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2013 Summer. ; Text in Spanish; title page and abstract in Spanish and English. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Despite the considerable critical reception that Rosa Montero's journalist work has achieved, her novels have not been received with equitable acceptance by critics. One of the main reasons why her novels have not been equally valued is that their study is very limited. Thus, most of the analyses that have been published about the novels of the Spanish novelist are focused on examining aspects that are connected to feminism. The present study is aimed to analyze the identity conflict that the characters of some of Rosa Montero's novels develop. In order to do so, the framework that Vanessa Knights establishes in her book The Search for Identity in the Narrative of Rosa Montero will be expanded from being centered in the search for identity in women to the search for identity in the individual. The analyzes will build a direct connection between the construction of identity and the historical and social context in which the novels that are going to be analyzed are framed, since it is my opinion that the previous studies have not paid enough attention to the influence of the context. This is why, apart from making reference to the identity theories upon which the study will be based, the present work also examines the implications that the history and context have in the construction of identity. Due to the fact that the characters of the analyzed novels are influenced by two main periods -the Francoist dictatorship and the Transition together with the first years of the Spanish democracy-, the analysis has been divided in two main sections: the novels that deal with the past -Bella y oscura and La hija del caníbal-, and those that deal with the present -Crónica del desamor, Te trataré como a una reina y Amado amo. This research proposes that the novels break with the traditional conceptions of identity as static to promote a fluid and constantly changing conception.

'Growing Japanese Nationalism' has become a subject of intense debate during the last one decade, in particular after revision of the history textbooks, formal recognition of the 'Kimigayo' anthem which reminds one of Japanese militaristic past, and initiatives taken by the Japanese Government to amend the pacifist Constitution. An attempt is made in this study to compare Japanese nationalism prevalent in the pre-World War II period and the type of nationalism emerging in Japan in recent years. Both the nationalisms are qualitatively different. 'Aggressive and militant' nationalism of the pre-World War II period was a response to the environment existing during that period when a large part of the world was colonised by the advanced western countries including China, where each power had its interests and own spheres of influence. Meiji leaders were determined that their country should not suffer the same fate as their neighbour. It was with this objective that the Japanese leadership sought to instil nationalism in the minds of the common people so as extract maximum devotion and support from them for their expansionist foreign policy. On the other hand today nationalism in Japan is basically geared towards seeing that it occupies an important position in world affairs which are commensurate with its being the second largest economy and a major contributor to multilateral organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and a major provider of developmental aid and foreign direct investments (FDI). In simple words it wants to be a 'normal' country and not just a follower of the US. It is unlikely that Japanese nationalism will tread the militaristic path as in the pre-War period. This is mainly because the international and the regional environment which exists today is drastically different from the pre-War period. China is no more a weak power and other developing countries which were colonised are emerging powers. Moreover, a peaceful environment is necessary for its economy to prosper. Besides democracy has come to stay in Japan and there are equally assertive groups which strongly oppose any stand taken by the government which may lead to the revival of militarism in Japan.

Modern societies are vulnerable. We have known this long before the attacks of 11 September 2001, but they made it clear to everyone. The second lesson learned from the attacks was that it is impossible to foresee such events. Although these attacks to the real world were "low‐tech", now there are attempts around the globe to control especially the electronic or virtual world. However, does more surveillance really lead to more security? If so, what will be the price we have to pay?National states try to provide their citizens with a high level of security, but the effort for better security often gets mixed up with the claim for more surveillance. This is one reason why, over the past few months, governmental activities seemed to jeopardise the internationally acknowledged fundamental right of privacy. Societal security versus personal freedom is an old and well‐known area of conflict. In the light of the incidents of 11 September 2001 some old ideas for surveillance and for measures restricting privacy got on the agenda again – and new ones keep emerging.This article will give an overview of what happened on a governmental level after 11 September 2001 in the EU, in some EU‐member states and in the USA. Apart from political actions, we already face even direct socio‐economic implications as some anonymiser services were shut down. They empowered Internet users to protect their right of privacy, and they were the first targets of investigation and suspicion. Shutting down these services reduces the potential room for users to protect their privacy by using Privacy Enhancing Technologies (PETs). This is an indicator for a serious societal problem: democracy has already changed.In the second part I will analyse the relationship between surveillance and security and I will argue that, and give reasons why, these international over‐reactions will not lead to the intended effects. Rather, they will have long‐term implications for the respective societies. So in the end this has to be acknowledged in a necessary appreciation of values.

Auf der Basis der Herrschaftstypologie von Max Weber werden die staats- und gesellschaftspolitischen Grundstrukturen von Demokratie und Diktatur am Beispiel von zivilen Kriegsvorbereitungen (Luftschutz) in Großbritannien und Deutschland exemplarisch untersucht. Die drei Bereiche Ideologie, Organisation und Propaganda dienen dabei als Grundkategorien zur Strukturierung des Gesamtthemas. Luftschutz eignet sich vor allem deshalb sehr gut zur Aufarbeitung und Analyse, da er, wie kaum ein anderes Einzelgebiet bis in die letzten Winkel von Staat und Gesellschaft reichte. Auf breiter Quellenbasis werden die Voraussetzungen, Grundlagen der Kriegsmobilmachung für den Luftkrieg untersucht und dann ausführlich die Umsetzung bis Kriegsbeginn dargestellt. Der Vergleich erfolgt sehr tief bis in die Feinstrukturen auf der Basis der Zivilgesellschaften im methodischen Dreieck Deutschland vor 1933 - Deutschland nach 1933 - Großbritannien bis 1939. Explizit ist ein Bezug zur Zivilgesellschaft nach 1945 bis heute beabsichtigt, wenn auch die Zeit nach 1945 nicht mit behandelt wird. Zusätzlich zum eigentlichen Text sind alle wichtigen Grundlagendokumente (Texte, Bilder, Organigramme, über 1000 Seiten) mittels ausführlicher Links in der Publikation enthalten und können gedownloaded werden. ; Using the typology of power by Max Weber (Die drei 'reinen' Typen legitimer Herrschaft, the three 'pure' types of legitimate power) the basic political structures of state and society in Democracy and Dictatorship are being studied concentrating on the example of civil mobilization for war (Air Raid Precautions). The three subjects Ideology, Organisation and Propaganda are being utilized as basic categories for the methodical structuring of the whole factural matrix. Air Raid Precautions can, methodically spoken, particularly be used for research and analysis because they extend like almost no other single phenomenon into the last corners of state and society. On a broad base of sources including the relevant documents of the main national archives the preconditions and basic foundations of Air Raid Precautions and -as main subject- the realisation of the measures within the framework of the political systems are being described. The comparison is made on an 'adequate', parallelizing basis with direct confrontations where possible and broad outlooks where necessary. It goes deep into the micro structures within the methodical triangle Germany to 1933 - Germany after 1933 - Great Britain to 1939. An explicit connection to the civil societies after 1945 is intended, although the work doesn't encompass the time after 1945. Additional to the main text all basic documents (texts, pictures, diagrams, over 1000 pages) are included in the publication by links and can be downloaded.

The history of American law reflects in large measure how social and economic privileges have been promoted and regulated by law. This study examines how farmers won and used the privilege of extensive immunity from the anti-trust laws at both the state and federal levels. Agricultural cooperatives, on the grounds that they were "benevolent" monopolies, were exempted from anti-trust liability. The changed legal status of cooperatives paved the way for significant changes in the relationship between government and agriculture during the twentieth century. In the Progressive Era, legislatures generally viewed cooperatives as deserving of special treatment. The courts, however, regarded cooperatives with suspicion, particularly because cooperatives resembled corporations in form and function. The California Associated Raisin Company (CARC) tested prevailing assumptions about the legitimacy of monopoly in agriculture. It combined the traditional cooperative ideal of economic democracy with the legal powers of commercial corporations.The control the CARC exerted over supply and price was ultimately challenged in federal court. But Congress passed the Capper-Volstead Act of 1922 in time to moot the litigation. The Capper-Volstead Act extended anti-trust immunity to all cooperatives, specifically those organized according to the California model. State cooperative marketing laws subsequently enacted and ratified by the courts completed the revision of their old anti-monopoly prejudice. The transformation in the legal status of cooperation helped to direct agriculture's fortunes under the New Deal. Federal and state marketing laws regulating agricultural production and prices extended cooperation's market control to the public sphere. The Supreme Court upheld the state's authority to enact such laws in the case of Parker v. Brown (1943), validating the federal/state division of regulatory authority that they represented. The modern legal status of agricultural cooperatives stems from the example of the CARC. Its significance lies not so much in how it benefitted the raisin growers but in the availability of this new legal form for cooperating farmers in the rest of the nation. The history of cooperation reveals as well an important legal dimension in the process by which the shift to a highly commercialized agriculture took place.

El Social Media Live Streaming (SMLS) es una nueva forma de emisión de vídeos interactivos en directo que utiliza redes sociales específicas, como Periscope, o bien funcionalidades de redes sociales generalistas, como Facebook o YouTube. El SMLS presenta un gran potencial para medios de comunicación porque su carácter interactivo, además de proporcionar datos directos de recepción, puede mejorar el engagement con sus públicos.En este trabajo se presenta una caracterización del SMLS desde el punto de vista de su uso periodístico. Además, se presenta un estudio de caso llevado a cabo sobre el uso del SMLS por parte de medios chilenos durante la cobertura del 30º aniversario del Plebiscito Nacional de 1988, considerado el punto de arranque de la recuperación de la democracia.En concreto, se estudia el uso de Periscope/Twitter, Facebook Live y YouTube Live en los siguientes medios Teletrece, La Tercera, TVN 24 Horas, CNN Chile, Ahora Noticias, Cooperativa y Publimetro Chile. Los resultados, además de aportar datos concretos de un uso periodístico altamente significativo de este tipo de publicaciones, confirman la importancia que el SMLS puede tener en el futuro de los cibermedios como un formato adicional que otorgue mayor visibilidad a la cobertura de hechos noticiosos. ; Social Media Live Streaming (SMLS) is a new form of live interactive video broadcast that uses specific social networks, such as Periscope, or general social networking features, such as Facebook or YouTube. SMLS has great potential for media because its interactive nature, in addition to providing direct reception data, can improve engagement with its audiences. In this work, a characterization of the SMLS is presented from the point of view of its journalistic use. In addition, a case study carried out on the use of the SMLS by Chilean media is presented during the coverage of the 30th anniversary of the 1988 National Plebiscite, considered the starting point for the recovery of democracy. In particular, the use of Periscope / Twitter, Facebook ...

Se inicia la investigación desde el entendimiento del marco general en los que se inscribe la participación electoral. Por esta razón, se realiza un breve recorrido por los múltiples conceptos sobre democracia que se han formulado desde los diferentes enfoques teóricos, se harán precisiones sobre democracia directa y representativa, y se señalaran las diferencias entre participación política y participación electoral; para finalizar exponiendo el concepto del Sufragio, institución fundamental a través de la cual se cristaliza la democracia contemporánea. En la segunda parte de la investigación, se abordará el contexto colombiano; partiendo desde el marco legal que determina las reglas de juego electoral y haciendo énfasis en los incentivos legales que se han implementado con el fin de estimular la participación ciudadana en las elecciones. Además, se señalan ciertos elementos a través de los cuales se ha explicado el comportamiento electoral en el país, para finalizar presentando los niveles de participación y abstención que se han dado desde las elecciones de 1978 hasta las del año 2015 ; Introducción . 8 1. Democracia y abstención electoral . 12 1.1. Democracia representativa . 16 1.2. Participación política y participación electoral . 18 1.3. Participación electoral . 20 1.4. El sufragio . 21 1.5. Abstención electoral . 24 2. La abstención electoral en Colombia . 27 2.1. Contexto electoral colombiano . 28 2.2. Balance sobre la abstención en Colombia . 35 3. Abstención electoral en el departamento de Santander . 40 3.1. Contexto socio demográfico . 42 3.2. Contexto político . 44 4. Participación y abstención electoral en el departamento de Santander (2006-2015) . 51 4.1. Abstención electoral en las elecciones para Congreso de la República en el departamento de Santander (2006-2014) . 52 4.1.1. Abstención electoral por Núcleos provinciales para Senado de la República . 54 4.1.2. Abstención electoral de acuerdo a la población municipal para Senado de la República . 55 4.2. Abstención electoral en las elecciones para Presidencia de la República en el departamento de Santander (2006-2014) . 57 4.2.1. Abstención electoral por Núcleos provinciales para Presidencia de la República . 60 4.2.2. Abstención electoral de acuerdo a la población municipal para Presidencia de la República . 62 4.3. Abstención electoral en las elecciones para Asamblea Departamental y Concejos Municipales en el departamento de Santander (2007-2015) . 64 4.3.1. Abstención electoral por Núcleos provinciales para Asamblea Departamental y Concejos Municipales . 66 4.3.2. Abstención electoral de acuerdo a la población municipal para Asamblea Departamental y Concejos Municipales . 68 4.4. Abstención electoral en las elecciones para Gobernación y Alcaldías Municipales en el departamento de Santander (2007-2015) . 70 4.4.1. Abstención electoral por Núcleos provinciales para Gobernación y Alcaldías Municipales . 72 4.4.2. Abstención electoral de acuerdo a la población municipal para Gobernación y Alcaldías Municipales . 74 4.5. Variación electoral entre los diferentes tipos de elección en el departamento de Santander (2006-2015) . 76 4.6. Mapa electoral del departamento de Santander . 80 5. Propuesta para el fortalecimiento de la participación electoral en el Departamento de Santander . 84 Conclusiones . 93 Referencias . 97 ; Maestría ; The investigation begins from the understanding of the general framework in which electoral participation is registered. For this reason, a brief tour of the multiple concepts on democracy that have been formulated from the different theoretical approaches is made, details will be made on direct and representative democracy, and the differences between political participation and electoral participation will be pointed out; to finish exposing the concept of Suffrage, a fundamental institution through which contemporary democracy crystallizes. In the second part of the research, the Colombian context will be addressed; starting from the legal framework that determines the rules of the electoral game and emphasizing the legal incentives that have been implemented in order to stimulate citizen participation in the elections. In addition, certain elements are pointed out through which the electoral behavior in the country has been explained, to end by presenting the levels of participation and abstention that have occurred from the 1978 elections to those of 2015

In the last decade there have been radical changes in information technology. Progress in the development of modern means of communication spurred globalization in the world, speeded up the process of communication. It has become more technological and acquires new qualities such as «feedback» By lexicon added concepts such as «e-government», «communication Democracy», «e-citizenship».It is worth mentioning luminaries study communication processes in politics, which include H. Lassuel (mass communication, propaganda), H. Blumer, D. Rismen (theory of mass communication), K. Doych and D. Easton (founders of cybernetic approach and system analysis in political communications) L. Pye and W. Schramm (modernization theory).Direct impact on the study of contemporary political communication were the founders of the theory of the information society, including D. Bell, J. Galbraith, H.-M. McLuhan, A. Toffler, A. Touraine and others.The basis for the analysis of functional characteristics and values of political and communication processes are known H. Lassuell's paradigm under which the act of communication is seen as a structure of five components: who transmits, whom the transferor, what transmitting, on which channel, with what result.By definition, giving H.-J. Schwarzenberg, political communication – the process of transferring political information, which information circulates between the various elements of the political system, and between political and social systems. Based on the research perspective, we can distinguish two main ways of political communication: horizontal and vertical.The horizontal political communication, especially considering the exchange of information at the level of «individual – individual» «social group – social group», «the state – the state» and so on; while the vertical political communication involves the exchange of information between actors at various levels of «the state – the individual», «the social group – the state» and so on. Should pay attention to dramatic transformation taking place in all spheres of life (economic, social, cultural, informationalIt is about the globalization of the world who have shown themselves revolution in the technical field, the formation of new modes of communication, the use of Internet technologies. These transformations led to the formation of an information society.The concept of «information society» has gained relevance in the late 1980s in the West and seen as a new period in the development of civilization, due to the electron-technological revolution. The most complete concept of the information society is represented in the works of D. Bell, A. Touraine, Toffler, H. McLuhan, Zb. Brzezinski and others. The information society is characterized by defining the role and high levels of information technology. The main factors of social change are the production and use of information; theoretical knowledge as the highest value becomes the leader of a new social structure, new management models. The dominant role is played by the scope of information services.One way of determining the development of the information space at the present stage, both within the worldwide community, and at the level of national political communities, is Internet, which is a global planetary information system, a means of unification of various information networks for the transfer and exchange of information between countries, regions, organizations and individuals.Scientists are concerned that the Internet has developed spontaneously only at the initial stage. Gradually the situation changed, and government agencies in several countries were trying to control the Internet communication (China, North Korea).M. Hrachov which summarized according to researchers, uses terms such as «media imperialism», «cultural imperialism» and even «financialy-information totalitarianism». In his view, the internationalization of the information space to a greater extent contributed not a process of national liberation and development, but rather the weakening of cultural sovereignty and autonomy, strengthening economic and political dependence of States «third world», and recently also the former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe.However, according to most scholars, the Internet radically increase the effectiveness of the government machinery, both in speed of service, and in its price. One example may be the introduction of e-government. The idea of e-government is the idea of the state as an institution designed to efficiently meet the actual needs of society. The essence of e-government is the use of virtual space to improve service delivery models and improve the efficiency of government and public institutions. ; В статье исследуется понятие политической коммуникации и ее современные особенности. Определяются основные черты современного информационного общества, а также ключевая роль Интернета как средства связи. Сформулированы положительные и отрицательные проявления политической коммуникации в информационном обществе. ; У статті досліджується поняття політичної комунікації та її сучасні особливості. Визначаються основні риси сучасного інформаційного суспільства, а також ключова роль Інтернету як засобу зв'язку. Сформульовано позитивні та негативні прояви політичної комунікації в інформаційному суспільстві.

This article investigates how municipal governments negotiate far-right contestations through the format of citizens' dialogues and contemplates to what extent they disrupt established assumptions about participatory urban governance. In doing so, I want to contribute to emerging scholarship on reactionary responses to migration-led societal transformations in cities via scrutinising their effects on institutional change in participatory practices. Building on participatory urban governance literature and studies on the far right in the social sciences, I argue that inviting far-right articulations into the democratic arena of participation serves to normalise authoritarian and racist positions, as the far right's demand for more direct involvement of 'the people' is expressed in reactionary terms. I will show how this applies to two prominent notions of participation in the literature, namely, agonistic and communicative approaches. This argument is developed through an explorative case study of two neighbourhood-based citizens' dialogues in Cottbus, East Germany, which the municipal government initiated in response to local far-right rallies. While a careful reading of these forums reveals productive potentials when the issue of international migration is untangled from context-specific, socio-spatial problems in the neighbourhoods, my analysis also shows how the municipality's negotiation of far-right contestations within the citizens' dialogues serves to legitimise far-right ideology. I find that to negotiate today's societal polarisation, municipal authorities need to rethink local participatory institutions by disentangling these complex dynamics and reject far-right contestations, while designing dialogues for democratic and emancipatory learning.

У статті йдеться про особливості патріотичного виховання у Великій Британії. Виховання патріотизму є частиною громадянського виховання. Воно здійсняються в закладах освіти Великої Британії в процесі навчальних занять, позакласної роботи, а також у процесі участі школярів у культурно-освітніх та інших громадських організаціях молоді. Розглядаються випадки суперечливого ставлення до поняття патріотизм у Великій Британії. Підкреслюється, що істинний патріотизм ґрунтуються на справедливості, гуманізмі та демократії. Потрібною є розробка необхідних навчальних матеріалів та програм патріотичного виховання, а також відповідна підготовка педагогів. ; In the modern education system of Great Britain, great attention is paid to civic education. British educators consider Citizenship as a basis of patriotism and a means of upbringing a law-abiding citizen. The education of a citizen is based on fundamental civil concepts: human rights, freedom, democracy, solidarity and responsibility. A significant place for raising a citizen in the UK is given to high schools. It takes place in the process of studying general education disciplines, special disciplines, additional disciplines, in the process of extracurricular education, as well as in the process of participation of students in the work of cultural, educational, and other public youth organizations. The greatest attention is paid to the education of a citizen in the process of teaching subjects of the humanitarian cycle, which are considered as sources of spirituality, patriotism and citizenship. A compulsory educational subject based on citizenship appeared in 2006. However, it was not so successful because of lack qualified educators, lack of sufficient training and insufficient understanding of this subject. In particular, many teachers inadequately put the question of racial, religious, ethnic diversity and the problems of emigration. The next step for the British government was the reform of direct patriotic upbringing at school. However, this caused dissatisfaction with the public. According to various data, many parents (up to 80 %) did not want their children to be taught patriotism. Researchers from the Institute for Education said that students should not be forced to love Britain, because it had a mixed history. According to scientists from the UK's Institute for Education, patriotism should be described as a "controversial issue". It should be noted here, that there was not and there is not any state, which would not need the patriotism of its citizens. The existence of any state is impossible without the patriotism of citizens. Therefore, the policy and ideology of the state should foresee the upbringing and formation of patriotism. True patriotism is the source of strength, unity of the people and the integrity of the state. Such patriotism is always on the side of justice, humanism and democracy. Perspective for further research may be the question what successful countries understand under the patriotism, what kind of work is carried out to consolidate the ideas of such patriotism, especially in education institutions. It should be investigated here about phenomena, which belong to pseudo-patriotism (patriotism that is only in words, but in fact it leads to conflicts, the decay of the state, or even the collapse of the state). Such kinds of studies would be relevant on materials from European countries with different historical events.

The paper considers the national and social aspects of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 in the conception of the national-state construction by N. Hryhoryiv. Public figure and politician Nykyfor Hryhoryiv was one of the active participants and theorists of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Minister of Education of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a member of the Central Rada, one of the leaders of the Ukrainian party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. He created the original conception of national-state construction in Ukraine of that period, which is relevant today.According to him, the Ukrainian national revolution of 1917–1921 had a pronounced social color, and simultaneous solution of national and social issues became its main task and distinctive feature. He considered the achievement of Ukraine's national sovereignty as the goal of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the national-political sphere. At the same time, as a socialist-revolutionary, one of the theorists of ethical socialism, he stressed the necessity of a social revolution and construction of the Ukrainian state on the principles of «labor democracy».Based on these principles and the political situation in 1917, N. Hryhoryiv advocated a democratic federal republic and wide autonomy of Ukraine – its full sovereignty in internal affairs. Subsequently, when the situation changed, instead of autonomy, he demanded full independence of Ukraine from Russia.According to his opinion, the social character of the Ukrainian state was to be realized through a political system in the form of the so-called labor democracy, which corresponded to his principle of social and political freedom of the Ukrainian people. His concept gives each citizen not only the right to vote in elections, but also gives him the tools of constant and direct influence on the solution of all issues – from production to general political.The national and social components of N. Hryhoryiv's conception are not only closely linked but mutually complement each other in the creation of the Ukrainian state. In his opinion, only in such a way the Ukrainians could fully create a strong independent state and a successful society. ; Publikacja poświęcona rozpatrzeniu narodowego i socjalnego aspektów Ukraińskiej rewolucji 1917–1921 lat zgodnie z koncepcją narodowo-państwowego budownictwa N. Grygorijiwa. Jako niepodległościowiec za przekonaniem, celem ukraińskiego narodowo-wyzwoleńczego ruchu on uważał zdobycie narodowo-politycznej suwerenności Ukrainy, a jako socjalista-rewolucjonista, jeden z teoretyków socjalizmu etycznego, uzasadniał niezbędność rewolucji socjalnej i utworzenia socjalnie skierowanegopaństwa ukraińskiego na zasadach «demokracji pracowitej». Według jago przekonańUkraińska rewolucja miała jaskrawo wyrażone socjalne zabarwienie, a jednoczesne rozwiązanie narodowego i socjalnego problemów były jej głównymi zagadnieniami i szczegółami. ; Публікація присвячена розгляду національного та соціального аспектів Української революції 1917–1921 рр. у концепції національно-державного будівництва Н. Григорієва. Як самостійник за переконаннями, метою українського національно-визвольного руху він вважав здобуття національно-політичного суверенітету України, а як соціаліст-революціонер, один з теоретиків етичного соціалізму, обґрунтовував необхідність соціальної революції та побудови соціально орієнтованої української держави на принципах «трудової демократії». На його переконання, Українська національна революція мала яскраво виражене соціальне забарвлення, а одночасне вирішення національного та соціального питань стали її головними завданнями та особливостями.

The paper considers the national and social aspects of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 in the conception of the national-state construction by N. Hryhoryiv. Public figure and politician Nykyfor Hryhoryiv was one of the active participants and theorists of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Minister of Education of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a member of the Central Rada, one of the leaders of the Ukrainian party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. He created the original conception of national-state construction in Ukraine of that period, which is relevant today.According to him, the Ukrainian national revolution of 1917–1921 had a pronounced social color, and simultaneous solution of national and social issues became its main task and distinctive feature. He considered the achievement of Ukraine's national sovereignty as the goal of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the national-political sphere. At the same time, as a socialist-revolutionary, one of the theorists of ethical socialism, he stressed the necessity of a social revolution and construction of the Ukrainian state on the principles of «labor democracy».Based on these principles and the political situation in 1917, N. Hryhoryiv advocated a democratic federal republic and wide autonomy of Ukraine – its full sovereignty in internal affairs. Subsequently, when the situation changed, instead of autonomy, he demanded full independence of Ukraine from Russia.According to his opinion, the social character of the Ukrainian state was to be realized through a political system in the form of the so-called labor democracy, which corresponded to his principle of social and political freedom of the Ukrainian people. His concept gives each citizen not only the right to vote in elections, but also gives him the tools of constant and direct influence on the solution of all issues – from production to general political.The national and social components of N. Hryhoryiv's conception are not only closely linked but mutually complement each other in the creation of the Ukrainian state. In his opinion, only in such a way the Ukrainians could fully create a strong independent state and a successful society. ; Publikacja poświęcona rozpatrzeniu narodowego i socjalnego aspektów Ukraińskiej rewolucji 1917–1921 lat zgodnie z koncepcją narodowo-państwowego budownictwa N. Grygorijiwa. Jako niepodległościowiec za przekonaniem, celem ukraińskiego narodowo-wyzwoleńczego ruchu on uważał zdobycie narodowo-politycznej suwerenności Ukrainy, a jako socjalista-rewolucjonista, jeden z teoretyków socjalizmu etycznego, uzasadniał niezbędność rewolucji socjalnej i utworzenia socjalnie skierowanegopaństwa ukraińskiego na zasadach «demokracji pracowitej». Według jago przekonańUkraińska rewolucja miała jaskrawo wyrażone socjalne zabarwienie, a jednoczesne rozwiązanie narodowego i socjalnego problemów były jej głównymi zagadnieniami i szczegółami. ; Публікація присвячена розгляду національного та соціального аспектів Української революції 1917–1921 рр. у концепції національно-державного будівництва Н. Григорієва. Як самостійник за переконаннями, метою українського національно-визвольного руху він вважав здобуття національно-політичного суверенітету України, а як соціаліст-революціонер, один з теоретиків етичного соціалізму, обґрунтовував необхідність соціальної революції та побудови соціально орієнтованої української держави на принципах «трудової демократії». На його переконання, Українська національна революція мала яскраво виражене соціальне забарвлення, а одночасне вирішення національного та соціального питань стали її головними завданнями та особливостями.

años 80 esto debido a las crisis económicas de los países, en Ecuador se ha dado con una tendencia hacia la democracia, esta se contempla en base a reformas en la constitución, con leyes que han servido para la transferencia de recursos a los Gobiernos Seccionales, en Ecuador la tendencia esta desde los años 1997 y 1998, junto con estos cambios fue surgiendo una democracia que se manifestó en la política con el principio de elección de autoridades territoriales, dándose con esto el surgimiento de partidos políticos de determinadas regiones, que representaban a un territorio. El Ecuador está conformado por cuatro regiones que claramente están diferenciadas en lo económico, social y ambiental, donde existe una percepción de mayor o menor diferencia en la distribución de los recursos asignados a los gobiernos seccionales, entre los factores determinantes de estos procesos se puede visualizar en factores económicos que hay una relación de los gobernantes locales y sus preferencias en los partidos o movimientos políticos. En el caso de Ecuador se ha dado una trayectoria definida de partidos o movimientos políticos que más han tenido relevancia en los procesos electorales. En la actualidad el Ecuador pasa por un proceso de cambios políticos con el nuevo gobierno que rompe esquemas tradicionales políticos, incluyendo en su plan de políticas de gobierno la descentralización, desconcentración estas pero de una manera redistributiva, la misma que tiene relación directa con los gobiernos seccionales porque en su plan se plantea que será desde el gobierno central donde se manejarán todas las políticas del Estado. ; The subject of fiscal decentralization has arisen more sharply in Latin America from the 1980s owing to the economic crises of the countries. In Ecuador this is meaning a tendency towards democracy, which is contemplated based on constitutional reform, with legislation for the transfer of resources to regional governments in 1997 – 1998, which have been gaining force over time. Alongside these changes a democracy was emerging which was shown in the policy with the principle of the election of local authorities, coming together with the emergence of political parties of specified regions, which began to represent a particular area. Ecuador comprises four regions which are clearly different from each other and where one can see a greater or lesser difference in the distribution of resources assigned to the regional governments. Among the determining factors of this process one can see that there is a connection between the local governments and their preferences in the political parties or movements, which has had more relevance in electoral processes. At present Ecuador is under going a process of political change with a new government which disregards traditional political norms, including in its scheme of government policies decentralization, but in a redistributive way which will have also a direct connection with the local governments, since within its scheme it will be from central government that all state policy is directed ; Magíster en Economía con mención en Finazas ; Cuenca

Статья посвящена анализу одной из самых известных работ И.В. Сталина «Марксизм и национальный вопрос», которая стала классической для ученых, изучающих национальные проблемы и непререкаемым образцом для ученых-марксистов СССР. Автор показывает условия возникновения труда, определяет его место в идеологической борьбе в общественном движении в России в начале ХХ в., объясняет пафос и направленность статьи соперничеством РСДРП и национальных партий за влияние на левом фланге российской политики. ; In his research I. Stagis, basing on the analysis of the political situation in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century and after studying the Bolshevik Party program document on the national issue, tries to find answers to the question: what the reasons for the creation of this document were. The research carried out shows that Stalin, while not questioning the thesis of damage of nationalism for the socialist movement, tries to overcome Bolsheviks critical attitude to nations. The analysis of the documents shows that it is built on two concepts of the Bolsheviks national policy: the negation of nationalism and the principle of ignoring the national Synopsis. Stalin believed confronting nationalism is not the right but the duty of every Bolshevik. First, nationalism divides a single working-class movement, which, of course, harms the socialdemocratic party whose future depends on the success of this movement. Second, Russian nationalism at that time becomes a firm part of the ideology of the main opponents of the Bolsheviks the Black Hundreds. Finally, nationalism is contrary to the program of the Social Democratic Party, which was very important in the confrontation between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks, which waged a struggle for the right to represent the interests of all social democracy of the Russian Empire. Based on these factors, the Bolsheviks had to agree with Stalin and recognize the struggle against nationalism as their direct responsibility. However, the changing socio-political situation required the development of a strategy rather than a simple denial of the objectivity of the nation as a form of ethnic organization. The main purpose of Stalins work Marxism and the National Question was to attract the attention of the Social Democrats the Bolsheviks to the problems associated with the nation, the rationale for the study of the national question. Citing examples, widely reflected in the Bolshevik press, he drew attention to the changing socio-political context, showing how nationalism is destroying the basic values of the Bolsheviks, first of all the unity of the socialist movement. Creating a positive image of social democracy as the only force that can deal with nationalism, can overcome the possible pessimism. At the same time the structure of the preface does not make it clear what the theory of the nation, Stalin's proposal, will be. Only one thing is clear it will be built on the controversy with the concept of national-cultural autonomy, popular among social democrats of the Russian Empire. This fact itself further contributed to the transformation of Marxism and the National Question into the fundamental work on this issue.

One of the ways to evaluate the state of democracy in a country is to scrutinize how its parliament functions. The war in Ukraine has afforded a new perspective on this issue. When the executive's powers expand, as often happens during wartime, it is the responsibility of parliament to ensure that the country does not devolve into autocracy.Ukraine, a transitional democracy, is in the thick of the world's largest contemporary armed conflict. Its legislative body, parliament, has responded in different ways over the course of the war, in its communications and legislative actions, in response both to wartime exigencies and to citizen activists, where the security concerns of the former meet the latter's demands for greater transparency. Developments since the war began have shed light on the dialogue between the legislature and the populace and on the robustness of constitutional provisions to ensure the continuation of parliamentary functions in Ukraine's democracy during national crises.Unless otherwise specified, the data provided in this article come from research presented in the report Parliament under Conditions of War: Ukraine's Example, conducted by the USAID-RADA Next Generation Program expert team.From Consensus to Debate: The Theater of War Sets the RulesOn February 24, 2022, massive shelling of Ukraine began, with Russian ground troops crossing the border from Belarus and advancing toward Kyiv, Ukraine's capital. They traveled approximately seventy miles to reach the city. At the same time, Russian airborne forces landed in Hostomel, about twenty miles from Kyiv's city center, and in other nearby areas.That day Ukraine's parliament convened for a historic session. The session was attended in person and held in the parliament building, which easily could have been targeted by Russian missiles. It lasted only nine minutes, the shortest meeting ever for a parliament of the current convocation. However, during those nine minutes parliament approved the president's decrees establishing martial law and instituting national conscription (according to Ukraine's constitution, the proclamation and extension of martial law and conscription must be supported by parliament).Parliament then operated under a sixty-day emergency regime. Meetings lasted an average of thirty-two minutes in March 2022 and forty-eight minutes in April 2022. In March 2022, 83 percent of the issues on parliament's agenda were adopted on the day of their initial consideration and on the first reading, while the usual procedure required two readings. More than 300 issues taken up during martial law were adopted without discussion or following the address of only one member of parliament.After Russian troops were pushed back from Kyiv's immediate surroundings, political activity in parliament became more intense. Beginning in May 2022, the average length of a parliamentary session increased to three to four hours. In comparison, the average duration of a prewar parliament meeting was five hours. Parliament also reverted to its usual legislative procedure of two readings, and only 20 percent of laws were adopted on the day of their first consideration from April 2022 to June 2023.Thus political debate returned to parliament. As parliament represents the will of the people, debate is always a possibility.The War Continues: No DebateDespite the return of political debate, one type of decision is always supported without opposition. This is the approval of the president's decree to extend martial law. Martial law has been extended nine times, and each time, all political factions in parliament have supported the initiative.Moreover, despite the security risks, Ukraine's parliament has been meeting offline since the first wartime meeting. Unlike many of its European counterparts, Ukraine's parliament did not switch to remote sessions during the COVID-19 pandemic, instead allowing only committee meetings to be conducted remotely.Parliament Must Go OnWhy does parliament have to function during the war in the first place? The Ukrainian constitution requires parliament to stay in session until martial law is lifted. Even if the parliamentary term ends while martial law is in effect, parliament must continue to function until postwar elections are held. The current elected term of Ukraine's parliament expired on October 29, 2023; however, parliament continues to function as a result of a direct provision of the constitution.In addition, Article 92 of the constitution specifies a list of issues that must be regulated by law. Parliament has no power to delegate its legislative powers to the government; the war is not an exception.Therefore, the operation of parliament in wartime is part of Ukraine's constitutional order. The collapse of parliament could lead to the state becoming dysfunctional.Parliament's Communications and Civil SocietySecurity measures always apply to classified information. In the Ukrainian context, parliament also became subject to tighter security measures with the onset of the war. For instance, parliament's agenda and schedule of meetings were no longer publicly available, nor were the legislature's meetings broadcast any longer on television or streamed online.These limits on traditional modes of communication encouraged more activity on parliament's social media. In 2022 the total number of followers on parliament's web pages across all platforms—Facebook, Twitter, Telegram, and Instagram—increased by 146 percent over 2021. This trend demonstrated the increased trust of Ukrainians in state institutions that exhibited resistance to Russian aggression.As the situation with communications evolved, some limitations became apparent, so parliament decided to make public recordings of its sessions. Despite the increased transparency, civil society advocates continue to push for the legislative agenda to be made public so as to engage citizens actively in the legislative process.A number of issues plague Ukrainian parliamentary democracy. However, it should not be forgotten that parliament is still the forum where the nation's key decisions are debated and approved. Thus the battle for democracy continues both on the front lines and in state institutions.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.