Suchergebnisse

Helga Cremer-Schäfer und Tilman Lutz greifen in der Form eines Gesprächs Fragen des Editorials und des eingangs genannten Workshops auf. Sie betonen die Notwendigkeit etikettierungstheoretischen Weiterdenkens. Dem Gespräch folgen zwei weitere Beiträge, die aus der Reflexion des Workshops zum Etikettieren entwickelt wurden.

"Die Untersuchung gesellschaftlicher Naturverhältnisse fand bislang in der Soziologie wenig Resonanz. Natur wurde regelmäßig als das Andere der Gesellschaft begriffen, sie bildete das Material und die Bedingung der Möglichkeit von Vergesellschaftung, aber nur in Ausnahmefällen waren die äußere Natur und die innere Natur des Menschen Gegenstand soziologischer Reflexion. In dem Vortrag sollen zunächst zwei Hauptformen der soziologischen Auseinandersetzung mit Natur in Erinnerung gerufen werden: naturalistische und sozio-zentrische Analysen. Im Hauptteil wird die These erläutert, dass weder die eine noch die andere Theorievariante für sich genommen eine zufrieden stellende Antwort auf das Problem der Vermittlung von symbolischen und materiellen Dimensionen gesellschaftlicher Naturverhältnisse liefert. Um die Interaktions-Dynamik von Natur und Gesellschaft - die Naturabhängigkeit von Gesellschaft und die gesellschaftliche Formierung von Natur - besser zu erfassen, wird der Verfasser einen 'dritten Weg' zwischen Naturalismus und Sozio-Zentrismus vorschlagen, der auf Einsichten poststrukturalistischer Theoriebildung zurückgreift. Diese Analyseperspektive besteht zum einen im Abschied vom anthropozentrischen Paradigma, das allein Menschen als soziale Akteure begreift; zum anderen zeichnet sie sich durch einen post-essentialistischen Naturbegriff aus, der dem Eigensinn und der Widerständigkeit stofflich-materialer Prozesse Rechnung trägt. Im letzten Teil soll begründet werden, dass diese theoretische Öffnung der Soziologie den konstitutiven Dualismus zwischen Natur- und Sozialwissenschaften durch einen kooperativen Dialog ersetzt, in dem die jeweiligen Forschungsroutinen und die disziplinären Grenzziehungen selbst hinterfragt werden können." (Autorenreferat)

In one of his latter works, Stüdien über die Deutschen (Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am
Main, 1989), Norbert Elias, the famous sociologist of Jewish-German origin
(b. Breslau 1897, d. Amsterdam 1990), defends the thesis that it is both possible
and necessary to understand and explain Nazism and the extermination of
Jews. Whether it is by Elias's own theory of social exclusion, or by his modified
version of historical sociology that examines the German habitus and collective
identity (or lack thereof), the author agrees that "to understand and explain"
would in fact summarize the mission of sociology, which must thus contribute
to avoiding other Nazisms and other genocides. Or this preventive task cannot
be achieved by the mere recollection and condemnation of history.

Written by experts in interpretive sociology, this volume examines semiotic models in a sociological context. Contributors offer case studies to demonstrate how to do things with semiotics. Synthesizing a diverse and fragmented landscape, this is a key reference work for understanding the connection between semiotics and sociology

A previous paper (Hinings et al. 1967) described an approach to the study of the structure of bureaucratic organizations based on the creation of scaleable dimensions for multivariate analysis. The present paper considers in detail the process of the scaling of an organizational variable and the use of two multidimensional analyses, namely, factor analysis and multiple regression analysis. These are illustrated by analysis of the operationally defined concept of functional specialization. The central points made are: (i) that any data analysis is a function of a theory of organizational behaviour, an error theory, and a computing algorithm; and (ii) that the choice of a method of analysis necessarily implies a choice of a theory of organizational behaviour. In the case of scaling, Guttman's scalogram method and item analysis, borrowed from psychological test theory, are compared. They are found to differ more in computing technique and in their representation of error than in their measurement theory. It is pointed out that the multivariate analyses employed are both compensatory theories of organizational behaviour; the implications of this are discussed.

Participants in the seminar "Sociology Today," organized by the Dept of Political & Social Sciences of the National Autonomous U of Mexico, discussed the state of sociology & the need for reform of the undergraduate & graduate curricula. Topics included: (1) epistemological, theoretical, & methodological problems in classic sociology, from the perspective of the crisis of sociological paradigms; (2) theory & practice of sociology in contemporary Mexico; (3) the status of social theory in the 1980s in relation to economic & political changes; (4) challenges & alternatives for Mexican sociology in the 1990s; & (5) the teaching of sociology & sociological research in contemporary Mexico. The development of sociology in Mexico in the last three decades & its possibilities for the future are evaluated. R. Jaramillo

17 p. ; The WHO European Health Equity Status Report, Healthy, prosperous lives for all, reveals the policy conditions responsible for the health gap in the WHO European Region. Underlying exactly how these policies impact differently on the health and well-being of women and men across social strata are governance systems and means by which the public is brought into decision-making that affects their lives and livelihoods. This policy brief presents evidence showing that political participation, representation, accountability and transparency are important preconditions for health equity. The theory of change underpinning the analysis is that: (i) inclusive political institutions give participatory space and weight to the voices of people whose lives are most deeply affected by health inequities, and thus more control in policymaking and implementation processes; and (ii) robust civil society organizations and press freedom lead to greater accountability and transparency in the political process.

I. Earth studies. Descriptive zoology. Plant distribution. Animal distribution. Theory of evolution. Anthropology. Special problems -- II. Educational. Political. The land problem. Ethical. Sociological. ; Mode of access: Internet.

In this article, I analyse the sociological foundations of military violence in the 21st century. The first part of the article engages critically with the three dominant contemporary approaches in the study of organised violence: (a) the decline of violence perspective, (b) the new wars theories and (c) the technological displacement approach. I argue that despite their obvious merits, these three perspectives do not provide adequate interpretation of recent social change. In particular, I contest their emphasis on the radical discontinuity in the character of the contemporary military violence when compared to the previous historical periods. Hence, to remedy this – in the second part of the article – I develop an alternative, a longue durée, sociological interpretation centred on the role of organisational, ideological and micro-interactional powers in the transformation of military violence. In contrast to the three dominant perspectives, I argue that the 21st-century organisation of military violence has changed but it still exhibits much more organisational continuity with the last two centuries than usually assumed. More specifically, my argument centres on the long-term impact of the three historical processes that have shaped the dynamics of military violence over long stretches of time: the cumulative bureaucratisation of coercion, centrifugal ideologisation and the envelopment of micro-solidarity.

Theoretical approaches to public opinion are hard to find in the sociological literature, with the exception of the seminal work of Jürgen Habermas. One important alternative, although almost unknown in the English-speaking world, is offered in a few contributions by the systems theoretician Niklas Luhmann. Both critical theory and systems theory start from a historical analysis of the conditions that led to the rise of a public sphere and understand its function as the limitation and control of the arbitrariness of power. Critical theory considers the public sphere as a social space where citizens can (or should) participate and discuss freely and without constraints. Thus, it legitimizes political power. Systems theory presents a completely different concept of the public sphere and conceives of it in terms of second-order observation. Through public opinion the modern political system observes itself and stimulates as well as limits its decision-making processes. This paper argues that both approaches share the idea that the political system, like every other social subsystem, must generate a system-specific uncertainty (i.e. specific conditions that it cannot control) in order to limit its own arbitrariness and to be able to develop its decision-making potential. Both approaches locate this uncertainty in the sphere of public opinion. But they radically differ in the way they conceptualize public opinion's effects on modern politics. Such differences between critical theory and systems theory are illustrated by an analysis of recent political events.

The 'Preston Model' (PM) has substantially improved the socio-economic outlook of Preston (UK). It is a community wealth-building approach, harnessing local economic power for a more resilient, environmentally sustainable, democratic economy and socially cohesive community, prioritising social value, through private and public sector partnerships. This qualitative research article investigates how people in local 'anchor institutions' (major wealth creators and employers 'anchored' in Preston) perceive the PM. Focusing on economic democracy and solidarity, and building on organisational and social identity theory, its relation with democratic participation, organisational identification and pride processes enabling social change is examined. Most interviewees doubt its organisational and local impact; nevertheless, they exhibit a sense of pride as its 'drivers', attributing to it 'higher' ethical values. While the PM exerts a subtle emotional, aspirational, and socio-cultural influence, it still represents a shifting, alternative socio-economic paradigm, emerging through both individual and collective assent, rather than specific policy directives.

Institutionally privileged political discourses not only legitimate the policy agendas of power-holders, but also de-legitimate dissent. Oppositional discourses are social movement responses to these cultural obstacles to mass mobilisation. Integrating discourse analysis and framing theory, we argue that the production of oppositional knowledge constitutes a long-term, counter-hegemonic project that connects macro-level discourses with meso and micro-level efforts at political persuasion, mobilisation, and change. Drawing examples from statements issued by U.S. peace movement organisations (PMOs) over fifteen years, we map the production of oppositional discourses across five conflict periods. Using qualitative data analysis and both inductive and deductive theorising, we develop a typology of the U.S. peace movement's discourses on democracy. We show that four forms of oppositional knowledge were generated by PMOs to facilitate policy dialogue and accountability. Through their statements, peace movement organisations crafted a shared conception of democracy that is antithetical to military intervention abroad and political repression at home.

This article examines a teacher identity through the context of class background and habitus. It considers the significance of class transition, probing how a teacher's working-class history informs and helps define the emergence and consolidation of a teacher identity – to shape what is called here a particular 'teacherly self.' It explores some of the difficulties the working-class actor may experience on entering a largely middle-class profession. This transitional experience has generally gone by the term upward mobility, but the word mobility, with its largely favourable connotations of positive movement, is substituted for the notion of transition, which suggests a more complex and complicated process. The article shows how a working-class background informs class practice; in particular, how a class structure of feeling shapes attitudes and approaches to working-class pupils and their needs. By using oral history methods and aspects of narrative theory, the article seeks to underline how the continued significance of class finds complex expression in British culture.