Suchergebnisse

Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs' shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.

Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs' shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.

AbstractDifferences in children's self‐regulation are assumed to be explained by genetic factors, socialization experiences, and sociodemographic risk. As for socialization, little research has addressed the influence of having siblings or attending early center based child care on emerging self‐regulation. As regarding sociodemographic risk, few studies have been conducted in countries characterized by high equality and little poverty. In a longitudinal study following 1157 children, we investigated presence of siblings, center care exposure in the first 3 years of life (attendance, hours, and child group size), and family socioeconomic status (SES) as predictors of hot and cool effortful control (EC), at the child's age 48 months. The results showed that having a sibling was consistently related to better hot EC, whereas higher SES predicted better cool EC. A small effect implied that hours in center care at 36 months negatively predicted hot EC, whereas center care group size at 36 months modestly predicted better cool EC. Otherwise, center care variables were unrelated to self‐regulation.

Paper prepared for the Annual IMISCOE Conference, Prague Objective: Examine why immigrants are less likely to vote. Methods: A new representative dataset on the political participation of immigrants in the 2015 municipal elections in the Canton of Geneva, Switzerland is presented. It draws on questions from the Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) and is enriched with questions relevant to immigrant origin. Logistic regression analysis with predicted probabilities is used to predict electoral participation. Results: Despite having the right to vote, most immigrant groups are less likely to vote than the majority population. Four explanations are tested for this gap in political participation: differences in social origin, political engagement, civic integration and networks, as well as socialization. Individually, all these explanations are associated with differences in political participation, but when all are tested at once, socialization ceases to be statistically significant. Conclusion: While it cannot account for the entirety of differences, social origin accounts for a large part of the different probabilities to vote between nationalities.

Combining primary survey data collected from a probability sample of U.S. advertising agencies and semi-structured interviews with advertising practitioners, I tested a novel link from class background to creative employment through a cultural process of matching people to jobs. Qualitative data show that shared culture, specifically "omnivorous"—diverse and inclusive—taste and socialization, signals creative potential to employers and motivates people to pursue creative positions. Structural equation modeling reveals that omnivorous socialization and taste mediate the relationship between class background and creative employment: when middle-class parents expose their children to diverse leisure activities, this exposure has a positive indirect effect on creative employment. It may not actually make those children more creative, but such exposure makes them more likely to enter fields in which they will be viewed as creative. The findings highlight a new direction for research on creativity, contribute to the debate on the role of cultural capital in occupational attainment, and extend knowledge on the early origins of career choice.

The intergenerational relation in the European universities has evolved over the years. In the beginning was characterized for a hierarchical structure until more democratic situation. In this article is studied the dialogical relation between junior and senior professors to facilitate the learning of teaching and the adjustment to new critical moments. The author proposes the analysis of expectations, needs and projects for better orientation to the young professors and give practical suggestions about effective mentoring in Spanish universities. To ensure the teacher ability of socialization or adaptation to the real context of the university structure, which involves an inevitable dialectic based on expectations over the medium to long term, in line with the paradigm of socialization interactive, through which seniors and juniors teachers accepte mutually influences and changes. This will lead to a gradual and imperceptible enrichment, by which different cohorts of students will benefit. At the same time, advances in the development of mentoring novice teacher will be an endless source of ideas for applied research.

Due to social and political change the process of young citizens' political socialization was put on a new basis in West European democracies over the last decades. In this article we discuss some aspects of this development and show their consequences. We analyse empirical findings from Germany, focussing on the relevant social factors which influence the individual propensity to participate in politics. The impact of the financial and economic crisis in Europe on political attitudes will also be considered, taking in account sociological aspects. Based on the empirical findings we discuss implications for civic education. In contrast to many discussions in literature about this issue, in which the focus is on the need to put the various influences of political socialization into a broader context, we argue that the parental social background is the crucial upstream factor, prior to e.g. civic education. The conclusion indicates that a group-specific educational approach, taking into account the social background, is the most promising one for reaching the normative goal of civic education: Politically self-determined citizens.

В статье раскрываются направленность влияния физкультурно-спортивного опыта курсантов вузов ВВ МВД России на характер протекания их военно-профессиональной социализации. Установлено, что предшествующий высокий уровень физической и спортивной подготовленности молодежи, поступившей в военные вузы внутренних войск МВД России, находится в числе важных факторов, влияющих на курсантов и оказывающих существенное воздействие, как на их самоопределение в воинском коллективе, так и на успешность их военно-профессиональной социализации. ; The article reveals the specificity of the influence of physical culture and sports experience of cadets of the higher education institutions of internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia on character of course of their military and professional socialization. It has been established that previous high level of the physical and sports readiness of the youth entered the military university of internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia is in number of the important factors influencing on the cadets, both on their self-determination in the military collective and on success of their military and professional socialization.

"'Women's question' and 'social question' are subject to the social critical theories of emancipation of the 19th and 20th Century. They were not just considered as antagonistic confronting issues, but as to be negotiated together. Starting from the criticism of the unfulfilled promises of the French Revolution, the 'right to work' and the emancipation of women was regarded as only together releasable social issues. In this article I am referring to the French early socialist Charles Fourier and the Russian revolutionary Alexandra Kollontai, who considered women 's question and social question as connected in their social theory and utopian ideas. Focusing on this, they developed utopian ideas for socialization of production and reproduction, in which the reproduction is considered to be a common task. In addition, Kollontai and Fourier stood for a new idea of love, which is also aimed at the separation of private and public, as their ideas for the socialization of reproductive and productive activities." (author's abstract)

While many authors have investigated the processes by which children are socialized into gender roles within their communities of practice, and others have taken up an examination of the ways in which gender is a consideration in language endangerment and revitalization, the process of gender socialization in communities working towards language revitalization has been less well examined. The purpose of this paper is to examine gender role socialization in the context of Native California language endangerment and revitalization. The goal is to gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which the ideologies linked to gender roles in the traditional cultures associated with endangered Native California languages of heritage are expressed and understood, particularly as they interact with gender ideologies from a surrounding, dominant society. The particular focus of this paper is an examination of the impact of those ideologies on the deployment of silence as a salient attribute of women's speech in contexts which are framed as traditional and closely tied to Native California languages of heritage.

Gendered stereotypes in the US military context often result in the creation of barriers for women. Constant confrontation with these barriers may negatively impact a servicewoman's career. The author argues that gendered stereotypes in the US Marine Corps (USMC) have the potential to undermine a female Marine's performance, and sometimes the performance of others around her. Through the application of ethnographic content analysis to thirty-five in-depth interviews (seventeen female and eighteen male Marines), this article investigates the possible consequences of gendered stereotypes in the USMC. Four themes regarding the origination, socialization, and reinforcement of gender-role stereotypes in the USMC emerge through the interview process. Findings suggest gender-role stereotypes influence (1) the perceived abilities of female Marines, (2) the initial socialization of Marines, (3) camaraderie and opportunities for female Marine mentorship, and (4) a culture of double standards. The aforementioned themes are compared to findings in the literature and implications for camaraderie, shared sense of mission, and leadership are discussed.

This article argues that mainstreaming responsible management education in line with the Principles of Responsible Management Education (PRME) requires close attention to the hidden curriculum (HC), that is, the implicit dimensions of educational experiences. Altering formal curricular goals and content alone is not enough to improve students' sense of social responsibility. Business schools are conceptualized in this article as multilevel learning environments comprising various message sites where students undergo moral learning and socialization processes. Using perspectives from HC research combined with transformative learning and communities of practice theory, the article offers an inquiry-based framework for PRME implementation that takes these moral learning and socialization processes into account. It provides suggestions for how to address the hidden curriculum both in the diagnostic phase of assessing a school's PRME needs and in the implementation phase where PRME is integrated into business school learning environments. The concept of meta-messages is introduced to account for how students apprehend the HC at business schools.

Статья раскрывает основные формы вовлечения женщин коренных малочисленных народов северо-востока СССР в политическую жизнь в предвоенное десятилетие. Цель автора - изучить процесс создания делегатских собраний, рассмотреть процесс вовлечения женщин и девушек в партийные и комсомольские ряды. На архивных материалах, ранее не введенных в научный оборот, автор выявляет и анализирует особенности политической социализации женщин северо-востока. Сделан вывод о значимости мероприятий этого периода в деле политической социализации женщин коренных малочисленных народов северо-востока страны. ; The author discusses the basic forms of the native minorities women involvement in political life within the north-east of the USSR during the prewar decade, studies the delegate assembly creation process, considers the process of women and girls' involvement in party and Komsomol ranks, reveals and analyzes the features of women's political socialization within the north-east by the archival materials which were not introduced in scientific circulation so far and concludes the significance of this period events in political socialization of the native minorities women within the north-east of the country.

This article is based on the assumption that the right to vote in national elections is not an essential dimension of citizenship for early adolescents as long as adolescents' other competencies and attitudes are nurtured in their everyday settings. The article addresses the issue of children or early adolescents and their political and civic participation from three perspectives. First, it examines how human rights and action in community settings have been viewed across the several decades in which political socialization research has been conducted. The idea of emergent participatory citizenship for young adolescents is introduced. Second, the authors examine findings from survey research to determine whether the socialization and developmental experiences of the majority of early adolescents entering the twenty-first century have resulted in attitudes and skills appropriate to being full citizens. The third section examines studies using qualitative methodologies—observations and interviews—to show how the spaces for adolescents to exercise participatory and deliberative capabilities can be enhanced.

Explanations for the roots and cures of the continuous divergence between East and West German political cultures tend to fall into two camps: socialization and situation. The former emphasizes the impact of socialization before and during the GDR era and ongoing (post-communist) legacies derived from Eastern Germans' previous experience, whereas the latter focuses primarily on economic difficulties after the unification that caused dissatisfaction among the population in the Eastern parts of Germany. The article argues that in order to explain the persistence and reinvigoration of an autonomous political culture during the last two decades in the new Länder, we need to synthesize the two approaches and to add a third aspect: the unification hypothesis. Although the communist period brought about a specific political culture in the GDR, the German unification process—based rather on transplantation than on adaptation—has caused it neither to diminish nor to wither away. On the contrary, the separate (post)-communist political culture was reaffirmed and reinstalled under novel circumstances.