive apparatus have suffered deeply due to corruption and mismanagement, as well as U.S. financial and oil sanctions. Also, illegal mining has proliferated, leading to increased destruction of Venezuela's pristine wilderness and the growth of armed and criminal groups. The cost of doing nothing is high. More engagement from other countries in the region such as Colombia, Brazil and even Chile, has the potential to bring the Maduro government back to the negotiation table. Working for better electoral conditions, including international observation, could in turn result in a reasonable agreement between the U.S. and Venezuela on sanctions relief.The U.S. and other countries should engage with the Venezuelan authorities, as well as with the opposition and civil society, in the search for a peaceful and democratic solution. There have been closed-door meetings between U.S. and Venezuelan officials over the past six months and repeated rumors of an imminent deal. However, major announcements have not been forthcoming and time is running out for a deal that could take advantage of the electoral context.

I am a storyteller. I believe in the power of stories to share experiences and to elucidate thoughts and ideas and to help us to make sense of complex social practices. This thesis includes the stories of five young women who were learning to become teachers. As they shared their stories with me, I share them with you. This study includes their stories of receiving feedback. These stories are structured within the Narrative Inquiry dimensions of temporality, place and context. These dimensions suggest that stories are historical and move through time, stories are shaped by place and the context in which they unfold (Clandinin, 2013). Furthermore, these stories demonstrate how feedback can serve to give access to powerful knowledge and can serve to recognise who our students are and what they bring to the academy (Hordern, 2018). But feedback can also serve to misrecognise. Much has been written and reported about the barriers preventing students from acting on the feedback on their assignment tasks in higher education. In this study, I argue that feedback is a pedagogic practice that can support students to gain epistemic access. Feedback can only achieve this if it makes the expectations explicit for students to make sense of and make meaning for themselves and if it is offered in a dialogical format which recognises the students, their attempts, their identities, and their knowledge. The research question of this study, 'How do experiences of forms of feedback affect female undergraduate student teachers' chances of epistemic access?', is not unusual. There have been many research projects that have been carried out that examine students' experiences of feedback (for example, Evans, 2013; Basey, Maines, & Francis, 2014; Nicol et al.; 2014; Carless, 2019; Winstone et al., 2021). But I identified a gap where feedback has not, to my knowledge, been studied directly through the lenses of Epistemic Justice towards Parity of Participation. This study interpreted five undergraduate student teachers' feedback experiences through these lenses. Narrative inquiry enabled me to design this study in ways that foregrounded experience. Data was collected through multiple conversations during which I organised the participants' life stories of feedback within the dimensions of temporality, place and context, and sociality. Miranda Fricker's (2007) theory of Epistemic Justice and Fraser's norm of Parity of Participation (2000) framed this study. I engaged with Fricker and Fraser's literature meaningfully as a reader and researcher. I established an understanding of how the lenses offered by Fraser and Fricker allowed me to make sense of the literature more generally, in social life and on the pedagogic practice of feedback. Fricker's theory of Epistemic Justice considers the epistemically unjust, gendered, raced and classed, experiences of epistemic agents. Fricker (2007) draws on two central concepts to account for epistemic injustices: Testimonial Injustice and Hermeneutical Injustice. Fricker (2007; 2003) explains that testimonial injustice occurs within a testimonial exchange setting, when an epistemic agent as a speaker gives testimony of the epistemic agent's experiences and knowledge but is not awarded the credibility the speaker deserves (Fricker, 2003). Epistemic agents who participate in a testimonial exchange need to overcome bias and prejudice in order to evaluate testimonies with the degree of fairness the testimony deserves (Fricker, 2013; 2016). Hermeneutical injustice occurs when an epistemic agent is unable to make sense and make meaning of their social experiences. Hermeneutical injustice strengthens when the epistemic agent is prevented from gaining access to resources that might help with sense making and meaning making of these social experiences (Dielman, 2012; Fricker, 2016). To ensure that meaning can be made between people and groups of people, there needs to be some shared understandings of the purpose and process of sense making and meaning-making – or a willingness to co-create such shared understandings. Fraser's norm of Participatory Parity enabled a consideration of the larger world of political and economic systems that give rise to social injustice. In this study, the theories of Fricker and Fraser are used to illuminate experiences of feedback of the five undergraduate student teachers who are the participants in this study and how these translate to epistemic and social injustice. The norm of Participatory Parity is considered where feedback allowed or restricted participants from participating on an equal footing in the feedback process. Narrative inquiry, a research methodology that is used to study experiences, was used to inform research strategies of this study. Participants' experiences, data collection and organising the narratives demonstrated the dimensions of temporality and space. The thesis includes biographical vignettes for each of the participants in the study, interspersed with data from across all five participants. The key findings of this study show that feedback generally operates at the surface levels of grammar correction. In light of the theoretical lenses of this study, I argue that the feedback experiences they shared generally did not recognise their attempts and the identities and knowledges they brought to the tasks. Because the focus was on superficial correction of the specific task, the feedback failed to create conditions for the (re)distribution of knowledge. At times the feedback exerted power on participants. Because the feedback was generally in the form of one directional correction (with little space for interaction with the feedback or dialogue with the assessor), this caused status subordination of participants in the epistemic spaces of teaching practice. Lastly, the lack of clarity of feedback was harmful to the potential for dialogical feedback. Such feedback caused participants to experience forms of epistemic injustice in the form of hermeneutical injustice where it failed to create conditions for the distribution of knowledge. Feedback also caused participants to experience testimonial injustice where it failed to create conditions for recognising participants' processes of sense-making and meaning-making in the various assignment tasks. Participatory Parity could not occur because the processes of recognition and redistribution were constrained. Feedback then created fertile conditions of epistemic injustice to occur, and participants were likely to have failed to gain the much needed epistemic access. This study is not the story of bad, uncaring academics; the study acknowledges the context of large classes and heavy workloads in which feedback is or is not given. Rather, this is the story of five women trying to make their way through the university and out into the world as teachers. The study calls for better theorising of feedback and more support for both academics and students to develop feedback literacy so that feedback might serve as a dialogical pedagogic practice that enables epistemic justice. ; Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Education, Centre for Higher Education Research, Teaching and Learning, 2022

Objective: Identifying meanings that American populations assign to parasitic intestinal diseases and raising potential conflicts or dilemmas in making-decision in various health activities result of the contact between traditional and biomedical perspectives. Methodology: Bibliographic review on intestinal parasites that met the inclusion criteria and supply insights for hermeneutics understanding of intestinal parasites and allow identify bioethical dilemmas for health activities resulting from contact between the emic and ethical visions (of biomedicine). Results: The social construction of parasitic intestinal diseases influences their perception of causality, harmfulness and as a health problem. This affects actions that people undertake to these diseases. People's perception of the diseases can be different to the health professionals. Sometimes ethnoanatomy is related to beneficial effects from the parasites. People recognize risk factors but this does not necessarily lead to preventive behaviors. Some researches recognize informative education without community participation is not successful because people do not feel motivated to transform your reality. There were established various bioethical dilemmas arising from contact between emic and biomedical perspectives. Conclusions: Emic approach allows us to understand people´s logic about intestinal parasites. Although people recognize infection risks from an etic perspective, health officers' lack of understanding of emic perspective of parasitic intestinal diseases, and the poor living conditions cannot produce changes that affect the reduction on prevalence rates. Those facts will affect the success of care, prevention, promotion and health education programs. The emic perspective is not definitely. There are a lot of infrastructural conditions that developed different conflict situations for the work of the health professionals. They can provide elements for prevention and promotion strategies and programs, but depending on the socio-economical (poverty, community participation and empowerment) and political (i.e. leadership, formal commitments) conditions can be used or not. The last conclusion is that many ethical and moral problems must be analyzed by bioethics. ; Objetivo: Identificar sentidos que pueblos del continente americano le asignan a las parasitosis intestinales y plantear posibles conflictos o dilemas en las tomas de decisiones en diferentes actividades de salud producto del encuentro de valores distintos, campo de acción de la bioética. Metodología: Revisión bibliográfica de artículos sobre parasitosis intestinales que cumplieran los criterios de inclusión establecidos y suministraran aportes para la comprensión hermenéutica de las parasitosis intestinales y permitieran identificar dilemas bioéticos para actividades en salud resultantes del contacto entre las visiones émica y ética (de la biomedicina). Resultados: La construcción social de las parasitosis intestinales influye en su percepción de causalidad, nocividad y como problema de salud, lo cual afecta las acciones que la gente emprenda ante ellas. Se advierte que tales construcciones sociales pueden no coincidir con la perspectiva biomédica. Se observó que en algunas poblaciones la construcción social del cuerpo se relaciona con la percepción de efectos benéficos de los parásitos. La gente reconoce factores de riesgo pero esto no necesariamente conduce a comportamientos preventivos. Algunos estudios reconocen que la educación ha sido de tipo informativo, sin participación comunitaria, lo cual impide que la gente se identifique con ella y se sienta motivada a transformar su realidad. Se identificaron diversos dilemas bioéticos producto del contacto entre visiones de las poblaciones, y la biomedicina. Conclusiones: La aproximación émica permite entender la lógica de la población sobre las parasitosis intestinales e identificar disyuntivas bioéticas. Aunque la gente reconozca los riesgos de infección, la falta de comprensión de la perspectiva émica de los parasitismos por parte del personal de salud y las deficientes condiciones de vida permiten que no se produzcan transformaciones que incidan en la disminución de sus prevalencias. Eso mismo afectará el éxito de programas de atención, prevención, promoción y educación en la salud. Pero el análisis de la visión émica, aunque es fundamental, no lo es todo. En el problema de las parasitosis intestinales intervienen también condiciones infraestructurales, que conllevan situaciones conflictivas para los profesionales de la salud, como agentes externos a las comunidades. Se pueden hacer campañas de educación que efectivamente mejoren la prevención, pero realidades socio-económicas (por ejemplo, pobreza, participación comunitaria, empoderamiento,) y políticas (compromisos y acciones de líderes y gobiernos a diferentes niveles) pueden incidir para que lo que se aprendió no surta el efecto deseado o que se modifiquen las condiciones estructurales que generan los problemas. En este punto se generan problemas morales que deberían ser analizados por la bioética. ; Objetivo: Identificar sentidos que povos das Américas atribuem às parasitoses intestinais e formular potenciais conflitos ou dilemas nas tomada de decisões em várias atividades de saúde produto do encontro de valores diferentes, o escopo da bioética. Metodologia: pesquisa de artigos sobre parasitoses intestinais que atenderam aos critérios de inclusão e forneceram contribuições para a compreensão hermenêutica das parasitoses intestinais e permitiram identificar dilemas bioé- ticos para atividades de saúde decorrentes do contato entre as visões émicas e éticas (da biomedicina) . Resultados: A construção social das parasitoses intestinais influencia na sua percepção de causalidade, nocividade e como um problema de saúde, o que afeta as ações que as pessoas empreendem diante deles. Você é avisado de que tais construções sociais podem não corresponder à perspectiva biomédica. Observou-se que em algumas populações, a construção social do corpo está relacionada com a percepção de efeitos benéficos dos parasitas. As pessoas reconhecem fatores de risco, mas isso não conduz necessariamente a comportamentos preventivos. Alguns estudos reconhecem que a educação tem sido do tipo informativo, sem a participação da comunidade, o que impede que as pessoas se identifiquem com ela e se sinta motivada para mudar sua realidade. Identificaram-se vários dilemas bioéticos produto do contato entre as visões das populações e da biomedicina. Conclusões: A abordagem émica permite entender a lógica das pessoas sobre os parasitas intestinais, e identificar os dilemas bioéticos. Embora as pessoas reconheçam os riscos de infecção, a falta de compreensão da perspectiva émica dos parasitismos por parte do pessoal de saúde e as condições de vida precárias permitem que não haja transformações que afetem na diminuição das suas prevalências. Isso mesmo afetará o sucesso de programas de atenção, preven- ção, promoção e educação em saúde. Mas, a análise da visão émica, embora seja essencial, não é tudo. No problema das parasitoses intestinais também interferem condições de infraestrutura, que implicam situações conflitivas para os profissionais de saúde, e para agentes de fora para as comunidades. Você pode fazer campanhas de educação que efetivamente melhorem a prevenção, mas realidades socioeconômicas (por exemplo, pobreza, participação da comunidade, empoderamento) e políticas (compromissos e ações de líderes e governos em diferentes níveis) podem influenciar para que o que é se aprendeu não dei o efeito pretendido ou que se modifiquem as condições estruturais que criam os problemas. Neste momento são gerados questões morais que deveriam ser analisados pela bioética.

Màster universitari en Estudis Avançats en Arquitectura: Gestió i Valoració Urbana i Arquitectònica ; In recent decades, the world has seen a growing global call for a more environmentally and economically sustainable future. The recognition that energy demand is directly associated with greenhouse gas emissions has highlighted energy efficiency, especially when related to the construction sector. Improving energy efficiency in the residential real estate market can play a key role in greenhouse gas reductions. The studies analyzed indicate that Governments around the world are aware of the importance of applying incentive instrument policies towards energy efficiency in buildings. To achieve the goals established by the major international agreements, the construction and building sector need strategies that make viable the extensive use of energy efficiency. But how can anachronistic constructions in terms of energy demand be brought into line with current and future standards? In order to respond to this demand, new emergent models of financing are arising, such as green mortgages. Energy efficient mortgages can be the turning point towards a more sustainable economy. It forms the union of three stakeholders: homeowners and occupiers, political actors, and financial and business entities. The growth in supply of this financing product coupled with incentive instruments towards energy-efficient housing can represent a convergence point for the sustainability, profitability and savings needs of home users/owners. The hypothesis that energy efficiency influences the preferences of household decisionmakers is not recent, studies examine the impact of energy efficiency on home value, delinquencies and also, barriers faced by homeowners regarding energy efficiency. But little has been said about the relationship of energy-efficient home financing and homeowners. This study concentrates on adding to the limited literature regarding the financing of projects with high levels of energy efficiency, more specifically determining the impact of emerging energy efficiency financing instruments on the housing market, more precisely, green mortgages and knowing the stated preferences of household decision-makers regarding energy efficiency and its financing through a method of conjoint based analysis in the Catalan residential market. Empirical evidence suggests that under equal housing conditions, energy ratings have a significant influence at the time of purchase. Furthermore, this research is novel because it indicates that the type of mortgage and the indexes of public subsidy also positively affect at the time of purchase of this energy-efficient dwelling, although to a lesser degree. More specifically, the financial conditions of the individual himself are the main motivator for choosing emerging models of financing energy-efficient housing, as well as the type of EE housing. The cases presented here make it clear that the necessary shift towards a more sustainable future requires the participation of diverse players, not only market forces but also the participation of public administration and society as a whole. The promotion and creation of support tools that enable citizens to renovate and/or buy more energyefficient homes must be a broad, stable and long-lasting policy, as is the case with green mortgages. No policy is capable of overcoming environmental challenges alone, it is necessary a set of coordinated actions. ; El mundo pasa en las últimas décadas por un llamamiento global creciente hacia un futuro más sostenible ambiental y económicamente. La constatación de que la demanda energética está directamente asociada a las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero han puesto en destaque la eficiencia energética, especialmente cuando relacionadas al sector de la construcción. La mejora de la eficiencia energética en el mercado inmobiliario residencial puede tener un papel clave en las reducciones de gases de efecto invernadero. Los estudios analizados sugieren que gobiernos alrededor del mundo están conscientes de la importancia de aplicar políticas de instrumentos de incentivo hacia la eficiencia energética en las edificaciones. Para alcanzar las metas instauradas por los grandes acuerdos internacionales, el sector constructivo y edificatorio necesitan de estrategias que hagan viables el uso extensivo de la eficiencia energética. Pero ¿Cómo readecuar construcciones anacrónicas en términos de demanda de energía a los estándares actuales y futuros? Para responder a esta demanda surgen nuevos modelos emergentes de financiación, caso de las hipotecas verdes. Las hipotecas energéticamente eficientes pueden ser el punto de inflexión hacia una economía más sostenible. Conforma la unión de los tres actores interesados: propietarios y ocupantes de las viviendas, actores políticos y entidades financieras y empresariales. El crecimiento de oferta de este producto de financiación sumado a instrumentos de incentivo hacia viviendas energéticamente eficientes puede representar un punto de convergencia para las necesidades de sostenibilidad, rentabilidad y ahorro de los usuarios/propietarios de viviendas. La hipótesis de que la eficiencia energética influye en las preferencias de los tomadores de decisión del hogar no es reciente, estudios examinan el impacto de la eficiencia energética en el valor de la vivienda, la morosidad y también, barreras enfrentadas por los propietarios respecto de la eficiència energética. Pero poco se habla sobre la relación de la financiación de viviendas energéticamente eficientes y los propietarios. Este estudio busca sumar a la limitada literatura respecto a la financiación de proyectos con altos niveles de eficiencia energética. Más concretamente determinar el impacto de instrumentos de financiación emergentes de la eficiencia energética en el mercado de la vivienda. Más específicamente, las hipotecas verdes y conocer las preferencias declaradas de los tomadores de decisión del hogar con respecto a eficiencia energética y su financiación a través deun método de análisis conjunto basado en la elección en el mercado residencial catalán. Las evidencias empíricas sugieren que a igualdad de condiciones de la vivienda, las clasificaciones energéticas ejercen una importante influencia en el momento de la compra. Asimismo, la presente investigación es novedosa al indicar que el tipo de hipoteca y los índices de subvención pública también influyen positivamente en el momento de la compra de esta vivienda energéticamente eficiente, aunque en menor grado. Más concretamente, son las condiciones financieras del propio individuo el principal motivador para elegir modelos emergentes de financiación de viviendas energéticamente eficientes, así como el tipo de vivienda EE. Los casos aquí presentados dejan claro que el cambio necesario hacia un futuro más sostenible exige la participación de diversos actores, no apenas las fuerzas de mercado sino también la participación de la administración pública y de la sociedad como un todo. La promoción y creación de herramientas de soporte que permitan a los ciudadanos renovar y/o comprar viviendas más eficientes energéticamente debe ser una política amplia, estable y duradera, como es el caso de las hipotecas verdes. Ninguna política es capaz de superar los retos ambientales sola, para tanto es necesario un conjunto de acciones coordinadas.

The 1973 and 1975 legislation relating to the protection of employment has failed to bring about all of the expected results. It has failed to reverse unemployment which continued to rise. Having been designed and then refined over 35 years by theorists from the French school of employment law, it has burdened small and medium sized businesses by increasing the financial consequences of breach of open – ended employment contracts. Based on the three guarantees system (procedure, legal base and compensation) and strengthened by threshold considerations, it has curbed both the initiatives and expansion of the said businesses due to the psychological effects thereof on managers as well as to the effects thereof on the businesses' economy. We recall the involvement of almost all of the legal professionals and of the political and union representatives, as well as the inability of the business world to evaluate and challenge a phenomenon despite it being ineffectual as regards reducing unemployment as well as other detrimental effects upon business. We complete our review of the literature in this field by considering various practical examples drawn from our own professional experience which latter relates to the effectiveness of the said three guarantees. We recall that the classic paradigm involves a consideration of the employee's situation and an optimisation of the latter by means of laws which protect insiders (via O.E.E.C, Open – Ended Employment contracts) to the detriment of outsiders on fixed term contracts, temporary employees or job seekers. We are determined to reverse this by starting from the basic equation of a business: an individual, an idea, capital, an acceptance of risk. Thus the employment contract comes second. It depends from a logic of costs in which we intend to include all costs relating to employment in France, whether deferred – revealed after the employee has left, at the end of a case in the Employment Appeals Tribunal – or uncovered. Of course, we have differentiated uncovered costs from the notion of hidden costs, which latter are usually linked to the underperformance of a business. We came to carry out this research via Williamson's transactional costs theory, and we have applied it to French legislation (the complexity of which still remains to be addressed by the Anglo-Saxons). It allows us to go beyond those employment costs which are generally acknowledged, in order to uncover other costs which have not been included in any French legal, fiscal or accounting regulations. Sometimes they are even ignored by managers. By drawing a new approach from our experience as practitioner and researcher and from our use of empirical examples, we have established a classification of uncovered costs. It has enabled us to redefine the reality of employment costs, related to a cause, namely to the presence of the employee in the business. However, the effects of the said presence are represented by various costs which are not accounted for in the immediate costs of work, such as operating and management costs relating to employee representative bodies, costs relating to incentive and participation, costs relating to comfort and especially, deferred costs, with the latter stemming from breach of employment contracts. Whether the said breach occurs in the context of a dismissal or it is another type of contractual breach, whether or not the causes are admitted or rejected by the parties (resulting in proceedings and the related imposition by the court of compensation, wages or supplements to wages) the said costs are not included in employment costs resulting from the provision by the employee of services in the context and at the time of his employment. Thus we are proposing a methodology which will take into account the uncovered costs of employment and which will seek to relocate them in the generally acknowledged immediate costs of the employee's work. ; La législation sur la protection de l'emploi créée par la loi (1973 et 1975) n'a pas produit l'ensemble des effets escomptés. Elle n'a pas contré le chômage qui a continué à progresser. Conçue et accentuée pendant 35 ans par les théoriciens de l'école de française du droit du travail, elle a accablé les T.P.E. et les P.M.E. en accentuant les conséquences financières de la rupture du contrat de travail à durée indéterminée. Fondée sur le système des 3 garanties (procédure, fondement et indemnisation), renforcée par les effets de seuils, elle a bridé l'initiative et le développement de ces entreprises tant par ses effets sur la psychologie des managers que par ceux produits sur l'économie de l'entreprise. Nous rappelons l'implication de la quasi-totalité des professionnels du droit et des responsables politiques et syndicaux, de même que l'incapacité du monde de l'entreprise à analyser et s'opposer à un phénomène en dépit de son inefficacité sur le niveau du chômage et de ses effets néfastes sur l'entreprise. Nous complétons la revue de littérature par différents exemples concrets tirés de notre pratique professionnelle concernant l'efficience des trois garanties. Nous rappelons que le paradigme classique consiste à examiner la situation du salarié et à optimiser sa situation par le biais d'une législation qui protège les insiders (en C.D.I.) au détriment des outsiders en contrats à durée déterminés, en intérim ou demandeurs d'emploi. Nous avons résolu de l'inverser en prenant comme point de départ l'équation de base de l'entreprise : un individu, une idée, un capital, une acceptation du risque. Le contrat de travail apparaît donc second. Il dépend d'une logique de coûts dans laquelle nous allons intégrer l'ensemble des coûts du travail en France, différés – apparaissant après son départ, au terme d'un procès prudhommal – ou occultés. Nous différencions naturellement ces coûts de la notion de coûts cachés, généralement liés à un disfonctionnement de l'entreprise. Nous procédons à cette recherche à travers la théorie des coûts de transaction de Williamson, appliquée à la législation française (dont la complexité n'est pas abordée par les anglo-saxons). Elle permet, au-delà des coûts du travail tels qu'ils sont classiquement reconnus, de révéler des coûts qui ne sont pas intégrés par les règles légales, fiscales ou comptables françaises. Ils sont même parfois ignorés des dirigeants. En dégageant de notre expérience de praticien chercheur et des exemples empiriques développés une approche nouvelle, nous établissons une nomenclature des coûts éludés. Elle nous permet de rétablir la réalité du coût du travail, lié à une cause, la présence du salarié dans l'entreprise. Mais les effets de cette présence se manifestent pas différentes charges qui ne sont pas comptabilisés dans le coût immédiat du travail, telles que le coût de fonctionnement et de gestion des institutions représentatives du personnel, le coût de l'intéressement et de la participation, les coûts de confort et surtout, les coûts différés, résultant de la rupture du contrat de travail. Que cette rupture intervienne dans le cadre d'un licenciement ou d'une rupture conventionnelle, que les causes en soient admises ou récusées par les parties (ce qui conduit au procès et à la fixation des indemnités, salaires ou accessoires de salaire par décision de justice) ces coûts ne sont pas inclus dans le coûts du travail résultant sur l'instant de la prestation du salarié dans l'emploi. Nous proposons une méthodologie pour prendre en considération des coûts occultés et les réintégrer dans le coût du travail immédiat d'un salarié.

The 1973 and 1975 legislation relating to the protection of employment has failed to bring about all of the expected results. It has failed to reverse unemployment which continued to rise. Having been designed and then refined over 35 years by theorists from the French school of employment law, it has burdened small and medium sized businesses by increasing the financial consequences of breach of open – ended employment contracts. Based on the three guarantees system (procedure, legal base and compensation) and strengthened by threshold considerations, it has curbed both the initiatives and expansion of the said businesses due to the psychological effects thereof on managers as well as to the effects thereof on the businesses' economy. We recall the involvement of almost all of the legal professionals and of the political and union representatives, as well as the inability of the business world to evaluate and challenge a phenomenon despite it being ineffectual as regards reducing unemployment as well as other detrimental effects upon business. We complete our review of the literature in this field by considering various practical examples drawn from our own professional experience which latter relates to the effectiveness of the said three guarantees. We recall that the classic paradigm involves a consideration of the employee's situation and an optimisation of the latter by means of laws which protect insiders (via O.E.E.C, Open – Ended Employment contracts) to the detriment of outsiders on fixed term contracts, temporary employees or job seekers. We are determined to reverse this by starting from the basic equation of a business: an individual, an idea, capital, an acceptance of risk. Thus the employment contract comes second. It depends from a logic of costs in which we intend to include all costs relating to employment in France, whether deferred – revealed after the employee has left, at the end of a case in the Employment Appeals Tribunal – or uncovered. Of course, we have differentiated uncovered costs from the notion of hidden costs, which latter are usually linked to the underperformance of a business. We came to carry out this research via Williamson's transactional costs theory, and we have applied it to French legislation (the complexity of which still remains to be addressed by the Anglo-Saxons). It allows us to go beyond those employment costs which are generally acknowledged, in order to uncover other costs which have not been included in any French legal, fiscal or accounting regulations. Sometimes they are even ignored by managers. By drawing a new approach from our experience as practitioner and researcher and from our use of empirical examples, we have established a classification of uncovered costs. It has enabled us to redefine the reality of employment costs, related to a cause, namely to the presence of the employee in the business. However, the effects of the said presence are represented by various costs which are not accounted for in the immediate costs of work, such as operating and management costs relating to employee representative bodies, costs relating to incentive and participation, costs relating to comfort and especially, deferred costs, with the latter stemming from breach of employment contracts. Whether the said breach occurs in the context of a dismissal or it is another type of contractual breach, whether or not the causes are admitted or rejected by the parties (resulting in proceedings and the related imposition by the court of compensation, wages or supplements to wages) the said costs are not included in employment costs resulting from the provision by the employee of services in the context and at the time of his employment. Thus we are proposing a methodology which will take into account the uncovered costs of employment and which will seek to relocate them in the generally acknowledged immediate costs of the employee's work. ; La législation sur la protection de l'emploi créée par la loi (1973 et 1975) n'a pas produit l'ensemble des effets escomptés. Elle n'a pas contré le chômage qui a continué à progresser. Conçue et accentuée pendant 35 ans par les théoriciens de l'école de française du droit du travail, elle a accablé les T.P.E. et les P.M.E. en accentuant les conséquences financières de la rupture du contrat de travail à durée indéterminée. Fondée sur le système des 3 garanties (procédure, fondement et indemnisation), renforcée par les effets de seuils, elle a bridé l'initiative et le développement de ces entreprises tant par ses effets sur la psychologie des managers que par ceux produits sur l'économie de l'entreprise. Nous rappelons l'implication de la quasi-totalité des professionnels du droit et des responsables politiques et syndicaux, de même que l'incapacité du monde de l'entreprise à analyser et s'opposer à un phénomène en dépit de son inefficacité sur le niveau du chômage et de ses effets néfastes sur l'entreprise. Nous complétons la revue de littérature par différents exemples concrets tirés de notre pratique professionnelle concernant l'efficience des trois garanties. Nous rappelons que le paradigme classique consiste à examiner la situation du salarié et à optimiser sa situation par le biais d'une législation qui protège les insiders (en C.D.I.) au détriment des outsiders en contrats à durée déterminés, en intérim ou demandeurs d'emploi. Nous avons résolu de l'inverser en prenant comme point de départ l'équation de base de l'entreprise : un individu, une idée, un capital, une acceptation du risque. Le contrat de travail apparaît donc second. Il dépend d'une logique de coûts dans laquelle nous allons intégrer l'ensemble des coûts du travail en France, différés – apparaissant après son départ, au terme d'un procès prudhommal – ou occultés. Nous différencions naturellement ces coûts de la notion de coûts cachés, généralement liés à un disfonctionnement de l'entreprise. Nous procédons à cette recherche à travers la théorie des coûts de transaction de Williamson, appliquée à la législation française (dont la complexité n'est pas abordée par les anglo-saxons). Elle permet, au-delà des coûts du travail tels qu'ils sont classiquement reconnus, de révéler des coûts qui ne sont pas intégrés par les règles légales, fiscales ou comptables françaises. Ils sont même parfois ignorés des dirigeants. En dégageant de notre expérience de praticien chercheur et des exemples empiriques développés une approche nouvelle, nous établissons une nomenclature des coûts éludés. Elle nous permet de rétablir la réalité du coût du travail, lié à une cause, la présence du salarié dans l'entreprise. Mais les effets de cette présence se manifestent pas différentes charges qui ne sont pas comptabilisés dans le coût immédiat du travail, telles que le coût de fonctionnement et de gestion des institutions représentatives du personnel, le coût de l'intéressement et de la participation, les coûts de confort et surtout, les coûts différés, résultant de la rupture du contrat de travail. Que cette rupture intervienne dans le cadre d'un licenciement ou d'une rupture conventionnelle, que les causes en soient admises ou récusées par les parties (ce qui conduit au procès et à la fixation des indemnités, salaires ou accessoires de salaire par décision de justice) ces coûts ne sont pas inclus dans le coûts du travail résultant sur l'instant de la prestation du salarié dans l'emploi. Nous proposons une méthodologie pour prendre en considération des coûts occultés et les réintégrer dans le coût du travail immédiat d'un salarié.

Objetivo. Analizar si los principios generales del modelo Atención Primaria de Salud Integral (OMS) propuesto en Alma-Ata se cumple en la práctica asistencial de un EAP de la Región de Murcia con los pacientes que consultan por un problema de rodilla. Hipótesis. La práctica de la atención primaria depende de los profesionales y no está condicionada por el contexto social, político y normativo que ha desarrollado el Sevicio Murciano de Salud, que la calidad de la asistencia sanitaria a los problemas de rodilla es adecuada y que la evidencia científica es utilizada de forma adecuada y los procesos diagnósticos son satisfactorios. Material y método. Tras una revisión histórica de los antecedentes y causas que motivaron el modelo, del marco conceptual del mismo y de sus desarrollos a nivel mundial, nacional y autonómico, se elabora un Chest List para obtener variables operativas. Se emplean variables cualitativas que afectan a todos los usuarios del Centro de Salud y cuantitativas específicas de aquellos que consultaron por primera vez por un problema de rodilla durante el año 2012. Entre las primeras se analizan Universalidad, Accesibilidad y Participación Ciudadana tanto en el proceso de toma de decisiones sobre la salud como en el control de la gestión. Entre las segundas se analiza la Metodología aplicada, la Evidencia Científica y el uso de la Tecnología adecuada. El análisis de las variables cualitativas se ha obtenido a partir de la observación directa, entrevistas con "informadores clave" y búsquedas de datos publicados en Internet. En el estudio cuantitativo, se ha realizado una búsqueda mediante OMI-Est. Una vez aplicados unos criterios de exclusión en función de la calidad del registro, se obtiene una muestra de 313 episodios que corresponden a todos los usuarios con problemas de rodillas atendidos en nueve cupos asistenciales del Equipo de Atención Primaria. Las variables primarias corresponden a metodología y evidencia científica de la Anamnesis (13 variables), Exploración Física (10 variables) y uso de Pruebas de Diagnóstico por Imagen (3 variables). De ellas se han obtenido unas variables secundarias: Evaluación de la Evidencia Científica, Adecuación de la Solitud de las pruebas, Adecuación de la Elección de la prueba y Precisión Diagnóstica tras el proceso asistencial. Los resultados de estas variables han sido recogidos en Excel y, mediante tablas dinámicas se ha analizado la distribución de frecuencias. Posteriormente los datos fueron analizados en SPSS. En las variables que no siguieron una distribución normal los contrates de hipótesis fueron realizados utilizando pruebas no paramétricas (Test Mann-Whitney y Kruskal-Wallis). Resultados: Universalidad amplia pero restringida en ciertos colectivos y complicada en otros. La accesibilidad está afectada por las Listas de Espera en la Atención hospitalaria (159,03 días para una artroscopia y 164,08 días para ua Prótesis Total de Rodilla). Ausencia de Participación Ciudadana. Algún dato psicosocial aparece registrado en el 27.3% de los episodios. Algún registro de anamnesis aparece en el 99,4% (media del nº registros 5,59), de Exploración Física en el 67,3% (media 2,3). Se solicitan pruebas en el 46,3%, con una adecuación del 45,5%, elección correcta del 59,7% y aparece registrado el resultado de la prueba en el 79,5%. Se ha mejorado la precisión diagnóstica a lo largo del proceso asistencial en el 52,7% de los procesos atendidos. El cupo asistencial se relaciona con las características del registro de la Anamnesis, la Exploración Física y el uso de Pruebas. Conclusiones: La APS España ha tenido un desarrollo desigual del marco conceptual. El sistema de registro de la información sanitaria se insuficiente, y en cualquier caso, aunque pudiese cumplir bien con la orientación biomédica, es insuficiente para la biopsicosocial. La variabilidad de la práctica médica es preocupante.Aim. To analyse whether the general principles of the comprehensive primary healthcare model proposed in the Declaration of Alma-Ata are complied with in practice by an Equipo de Atención Primaria (Primary Healthcare Team) in the Region of Murcia, Spain, in the treatment of patients presenting with knee problems. Hypotheses. That primary healthcare practice is determined by healthcare professionals and not by the social, political or legislative context developed by the Region of Murcia Health Service; that the quality of healthcare for knee problems is adequate; that scientific evidence is properly implemented; and that diagnostic processes are satisfactory. Materials and methods. After carrying out a historical review of the background and reasons for the development of the model, its concept framework and its development at the global, national and regional levels, we drafted a check list to obtain operational variables. We included qualitative variables that affect every user of the Healthcare Centre and specific quantitative variables for those who visited it for knee problems for the first time in 2012. As qualitative variables, we analysed universality, accessibility and citizen participation in both the health-related decision-making process and in management control. As quantitative variables, we analysed the methodology used, the scientific evidence and the use of appropriate technology. The analysis of qualitative variables was based on direct observation, interviews with key informants and publicly available data found on the Internet. In the quantitative study, we carried out a search using software package OMI-EST. Once we had applied our exclusion criteria related to the quality of each entry, we obtained a sample of 313 episodes of users with knee problems treated in the Primary Healthcare Team's nine healthcare quota groups. The primary variables are related to methodology and scientific evidence of case history (13 variables), physical examination (10 variables) and the use of diagnostic imaging techniques (3 variables). From those variables, we obtained a number of secondary variables: evaluation of scientific evidence, adequacy of test requests, adequacy of test choice, and accuracy of diagnosis after the care process. The results for these variables were compiled in an Excel spreadsheet. Frequency distribution was analysed using pivot tables. The data were then analysed using software package SPSS. Hypothesis testing for non-normally distributed data was performed using non-parametric tests (Mann-Whitney test and Kruskal-Wallis test). Results. There is broad universality, but it is restricted in certain groups and complex in others. Accessibility has been affected by waiting lists for hospital treatment (159.03 days for an arthroscopy and 164.08 days for a total knee replacement). A lack of citizen participation was found. Some psychosocial data was recorded in 27.3% of episodes. There was some case history in 99.4% of cases (average number of entries 5.59) and a previous physical examination had been carried out in 67.3% of cases (2.3 times on average). Tests were requested in 46.3% of cases, with an adequacy of 45.5%, an appropriate choice 59.7% of the time, and test results recorded in 79.5% of cases. Accuracy of diagnosis throughout the care process has improved in 52.7% of cases. The healthcare quota has been associated with the characteristics of case history recording, physical examination and the use of tests. Conclusions. Primary healthcare in Spain has developed unequally from the concept framework. The healthcare information recording system is insufficient, and in any case, even if it could achieve its biomedical function, it is insufficient for its biopsychosocial function. The variability of medical practice is a cause for concern.

Los mercados de productos de alta demanda, en especial aquellos que gozan de una marca de reputación en el mercado, tienen como característica peculiar el ordenar los procesos de intercambio hasta el consumidor final mediante canales donde se diseña una estrategia específica para optimizar la función de distribución que atiende los intereses de sus fabricantes y distribuidores. Esta particular red de distribución, que opera bajo la denominación de canal de distribución oficial, es amenazada por agentes externos que, alentados por las oportunidades de negocio que brindan los productos de estas características, participan en el intercambio al margen de la distribución oficial, creando con ello un canal de distribución o mercado paralelo. Para que los distribuidores paralelos puedan operar en los mercados de estos artículos, es una condición necesaria que agentes pertenecientes a la red oficial los doten de producto en un acto de oportunismo por incumplimiento de sus acuerdos como miembros de la distribución oficial. Con ello persiguen incrementar los volúmenes de negocio a los que tienen acceso si sólo actúan como agentes oficiales. Otra acción en la que se manifiesta el oportunismo de los agentes de la red oficial es el aprovisionamiento de producto desde estos mercados paralelos al encontrar mejores condiciones de las que le brinda la distribución oficial, por ejemplo, un mejor precio. El objetivo de la tesis es indagar en las particularidades de los canales de distribución de productos de gran consumo mediante el estudio de las razones y motivaciones que encuentra un intermediario de la distribución oficial para incumplir sus acuerdos dentro de la estrategia oficial a la que pertenece, y acudir al mercado paralelo a intercambiar producto mediante compra y/o venta. Para realizar el análisis se ha utilizado como metodología la confección de un cuestionario utilizando como base los distintos aspectos presentes en la literatura académica sobre canales de distribución, en general, y mercado paralelo, en particular. De esta manera hemos identificado los elementos relevantes en la toma de decisiones de los intermediarios de la distribución oficial. Mediante un sistema on-line se han obtenido respuestas válidas a este cuestionario procedente de intermediarios mayoristas de alimentación, bebidas, droguería y perfumería, que se encuadran dentro del sector definido como distribución de artículos de gran consumo y que, además, encuentran una asentada presencia los artículos con una marca de reputación. Posteriormente se ha realizado inferencia estadística con los resultados obtenidos dentro del contexto de las acciones del distribuidor oficial, mediante la modelización de cuatro situaciones donde está presente la distribución en un mercado paralelo al oficial. De los resultados hemos obtenido conclusiones que aportan novedades al estado de la literatura sobre la distribución mediante mercados paralelos. Encontramos que la participación del distribuidor oficial tiene límites, que denominamos efecto saturación, establecido por la necesidad que el intermediario tiene de seguir perteneciendo a la red oficial y no ser excluido de ella por un exceso de transacciones al margen de sus acuerdos. Otra novedad que hemos constatado es que la ordenación del canal de distribución oficial, mediante la asignación de funciones en el seno de la red o mediante la negociación de los términos de su pertenencia, tiene efectos sobre las decisiones de los distribuidores oficiales en la participación en los mercados paralelos. En último lugar, hemos aportado como novedad la observación de que el nivel de transacciones en el mercado paralelo es controlable mediante las acciones disciplinarias del fabricante. Estas acciones están destinadas a evitar o reducir la relevancia del mercado paralelo en la red oficial y así prevenir que el comportamiento de los agentes que participan en él sea imitado por los distribuidores oficiales. Abstract The market of fast moving consumer goods is characterised by the presence of highly reputed brands that design their distribution channels with a specific strategy in mind. This design is the "official" channel that is intended to optimize the distribution function to simultaneously fulfil the interests of both, the manufacturer and its distributors. An official channel is an "exclusive club" that let aside other agents that might be interested in transacting with the brand. The latter are motivated by the potential of benefits that can be obtained by buying and/or selling these brands and, sometimes, they do so. These "alternative" distributors, unintended by the manufacturer, that transact with the merchandise out of the official channel of distribution, create what is named as the grey distribution. However, grey distributors can participate in the buying and selling of these products only if official agents provide product. It is therefore the result of an opportunistic action of one or several official agents whose actions are not aligned within the official distribution. The aim of this thesis is investigating the reasons and motivations of official intermediaries to actively participating, as buyers or suppliers, in the grey market. With the Political Economy framework in mind, four models have been proposed to explain our dependent variable. Transaction Cost Economics, Reference-Group Theory, Game Theory, and Relational Theory have been employed to formulate different hypotheses. We used an online survey to collect data from official distributors. XXX usable questionnaires were obtained. Their analysis allowed us testing the hypotheses. Most of them were accepted. In particular we have found a limit to the participation of official distributors in grey market, i.e., a saturation effect. This nonlinear, reversed u shaped effect, is the result of the need of official distributors for continuing their consideration as official intermediaries since their exclusion from the official channel would represent a high risk to their survival. This represents a contribution to the current state of the literature on this topic. We have found that the manufacturers' segmentation strategy has effects on their official distributors' intentions to participate in the grey channel. Price segmentation and assortment restrictions increase the intention, whereas product and market exclusivity reduce it. The situation of negotiation also influences the intentions to use the grey market as a mechanism to counteract the power of the manufacturer's brands. We have observed that the manufacturers' use of enforcement mechanisms have effects on controlling the intentions of distributors to participate in grey markets, although only when enforcement is strong enough to be credible; i.e., low levels of enforcement do not deter distributors from their participation in grey markets. Finally, our results show that official distributors imitate other official agents so that when they observe the others to be involved in the grey market, this serve as a motive for their own involvement. However, they discriminate so that when official distributors perceive that it is the manufacturer who is feeding the grey market they react in a more intense degree, compared to when they perceive other official distributors as the feeders.

Objective: Identifying meanings that American populations assign to parasitic intestinal diseases and raising potential conflicts or dilemmas in making-decision in various health activities result of the contact between traditional and biomedical perspectives. Methodology: Bibliographic review on intestinal parasites that met the inclusion criteria and supply insights for hermeneutics understanding of intestinal parasites and allow identify bioethical dilemmas for health activities resulting from contact between the emic and ethical visions (of biomedicine). Results: The social construction of parasitic intestinal diseases influences their perception of causality, harmfulness and as a health problem. This affects actions that people undertake to these diseases. People's perception of the diseases can be different to the health professionals. Sometimes ethnoanatomy is related to beneficial effects from the parasites. People recognize risk factors but this does not necessarily lead to preventive behaviors. Some researches recognize informative education without community participation is not successful because people do not feel motivated to transform your reality. There were established various bioethical dilemmas arising from contact between emic and biomedical perspectives. Conclusions: Emic approach allows us to understand people´s logic about intestinal parasites. Although people recognize infection risks from an etic perspective, health officers' lack of understanding of emic perspective of parasitic intestinal diseases, and the poor living conditions cannot produce changes that affect the reduction on prevalence rates. Those facts will affect the success of care, prevention, promotion and health education programs. The emic perspective is not definitely. There are a lot of infrastructural conditions that developed different conflict situations for the work of the health professionals. They can provide elements for prevention and promotion strategies and programs, but depending on the socio-economical (poverty, community participation and empowerment) and political (i.e. leadership, formal commitments) conditions can be used or not. The last conclusion is that many ethical and moral problems must be analyzed by bioethics. ; Objetivo: Identificar sentidos que pueblos del continente americano le asignan a las parasitosis intestinales y plantear posibles conflictos o dilemas en las tomas de decisiones en diferentes actividades de salud producto del encuentro de valores distintos, campo de acción de la bioética. Metodología: Revisión bibliográfica de artículos sobre parasitosis intestinales que cumplieran los criterios de inclusión establecidos y suministraran aportes para la comprensión hermenéutica de las parasitosis intestinales y permitieran identificar dilemas bioéticos para actividades en salud resultantes del contacto entre las visiones émica y ética (de la biomedicina). Resultados: La construcción social de las parasitosis intestinales influye en su percepción de causalidad, nocividad y como problema de salud, lo cual afecta las acciones que la gente emprenda ante ellas. Se advierte que tales construcciones sociales pueden no coincidir con la perspectiva biomédica. Se observó que en algunas poblaciones la construcción social del cuerpo se relaciona con la percepción de efectos benéficos de los parásitos. La gente reconoce factores de riesgo pero esto no necesariamente conduce a comportamientos preventivos. Algunos estudios reconocen que la educación ha sido de tipo informativo, sin participación comunitaria, lo cual impide que la gente se identifique con ella y se sienta motivada a transformar su realidad. Se identificaron diversos dilemas bioéticos producto del contacto entre visiones de las poblaciones, y la biomedicina. Conclusiones: La aproximación émica permite entender la lógica de la población sobre las parasitosis intestinales e identificar disyuntivas bioéticas. Aunque la gente reconozca los riesgos de infección, la falta de comprensión de la perspectiva émica de los parasitismos por parte del personal de salud y las deficientes condiciones de vida permiten que no se produzcan transformaciones que incidan en la disminución de sus prevalencias. Eso mismo afectará el éxito de programas de atención, prevención, promoción y educación en la salud. Pero el análisis de la visión émica, aunque es fundamental, no lo es todo. En el problema de las parasitosis intestinales intervienen también condiciones infraestructurales, que conllevan situaciones conflictivas para los profesionales de la salud, como agentes externos a las comunidades. Se pueden hacer campañas de educación que efectivamente mejoren la prevención, pero realidades socio-económicas (por ejemplo, pobreza, participación comunitaria, empoderamiento,) y políticas (compromisos y acciones de líderes y gobiernos a diferentes niveles) pueden incidir para que lo que se aprendió no surta el efecto deseado o que se modifiquen las condiciones estructurales que generan los problemas. En este punto se generan problemas morales que deberían ser analizados por la bioética. ; Objetivo: Identificar sentidos que povos das Américas atribuem às parasitoses intestinais e formular potenciais conflitos ou dilemas nas tomada de decisões em várias atividades de saúde produto do encontro de valores diferentes, o escopo da bioética. Metodologia: pesquisa de artigos sobre parasitoses intestinais que atenderam aos critérios de inclusão e forneceram contribuições para a compreensão hermenêutica das parasitoses intestinais e permitiram identificar dilemas bioé- ticos para atividades de saúde decorrentes do contato entre as visões émicas e éticas (da biomedicina) . Resultados: A construção social das parasitoses intestinais influencia na sua percepção de causalidade, nocividade e como um problema de saúde, o que afeta as ações que as pessoas empreendem diante deles. Você é avisado de que tais construções sociais podem não corresponder à perspectiva biomédica. Observou-se que em algumas populações, a construção social do corpo está relacionada com a percepção de efeitos benéficos dos parasitas. As pessoas reconhecem fatores de risco, mas isso não conduz necessariamente a comportamentos preventivos. Alguns estudos reconhecem que a educação tem sido do tipo informativo, sem a participação da comunidade, o que impede que as pessoas se identifiquem com ela e se sinta motivada para mudar sua realidade. Identificaram-se vários dilemas bioéticos produto do contato entre as visões das populações e da biomedicina. Conclusões: A abordagem émica permite entender a lógica das pessoas sobre os parasitas intestinais, e identificar os dilemas bioéticos. Embora as pessoas reconheçam os riscos de infecção, a falta de compreensão da perspectiva émica dos parasitismos por parte do pessoal de saúde e as condições de vida precárias permitem que não haja transformações que afetem na diminuição das suas prevalências. Isso mesmo afetará o sucesso de programas de atenção, preven- ção, promoção e educação em saúde. Mas, a análise da visão émica, embora seja essencial, não é tudo. No problema das parasitoses intestinais também interferem condições de infraestrutura, que implicam situações conflitivas para os profissionais de saúde, e para agentes de fora para as comunidades. Você pode fazer campanhas de educação que efetivamente melhorem a prevenção, mas realidades socioeconômicas (por exemplo, pobreza, participação da comunidade, empoderamento) e políticas (compromissos e ações de líderes e governos em diferentes níveis) podem influenciar para que o que é se aprendeu não dei o efeito pretendido ou que se modifiquem as condições estruturais que criam os problemas. Neste momento são gerados questões morais que deveriam ser analisados pela bioética.

I believe sometimes it is useful to begin by stating the obvious: Unlike in the case of the international financial system which has belatedly engaged in an exercise to develop a global architecture of rules, a structure of global governance already exists for international trade. The WTO is regarded as a fairly muscular repository of the rules and regulations governing international trade. While the WTO has played a useful and deterrent role through the TPR mechanism in tracking protectionist trends during the crisis, the more effective deterrence has been through the corpus of binding commitments that members have entered into in successive Rounds of negotiations.2. Any discussion regarding the further development of the WTO system has to begin with a shared understanding of the reasons for its present stasis. In my view. the underlying issue is the remarkable changes that have taken place in global competitiveness as a result of which a number of developing countries have begun to enjoy rapid growth while the traditional leaders in developed countries are experiencing sluggishness. The present crisis has only served to highlight this dichotomy. Major economies like the U.S. are going through a protectionist phase, with the latest manifestation being the Border Security Bill approved last month which strangely, seeks to transfer, at least partly, the cost of restricting illegal immigration from across the border to skilled professionals through imposition of higher visa charges. On the other hand, the emerging economies are preoccupied with restructuring their economies to maintain their high growth trajectories. As a result, in Asia at least, domestic consumption is emerging as a key driver of growth. Regional integration has received greater impetus and autonomous liberalization has become a prerequisite to linking with international supply chains. Intra-Asian trade for instance, has become the most dynamic factor in increasing global trade.3. The short point is that the traditional leaders of the multilateral process are preoccupied with economic recovery, while the emerging economies are preoccupied with adjusting to rapid growth. We are therefore witnessing a leadership vacuum in the MTS. I would not like to speculate on how and when this problem will be fixed. But it certainly will be fixed as all stakeholders in the MTS recognize the implications of a WTO weakened by failure of the Doha Round.4. Given this situation, one cannot expect easy consensus on initiatives for further development of the MTS. It also has to be recognized that the WTO of today is a significantly different entity than it was a decade ago and a top down work plan, which is perceived to have been drawn up in some backrooms, will not sell with the membership. Such a work plan can only emerge through an inclusive and consensual exercise over a period. In my view, such an exercise needs to be taken up in 2 phases:5. In the short term, concurrent with the Doha Round negotiations, it is possible to obtain consensus on a number of initiatives to strengthen the deliberative processes in the WTO and enhance the usefulness of the WTO for all stakeholders, public and private. These initiatives can be taken without a fresh Ministerial mandate. Such initiatives could include:Changes in Committee procedures to make the deliberations more effective and relevant to current market situations;A facilitative mechanism to resolve low threshold disputes.A bolder programme on RTA's with the ultimate objective of devising principles for best practices;An integrated data base for NTM's with access to all stakeholders; At the same time, an informal process needs to be launched to explore ideas for a post- Doha work programme.6. As far as the medium term is concerned, the launch of a new work programme has to be linked to the conclusion of the Doha Round. For the reasons I have mentioned, it is essential that such a work programme evolves in a fully transparent and inclusive manner and reflects a balance of interests of all members. It is too early in the day to discuss what such a balanced programme should look like, but nevertheless, some considerations would be valid in drawing up such a programme. Some issues like further liberalization in the market access areas of Agriculture, NAMA and Services would continue to be the major anchor of future negotiations, along with work on the unfinished business in agricultural subsidies. However, in order to reflect the significant changes that have taken place in the global economy as well as the global trading system, the work programme would need to focus on some key issues:Firstly, the major impediments to market access are no longer tariffs but non tariff barriers. The work programme would therefore need to focus on regulatory issues which impinge on market access as distinct from tariff liberalization. This would include a more intensive horizontal engagement on improving the TBT-SPS disciplines to address the issue of Standards in particular and NTB's in general. Similarly, a comprehensive work programme on RTA's with the objective of mainstreaming them into the WTO disciplines, is essential.Thirdly, the remarkable growth being witnessed in several parts of the developing world is being accompanied by a spurt in innovation in these countries. The $2,500 car, the $25 mobile phone, the $10 water purifier, the low cost mobile X-Ray machine are only some examples of this. Much more is to come. These innovations have the potential for revolutionizing global manufacturing. The global IPR disciplines must facilitate, not hinder the process. The new work programme should reflect this new reality.Fourthly, the issue of equity in the global trading system has to be addressed. This would involve dealing with asymmetries in value creation across the world. Trade can only contribute to poverty reduction if it helps in spreading value creation all along the value chain. Africa cannot indefinitely remain only the commodities supplier to the world. Value creation in poor countries has to be a central preoccupation of the new engagement. 7. There would be demands for inclusion of other issues which may not command multilateral consensus but are important for some members. These would include the remaining Singapore issues as well as other issues such as an expanded agreement on global electronic commerce. On these issues, the onus is on the proponents to build consensus by demonstrating that the outcomes will be beneficial for the global trading system.8. The experience with the UR plurilaterals provides a good basis for designing the format for negotiations on those issues which require the participation of a subset of members. In my view, variable geometry means both, variable in terms of participation and/ or variable in terms of the nature of commitments.9. As far as climate change issues are concerned, it is important not to allow the tail to wag the dog. If political differences impede an international agreement in the Climate Change negotiations, they will do the same if the WTO takes up work on the issue. Once there is multilateral consensus in the Climate Change negotiations, the modifications in the WTO rules should involve a fairly straightforward negotiation. My impression is that our experience with the MEAs in force today has been pretty good and there has been little, if any, dispute on their trade implications.

학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사회과학대학 지리학과, 2020. 8. 신혜란. ; 본 연구는 정책이동(policy mobility)의 관점에서 서울로 7017의 조성 과정을 분석하였다. 특히 본 연구는 정책이 이동하는 과정에 있어서 도시 정치가 어떠한 방식으로 개입하게 되는지를 집중적으로 살펴보았다. 정책이동은 도시 연구 분야에서 주요 연구 주제로 떠오르고 있다. 전 세계 도시 간 협력과 교류가 활발해짐에 따라 정책의 이동 - 선진 정책의 벤치마킹 및 수입과 모방, 정책 관련 국제 컨퍼런스 발표 및 수상 등 - 은 활발하게 진행되고 있고, 이러한 현상은 도시정책의 추진 및 의사결정에 있어서도 직접적인 영향을 미치고 있다. 한편 기존 정책이동 관련 연구들은 정책이 이동되는 과정자체에 초점을 맞추어 도시들 간의 지역적 맥락이나 정치구조의 차이가 정책의 적용과 변용 등에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 주로 살펴보았다. 이에 반해 정책 이동 현상이 넓은 범위의 도시정치와 거버넌스에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 활발하게 연구되지는 못하였다. 본 연구는 이러한 부분에 있어서 기여하고자 서울로 7017이 조성되는 과정에서 나타났던 벤치마킹이나 정책 홍보 등의 정책이동 과정이 서울시 도시정책에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지를 분석하였다.연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 서울로 7017 조성과정에서 나타난 정책의 이동 – 뉴욕 하이라인의 벤치마킹 또한 서울로 7017 정책의 홍보와 선전 - 은 서울시가 도시정책을 정당화하는 주요한 방법으로서 활용되었다. 서울로 7017은 별다른 공론화 과정 없이 박원순 시장의 정치적 추진력을 통해 급하게 추진되었기 때문에 서울시는 사업에 대한 정당성을 보여주는 것이 필요했다. 이에 서울시는 이미 진행되었던 뉴욕 하이라인의 성공을 통해서 사업의 필요성과 당위성을 보여주었다. 또한 서울시는 사업의 가치와 성공을 국내와 해외로 홍보하는 과정을 통해서, 서울로 7017 대한 성공적인 이미지를 스스로 다듬어갔다. 이처럼 서울로 7017이 조성되는 과정에서 나타났던 벤치마킹과 정책 홍보는 서울시가 도시 정책을 정당화하기 위한 목적에서 진행되었다. 둘째, 서울로 7017의 조성에 있어서 서울시는 하이라인을 벤치마킹 하였지만, 이는 서울시의 정책적 목표와 필요에 따라 선별적으로 이루어졌다. 또한 이처럼 정책적 필요에 맞추어 벤치마킹과 모방이 진행되는 과정에서, 처음 모방하고자 하였던 하이라인의 운영방식과 내용은 큰 폭으로 변용되었다. 일례로 하이라인의 디자인은 유사한 형태로 모방되었지만, 시민참여를 대표하였던 하이라인의 운영방식은 보수적인 서울시의 행정 구조에 맞추는 과정에서 큰 폭으로 변용되었다. 또한 이와 같은 모방과 변용의 과정에서 서울시의 정책, 행정구조, 공간은 빠르게 변화되었다. 본 연구는 전세계적으로 활발하게 진행되고 있는 정책이동 현상이 도시를 어떻게 변화시키고 있는지를 서울로 7017의 실증사레를 통해서 확인하였다. 한편 본 연구는 정책이동을 통해서 이루어지고 있는 다양한 변화들을, 다소 개괄적인 범위에서 살펴보았다는 점에서 한계를 갖기도 한다. 발전된 후속 연구를 통해서 정책이동이 도시의 변화에 갖는 의미를 더욱 면밀하게 검토하고 구체적인 정책적 시사점이 제시할 수 있기를 기대한다. ; This study analyzes the development process of Seoullo 7017 through the theoretical lens of policy mobility. In the past few decades, transfers, diffusion, and movement of urban policies across national borders have increased rapidly. Accordingly, researches on policy mobility have developed in the fields of geography and urban studies. These studies have critically investigated the processes of adaptation, assemblage, and mutation of a certain policy, but have little focused on how the ordinary urban policymaking and the urban area has changed in the process of policy movement. In this regard, this study explores how the mobilization of certain policy has changed and reconstructed the urban policy and planning system. Especially, this research has focused on the interaction of local decision-making and policy mutation processes. The results of the study are as follows. First, the mobilization of policy that appeared in Seoullo 7017 including benchmarking and policy promotion was strategically used by the Seoul city government. The main purpose of these mobilizations was to legitimize the city's urban policy. Seoullo 7017, which was a mayor's landmark project, has proceeded rapidly without the civic consensus process. In this regard, the New York High Line's success was used as a tool to represent the legitimacy of the Seoullo 7017 project. Also, the branding and promotion of Seoullo 7017, which received great attention from the city government, was used as a self-curation tool to make the success story of Seoul's urban policy. Second, the mobilization and adaptation of the High Line were proceeded selectively according to specific political goals of the Seoul city government. Seoullo 7017 benchmarked both the design and governance of the High Line. Lots of critics pointed out that the design should be differentiated, as the regional context of Seoul and New York was different, However, the design was similarly imitated into Seoullo 7017 because of the symbolic image of the High Line's design itself. Also, the management style which emphasized citizen participation and governance were also imitated, but it ends with instrumental form due to bureaucratic political structure. As such, adaptation, mobilization, and mutation has been carried out in accordance with the process of legitimizing local policy and political authority. The importance of this research is that it investigates the consequences and implications of mobile urban policies through an empirical case at various points. However, it also has its limitations as this study looks into various aspects of mobile policies on a superficial level. Further research is needed to understand how the mobilization of urban policy is changing contemporary urban policy and planning systems. ; 제 1 장 서 론 1 제 1 절 연구의 배경 및 목적 1 제 2 절 연구의 대상 및 방법 3 1. 연구의 대상 3 1. 연구의 방법 5 제 2 장 이론적 배경 7 제 1 절 이동을 통한 도시정치: 정책이동과 정책의 정당화 7 1. 정책이동 접근: 정책의 이동과 도시공간 7 2. 정책이동과 도시정치: 이동을 통한 도시정책의 정당화 10 제 2 절 정책의 유입과 확산에 개입된 도시정치 12 1. 정책 유입을 통한 도시정치: 도시재생 정책의 유행 12 2. 정책 확산을 통한 도시정치: 뉴욕 하이라인의 확산 14 제 3 장 사례소개: 서울로 7017의 조성과 정책이동 20 제 1 절 서울로 7017의 조성과정 20 제 2 절 서울로 7017의 운영과 벤치마킹 23 제 4 장 이동을 통한 도시정책의 정당화 25 제 1 절 벤치마킹을 통한 정책추진의 정당화 25 1. 하이라인의 벤치마킹과 정책의 정당화 25 2. 이동을 통한 정책의 빠른 추진과 집행 29 제 2 절 도시정책의 홍보와 확산을 통한 정책 정당화 32 1. 정책홍보를 통한 정책의 포장 32 2. 해외로의 정책홍보와 정책의 정당화 35 제 5 장 도시정책 정당화 과정에서의 모방과 변용 39 제 1 절 정책 목표에 맞춘 정책적 모방 39 1. 하이라인의 상징성과 디자인의 모방 39 2. 하이라인 운영방식의 모방과 변용 45 제 2 절 정책 추진과정에 따른 도시의 변화 53 1. 정책 정당화에 따른 정책과 행정구조의 변화 53 2. 정책적 실패의 이동과 반복 59 제 6 장 결론 및 시사점 63 제 1 절 결론 63 제 2 절 시사점 65 참고문헌 67 부록 75 Abstract 76 ; Master

The article is an analysis of the Polish European policy coordination system and its planned changes regarding both its institutional structure as well as its current legal and institutional development. The analysis is supported by an elaboration on the European Union's (EU's) general matters coordination system as one of the most important aspects of the Europeanization of EU Member States (MS). The central thesis of this article proposes that the Polish coordination system is not based on a single, clear model (although it has been influenced by certain solutions applied in different models), but rather it is inconsistent, stretched between ambitions to include European issues in the daily operations of public administration institutions and the tendency to treat European issues as a political tool. The models of coordination are briefly presented in the article. The level of efficiency of European policy coordination in Poland is briefly characterized in the article mainly considering the Metcalfe scale and the World Bank benchmarks. The article also indicates Poland's coalition potential in voting in the European Council.The current system of co-ordination in Poland (set up by the reform of 2009) is based on dual center, namely on Committee for European Affairs, located in the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and reporting to the PM as well as on Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The reform of 2009 was necessary to efficiently prepare the Polish Presidency in the Council of the European Union (2011). In the system decentralization is steadily challenged by the tendency to centralize, sectoral ministries have relatively large autonomy, but are nevertheless steadily challenged by the MFA, PM, the minister responsible for European affairs (yet with weak political power as a deputy minister in MFA), finally (since 2015) by strong political leader of PiS.The Polish coordination system is planned to be replaced by one main center in the PMO, with the MFA providing a supporting role. The strong influence of the PM in EU coordination models usually leads to centralization and better efficiency of representing policy preferences at the European level. In comparison, systems lead by the MFA are more efficient in implementing EU policies. Law and Justice – the Polish ruling party (PiS) - is planning to shift the center of the coordination system to the PMO for the purpose of centralization and easier control by the Prime Minister (or, as many analysts state, by the leader of PiS), as well as to make it more efficient. This is related not only to the fact that the position of the MFA in Poland is recently rather weak and of the PM quite strong but also to the fact that Poland has been involved in numerous conflicts with the EU institutions over the question of rule of law, which has increased necessity of involvement of politics into Poland-EU relations. However, the planned reform may deprive professional and highly-skilled public administration employees of influence on this process. It can also undermine the Polish participation in the multi-level activities of EU institutions, impeding the Europeanization. Taking into consideration the fact that Polish EU policy is rather reactive, centralizing the system and making it more politicized can bring clearer, better-grounded and stronger voice regarding Polish policy preferences in the EU. However, it can also make this voice more radically nationally-oriented than ever before. ; В статье анализируется польская система координации европейской политики и ее запланированные изменения, касающиеся как ее институциональной структуры, так и ее нынешнего правового и институционального развития. Анализ подтверждается разработкой системы координации общих вопросов ЕС как одного из наиболее важных аспектов европеизации государств-членов ЕС. Центральный тезис этой статьи предполагает, что польская координационная система не основана на единой, четкой модели (хотя на неё повлияли определенные решения, применяемые в разных моделях), а скорее противоречива и растянута между амбициями по включению европейских проблем в повседневная деятельность учреждений государственного управления с сохраняющейся тенденцией рассматривать европейские проблемы как политический инструмент. Нынешний двойной координационный центр в Польше планируется заменить одним центром в канцелярии премьер-министра, при этом министр иностранных дел будет выполнять вспомогательную роль. Сильное влияние премьерминистра в моделях координации ЕС обычно приводит к централизации и повышению эффективности представления политических предпочтений на европейском уровне. Для сравнения, системы, возглавляемые министром иностранных дел, более эффективны в реализации политики ЕС. Правящая партия «Право и справедливость» планирует переместить центр системы координации в правительство с целью централизации и упрощения контроля со стороны премьер-министра, а также для повышения его эффективности. Это может лишить профессиональных и высококвалифицированных работников государственного управления влияния на этот процесс. Это также может подорвать участие Польши в многоуровневой деятельности институтов ЕС, препятствуя европеизации. Принимая во внимание тот факт, что польская политика ЕС является довольно реактивной, централизация системы и ее политизация могут дать более четкий, обоснованный и более сильный голос в отношении предпочтений польской политики в ЕС. Тем не менее, это также может сделать этот голос более радикально ориентированным на национальность, чем когда-либо прежде. ; Стаття являє собою аналіз польської системи координації європейської політики та її запланованих змін, що стосуються як її інституційної структури, так і її поточного правового та інституційного розвитку. Аналіз підтримується розробкою системи координації загальних питань ЄС як одного з найважливіших аспектів європеїзації держав-членів ЄС. Основна теза цієї статті передбачає, що польська система координації не базується на єдиній чіткій моделі (хоча на неї впливали певні рішення, застосовувані в різних моделях), а скоріше непослідовної, розтягнутої між амбіціями щодо включення європейських питань до щоденної діяльності установ державного управління та тенденція розглядати європейські питання як політичний інструмент. Нинішній подвійний координаційний центр у Польщі планується замінити одним головним центром в канцелярії прем'єр-міністра за підтримки міністера закордонних справ. Сильний вплив прем'єр-міністра в моделях координації ЄС зазвичай призводить до централізації та кращої ефективності представлення політичних преференцій на європейському рівні. Для порівняння, системи на чолі з міністром закордонних справ є більш ефективними у здійсненні політики ЄС. Правляча партія «Право та справедливість» планує перенести центр системи координації уряд з метою централізації та полегшення контролю з боку прем'єр-міністра, а також для того, щоб зробити його більш ефективним. Це може позбавити професійних та висококваліфікованих працівників державної адміністрації впливу на цей процес. Це також може підірвати участь Польщі у багаторівневій діяльності інституцій ЄС, що перешкоджає європеїзації. Беручи до уваги той факт, що польська політика ЄС є досить реактивною, централізація системи та посилення її політизації може принести чіткіший, більш обґрунтований та сильніший голос щодо переваг польської політики в ЄС. Однак це також може зробити цей голос більш радикально національно орієнтованим, ніж будь-коли раніше.