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p. 35-70 ; In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow's point of view. ; s. 35-70 ; In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow's point of view.

Political barriers to ensuring nuclear nonproliferation; focus on role of Russia.

The paper is dealing with the role of energy security questions within EU–Russia relations, particularly in the context of their import–export interdepedence. The article is concentrating on the oil and gas sectors as this two branches play crucial role in EU–Russia energy relations. The paper is also analyzing the importance of Russian oil and gas sectors for the Russian economic security in general. By describing the problems of those two sectors, author is showing on the one hand threats for further Russian economic development and on the other hand risk for EU energetic security. Since EU is the biggest consumer of Russian energy resources and Russia is the biggest supplier of EU energy resources, problems of Russian energy sector strongly influence EU energy security. The article is analyzing this interdependencies.

A discussion on the highlights of the current coalition's foreign policies regarding Germany and Europe; Germany as the European motor; the global crisis and national economies; future German foreign political interests; Afghanistan and security politics in general; conflict resolution and an effective cooperation between the NATO and the EU; and German politics regarding Russia in terms of realpolitik, value politics and the constitutional state towards a strategic partnership with Russia. Adapted from the source document.

Thanks to its energy resources, Azerbaijan has achieved importance as a Eurasian actor. It has also managed, following independence from the USSR in 1991, to balance its foreign relations with Russia and the West. Whereas initially a rejection of Russia and rapprochement with the West predominated, for a number of years there has been a realignment. The only serious cloud on the horizon in Azeri foreign relations is its conflict with neighbouring Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh. Adapted from the source document.

SINCE 1934 THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION HAS BEEN OFFICIALLY RECOGNIZED AS A REVOLUTION THAT NOT ONLY CHANGED RUSSIA'S SOCIAL SYSTEM BUT ALSO SAVED ITS NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE BECAUSE RUSSIA WAS IN DANGER OF BECOMING A VIRTUAL WESTERN COLONY. HISTORIANS CONTEND THAT THIS VIEW WAS OFFICIALLY IMPOSED AFTER THE FAMOUS LETTER SIGNED BY STALIN, ZHDANOV, AND KIROV, WHO SAID THAT THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION HAD SAVED RUSSIA FROM ITS NEAR-COLONIAL STATUS. THIS ESSAY REVIEWS THE DEVELOPMENT AND HISTORY OF THIS OFFICIAL INTERPRETATION OF THE REVOLUTION.

В статье отмечены новые перспективы сотрудничества Россия и АСЕАН. Анали-зируется Декларация Саммита Россия АСЕАН в связи с 20-летием установления диало-гового партнерства между Российской Федерацией и АСЕАН «На пути к взаимовыгодному стратегическому партнерству», принятая 20 мая 2016 года в Сочи. Участники Саммита Рос-сия АСЕАН 2016 года высоко оценили успехи диалогового партнерства, достигнутые за 20 лет взаимодействия между Российской Федерацией и АСЕАН по широкому кругу направ-лений, в том числе в сфере политики и безопасности, торговли и экономики, культуры, кон-тактов между гражданами, подчеркнули, что сотрудничество в целях развития способство-вало укреплению и продвижению отношений России и АСЕАН, а также обеспечению мира, стабильности и процветания региона. ; The article noted new prospects for cooperation between Russia and ASEAN. We analyze the Declaration of ASEAN-Russia Summit in connection with the 20th anniversary of the dialogue partnership between ASEAN and the Russian Federation «On the way to a mutually beneficial strategic partnership, adopted on 20 May 2016 in Sochi. Summit Russia-ASEAN 2016. praised the success of the dialogue partnership, achieved over 20 years of cooperation between Russia and ASEAN on a wide range of areas, including in the sphere of politics and security, economy and trade, culture and contacts between citizens podcherkunli that development cooperation helped to strengthen and promotion of relations between Russia and ASEAN, as well as peace, stability and prosperity in the region.

This article contributes to the growing body of research on the increasing role of judicial systems in regulating politics and religion ('judicialization of politics and religion') across the globe. By examining how academic expertise is deployed in anti-extremist litigation involving Russia's minority religions, this article reveals important processes involved in this judicial regulation, in particular when legal and academic institutions lack autonomy and consistency of operation. It focuses on the selection of experts and the validation of their opinion within Russia's academia and the judiciary, and identifies patterns in the experts' approach to evidence and how they validate their conclusions in the eyes of the judiciary. Academic expertise provides an aura of legitimacy to judicial decisions in which anti-extremist legislation is used as a means to control unpopular minority religions and to regulate Russia's religious diversity. As one of the few systematic explorations of this subject and the first focused on Russia, this article reveals important processes that produce religious discrimination and the role that anti-extremist legislation plays in these processes.

The author argues that Iraq has the chance to become the first secular state among Arab countries in the Middle East. The author argues that Iraq is the most important component part of the Middle East's "fuel and energy solar plexus." The author describes the view of the Russian government concerning the development of Iraq. Russia promoted Iraq's process of peaceful democratization by canceling the state's substantial debt to Russia, which was in accordance with the decision of the Paris Club. The author describes the results of the recent Russian mission to Iraq, signaling that Russian government and business are willing to initiate new bilateral relations with the country. Kenny Cargill

Cover; Title; Copyright; Dedication; Contents; List of figures; List of tables; Acknowledgements; Glossary; List of abbreviations; Introduction; 1 After the collapse; 2 How do the South Caucasian cases affect the analysis of Russia's foreign policy?; 3 The perplexing power of Russia's relations with its neighbors; 4 Russia's foreign policy in the South Caucasus: the logic of historical explanation; 5 Testing regime theories in the post-Soviet space; Conclusion: did Russia restore its hegemony in Eurasia?; Index.

This paper asks whether the recent 'reset' in Russia-US relations parallels the Cold War reprieve from East to West tensions during Detente. The author considers the enthusiasm for this reset shared by Presidents Medvedev and Obama and acknowledges the benefits accrued for Russia as a result of better relations with the United States. In so doing, the paper argues that the Medvedev-Obama reset is not the result of a convergence of liberal-minded principles shared by the leadership, due in large part to the absence of a meaningful commitment on the part of Medvedev to bring about meaningful liberal reforms in Russia. In fact, the reset seems more the result of a desire by both leaders to shed past ideological disagreements in favor of a more pragmatic approach to relations, based upon mutual benefit. The paper then concludes that the current reset is not a temporary warming of relations akin to a second-generation detente because there was no 'new Cold War' to abate. The paper contributes to the growing body of opinion that acknowledges a need for analysts and practitioners to search for a better lens through which to view Russia-US relations than the Cold War prism that persistently frames our analysis. Adapted from the source document.