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ABSTRACT: The present work has attempted to analyze sexual crimes and especially the crime of male rape. The international jurisprudence of international criminal Tribunals and the International Criminal Court has tried to qualify rape either as a crime of genocide in the form of serious bodily and physical injuries, even if not necessarily permanent (lett. b) art. 6 of the Rome Statute; or as a crime against humanity where there are elements of context and above all material elements that emerge from the definitions given by the ad hoc Tribunals and the elements of crimes; or even as a war crime in case it is implemented as a part of a political plan or design, or as part of series of similar crimes committed on a large scale. This behavior is rebuilt in a residual way compared to that of sexual violence, according to a gender specific relationship to speciem. The indication of the level of gravity of the crime is necessary for the relevance of sexual violence and rape as crimes against humanity that we will see in the next years from the panorama of international criminal law.

AbstractIn a globalized and hegemonically organized international economy, the economic fundamentals and policy choices of the hegemon often have spillover effects for peripheral economies. This is a well-recognized dynamic of the contemporary political economy, but it was true during the first age of globalization as well. Motivated by literature examining the impact of the U.S. macroeconomic conditions on other economies throughout the international system, this article advances a systemic theory of financial crisis and applies it to the long nineteenth century, when British hegemony reigned. My main motivation is the earliest example of a systemic theory of financial crisis, Charles Kindleberger's Hegemonic Stability Theory. However, while Charles Kindleberger focused on the stability brought about by a hegemonically structured international economy, I emphasize the dynamics of volatility present in this type of system. I argue that a hierarchical distribution of economic activity in the international system means that the financial cycle of the most central country influences the financial conditions in peripheral countries that lead to financial crisis. Evidence from financial crises which occurred in the long nineteenth century supports this theory.

The purpose of the paper is to evaluate the benefits of convergence of Indian Accounting Standards with International Financial Reporting Standards. The scope of this paper is to (1) evaluate and summarize the major differences between the International standards and Indian's standards and comparison of the differences, and (2) to determine if those differences are significant enough to conclude whether India as a country would benefit or be negatively impacted by the implementation of them. The research methodology is based on secondary data found in journals, periodicals, magazines, books, and websites. The Findings show that convergence of Indian standards with IFRs has both positive and negative benefits, but the positive benefits are greater than the negatives.The Conclusion and Recommendations of this research are that despite social, cultural, and political barriers that exist, India would benefit financially and economically from implementing international reporting standards. Recommendations for further study include (1) determining the effectiveness of India's implementation of the standards, and (2) evaluate the importance of implementing the international standards, and the benefits to experience by allowing proper comparison of financial statements with other entities.

Part I of this article frames the problem of constraint at the domestic level during constitution-making processes. While acknowledging that the issue is not universal, it argues that the absence of effective constraint from domestic institutions is a common one and that this absence is associated with a range of longer-term problems including the erosion of democracy and the increase in political tension associated with "failed" constitution-making. Part II considers the strengths and drawbacks of four distinct models of international intervention: (1) democracy clauses requiring that states abide by their own domestic mechanisms of constitutional change, (2) international norms directly governing the procedure or substance of constitution-making, (3) international organizations or NGOs wielding "best practices," and (4) review of constitution-making processes and texts by advisory bodies at the supranational level. Part III concludes by arguing that since the problem of abusive constitution-making is particularly difficult to solve at either the domestic or international levels, the most feasible approach involves making some use of all of these distinct tools while recognizing each of their limitations.

This article examines the influence of national identity on coverage of human rights and international law. Based on a content analysis of New York Times, Washington Post, and USA Today's coverage of torture at Abu Ghraib and the Obama administration's expansion of drone warfare, it is argued that the news media largely protects the American identity by ignoring or marginalizing considerations of human rights and international law, despite these issues being central to the events. This research posits that the news media adheres to the Dan Rather Maxim named after long-time CBS news anchor, Dan Rather, who noted that in times of conflict the press tends to 'follow the flag'. In other words, national identity informs and ultimately skews coverage of conflicts. This article adds to the existing scholarship on social and national identity biases in the news by giving primacy to international law and human rights frames during controversial periods. The content analysis finds that the actions of US political actors and institutions do not receive ample treatment when viewed through the lens of human rights and international humanitarian law.

The internationalization of higher education is a key topic for foreign scholars' studies. Various measures of international scope, namely: student mobility; students' international exchange and students recruitment; scientific cooperation; curriculum internationalisation; joint or double degrees; staff mobility; development and capacity building projects; internationalization at home are revealed. There are four main rationals for internationalization, namely political, economic and financial, cultural (social), and academic. International experience is of high value for development of the Ukrainian Strategy for internationalization.Key words: mobility, international dimension, joint / double degrees, scientific cooperation, foreign experience. Проблема інтернаціоналізації вищої освіти є ключовою темою досліджень зарубіжних науковців. Визначено, що вона включає в себе різні заходи міжнародного масштабу: мобільність студентів; міжнародний обмін студентами та залучення іноземних студентів; наукове співробітництво; зміцнення міжнародного змісту навчального плану; спільні або подвійні дипломи; мобільність персоналу; розвиток і нарощування потенціалу проектів; інтернаціоналізацію вдома. Виокремлено чотири головні обгрунтування для інтернаціоналізації, а саме: політичні, економічно-фінансові, культурні (соціальні) і академічні. Підкреслено, що міжнародний досвід можна використати при розробці стратегії інтернаціоналізації вищої освіти України.Ключові слова: мобільність, міжнародний вимір, спільні / подвійні дипломи, наукове співробітництво, зарубіжний досвід.

High international oil prices in the mid‐2000s drew attention again to biofuels, which then began to be put on the political agendas of West African countries. Arguments advanced in their favor pointed to the potential to improve access of populations to ready, cheap energy and to promote economic development. Unsurprisingly, energy ministries stepped forward to establish biofuel policies, according little attention to the issues at stake for agricultural producers. Around the same time, increases in the price of food on the international market began to demonize biofuels, which then began to be perceived as a threat to the food security of populations in developing countries. In several countries dependent on outside technical and financial support, this shift in the international discourse influenced the position of agriculture ministries, which became lukewarm or even opposed to biofuels. Yet the question of rural development could have drawn the two sets of ministries closer together. The double talk at the international level damaged the coordination of public action to support the sector, generated an institutional vacuum, led to conflicts between stakeholders, and hampered the development of projects and sectors in West African countries.

Selling internationally requires products that resonate with an international customer base and therefore an approach to markets that is in keeping with diverse cultures (i.e., relational capital). As emphasized by international business studies, this relational capital is in turn related to the successful teaming of a diverse workforce, as this process teaches employees to operate in multicultural environments. This knowledge becomes like an intangible asset to which firms can resort, also when engaging in international transactions. We explore this channel empirically, investigating the impact of workforce diversity on firms' exporting performances and find that ethnic diversity further justifies firms' different presence in international markets. Since hiring is not a random practice, and firms ultimately select into ethnically different labor forces, we exploit the EU enlargement of 2004 to instrument for the diversity of the pool of workers locally recruitable. Because migrants tend to settle where the attitude toward them is most favorable, we use the median voter's political ideology at firm's location to measure the hostility at time of settlement. This gives our instrument spatial variation besides time variation.

Objectives International Community-Based Participatory Research (CBPR) is vulnerable to contextual, political, and interpersonal issues that may hamper researchers' abilities to develop and sustain partnerships with local communities. This paper responds to a call for systematizing CBPR practices and to the urgent need for frameworks with potential to facilitate partnership building between researchers and communities in both "developed" and "developing" countries. Methods Using three brief case examples, each from a different context, with different partners and varied research questions, we demonstrate how to apply the International Participatory Research Framework (IPRF). Results IPRF consists of triangulated procedures (steps and actions) that can facilitate known participatory outcomes: (1) community-defined research goals, (2) capacity for further research, and (3) policies and programs grounded in research. Conclusions We show how the application of this model is particularly helpful in the planning and formative phases of CBPR. Other partnerships can use this framework in its entirety or aspects thereof, in different contexts. Further evaluation of how this framework can help other international partnerships, studying myriad diseases and conditions, should be a focus of future international CBPR.

Principles are part of international law as much as of other legal orders. Nonetheless, beyond principles referred to the functioning of IL, or the sector related discipline in discrete fields, those fundamental principles identifying the raison d'etre, purpose and value of the legal international order, as a whole, remain much disputed, to say the least. In addressing such a problem, one that deeply affects interpretation and legal adjudication, this article acknowledges the limits and weakness of legal positivism in making sense of the inter- and supra-national legal order(s). It appraises also the novel from the late Ronald Dworkin, concerning IL, and its consequence for interpretivism in the international environment, so different from State political communities and their 'integrity'. Finally, some recent cases before international Courts shall be considered, that expose difficulties stemming from traditional legal positivist strictures, and explain how judicial reasoning actually profits from asking further questions of principles. All the more so, if the issues at stake happen to be covered by two or more diverging legal regimes, that would, per sé, lead to opposite outcomes.

State competition for international status takes a variety of forms, but most are linked to states' related pursuits of economic and/or military power. The Olympics offer a unique venue for states to compete with one another in a forum whose consequences do not directly spill over into either realm. Instead, states compete against one another for Olympic medals—a currency with no other international political value beyond the prestige that can be obtained with them. Leveraging a theoretical framework nested in Social Identity Theory, we develop a set of hypotheses to explain how states can be attributed international status as a result of their performance in the Olympic Games and via playing host to them. Using a linear hierarchical method of analysis, we evaluate the impact of participation in the Summer Olympics on the status attributed to members of the international system from 1960 to 2012. Our findings indicate that states whose performance exceeds expectations and smaller-sized countries that play host to the Olympic Games disproportionately gain status from their participation in the sporting regime.

International economic law (IEL) continues to evolve through dialectic processes of unilateral, bilateral, regional and worldwide regulation. The human rights obligations of all UN member states call for 'normative individualism' in economic regulation and justify 'fragmentation' of state-centred treaties so as to protect human rights and international public goods more effectively for the benefit of citizens. The 'structural biases' and often indeterminate rules and principles in competing treaty regimes for multilevel governance of interdependent public goods require protecting transnational rule of law for the benefit of citizens based on 'consistent interpretations', 'judicial comity' and 'cosmopolitan re-interpretations' of IEL so as to protect not only rights of governments, but also of citizens. The political resistance and 'veto powers' of self-interested government executives in the UN and the WTO are increasingly circumvented by 'constitutionalizing' and 'judicializing' IEL 'bottom-up' through bilateral and regional agreements and adjudication. International courts cooperating with domestic courts in protecting cosmopolitan rights have been more effective in protecting cosmopolitan rights and other 'aggregate public goods' than 'Westphalian international courts' prioritizing rights of governments over rights of citizens.

This article is an enquiry into Brazil's evolving responses to global climate change norms. Following an overview of the evolution of international normative frameworks of climate change governance, I examine the relationship between some of these international norms and domestic environmental politics in Brazil. Internationally, the analysis focuses on the North/South political debate about climate change and its role in shaping understandings about the impact and responses to global warming. Domestically, I explore the evolving relationship between state and private actors in the decision-making process. I argue that Brazil's official position on climate change negotiations is currently influenced by a nationalist/developmental approach based on the particular worldview of the dominant faction within the foreign ministry and backed up by private groups, powerful sectors in the military establishment, key ministries, and the presidency. Yet, this worldview has been increasingly undermined/permeated by other state and nonstate actors, who are more closely aligned with the environmental concerns of international stakeholders. The ensuing domestic conflict has important implications for the legitimacy and coherence of the Brazilian position in international climate change negotiations. Adapted from the source document.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) aims to promote not only justice, but also peace. It has been widely criticised for doing neither, yet it has to contend with some severe structural and political difficulties: it has limited resources, it faces institutional restrictions, it is manipulated by states, and it is criticised for an alleged selectivity in the way it dispenses justice. However, the icc could contribute significantly to the promotion of international justice and peace, and have a major impact on the prevention of crime, since its prosecutions represent a clear threat to highly placed individuals who commit serious crimes. While this article concentrates on the work of the icc in Africa, the only continent where it has issued indictments against suspected criminals, it also looks at its efforts on other continents. It argues that, in the larger international context, the contribution of the icc to international justice and peace depends on its institutional power and the support it receives from states, on its own impartial work, and on the way it is perceived by potential criminals and victims in the world.