Suchergebnisse

Democracy in Brazil is recent and poses challenges to citizens in terms of political positioning, especially in the 2018 presidential elections, which were characterized by polarization, the spread of fake news and the use of social media to promote the candidates' agenda. In this context, we aim at analysing the discursive resources of pre-candidates to the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections. The Critical Discourse Analysis (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (HALLIDAY, 2014) approaches were used to analyse the transcription of excerpts of six interviews from the Roda Viva TV show. The results point out that the discourse of: a) Álvaro Dias shows a pre-candidate willing to invest in education financially; b) Ciro Gomes constructs the image of experience and authority in the field of education; c) Henrique Meirelles emphasizes the relation between education and workforce development; d) Manuela D'Ávila supports the states and municipalities autonomy in their capacity to manage education locally and is aligned with women's experience as mothers, workers and citizens; e) Geraldo Alckmin will direct efforts to kindergarten education, aiming at reducing inequality; f) Jair Bolsonaro advocates eliminating the low-income and minorities quotas in public universities by investing in Basic Education in order to provide equal access to all students when they finish high school. ; A democracia no Brasil é recente e coloca desafios aos cidadãos em termos de posicionamento político, especialmente nas eleições presidenciais de 2018, que foram caracterizadas por polarização, disseminação de boatos e uso de redes sociais para promover as propostas dos candidatos. Nesse contexto, objetivamos analisar os recursos discursivos de pré-candidatos às eleições presidenciais do Brasil em 2018. A Análise Crítica do Discurso (FAIRCLOUGH, 2003) e a Linguística Sistêmico-Funcional (HALLIDAY, 2014) são utilizadas para análise da transcrição de excertos de seis entrevistas do Programa Roda Viva. Os resultados apontam que o discurso de: a) Álvaro Dias mostra um pré-candidato disposto a investir financeiramente na educação; b) Ciro Gomes constrói a imagem da experiência e autoridade no campo educacional; c) Henrique Meirelles enfatiza a relação entre educação e desenvolvimento de força de trabalho; d) Manuela D'Ávila apoia a autonomia dos estados e municípios para administrar localmente a educação e está alinhado à experiência das mulheres como mães, trabalhadoras e cidadãs; e) Geraldo Alckmin irá direcionar esforços para a educação infantil para diminuir a desigualdade; f) Jair Bolsonaro é favorável à eliminação das cotas no ensino superior por meio de investimentos na Educação Básica para proporcionar condições de acesso igualitárias a todos.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Educação; Discurso político; Eleições presidenciais de 2018.

It is proved that along with display of the legal reality, the legal awareness takes an active regulating function in human's behavior. It is inherent effective role in the legal regulation of human activity based on reflection and evaluation of the law in the mind of every individual. An essential element of justice is the confidence of citizens in the need of law, constitutional state as well as law enforcing. Legal awareness provides the mandatory conversion of legal knowledge, ideas into the personal conviction which has a direct effect on volitional activity of a man to accept its decisions, refraining from the unlawful acts, which are especially significant in the modern European choice of Ukraine as a state. Obviously, the legal culture of personality does not only include knowledge of the law, understanding of the nature and scope of the law, desire and ability to comply with the rule of law, voluntarily enforce its requirements, but also specific legal adjustments regarding the attitudes to the idea of law, constitutional state, law, institutions and values which it protects. It is also awareness of the legal problems of society, the rights, freedoms and duties of a man to other people and society. The state independence that Ukraine has achieved, the transition from a totalitarian regime to democracy as well as the process of national revival requires proper education of the citizens of the new state that would properly know the essentials of legal culture, in addition to the law following. Especially nowadays there is a decline in production and the associated rise in unemployment, the decline of morality, unreasonably high prices for many forms of entertainment, reducing the number of sports clubs, schools, youth camps, almost outright propaganda of pornography, cruelty and violence, the disintegration of the public and public institutions which leads to activation of the law - educational work among the youth, especially students. ; Доведено, що поряд з відображенням правової дійсності правосвідомість виконує активну функцію регулятора поведінки людей. Їй притаманна дієва роль в правовій регламентації людської діяльності на основі відображення і оцінки правових норм у свідомості кожної людини. Суттєвим елементом правосвідомості є впевненість громадян у необхідності права, правової держави, у дотриманні законності. Правосвідомість передбачає обов'язкове перетворення правових знань, ідей в особисту переконаність яка здійснює прямий вплив на вольову діяльність людини, на прийняття нею рішень, утримуючи від протиправних дій, що особливо важливо в процесі сучасного європейського вибору України як держави.

En el año 2011, en torno al movimiento 15M, miles de españoles se conectaron a Twitter para convocarse, organizarse y gestionar encuentros en plazas públicas, para protestar por el detrimento progresivo de su estado de bienestar social. Esta investigación, de enfoque cuantitativo, se propuso identificar las tendencias en los temas de interés en 17.599 tuis publicados por la red de conexiones de 14 usuarios vinculados al movimiento 15M y su relación con la estructura de la red de comunicación que emergió de estos tuits. Para identificar la estructura de dicha red se usó el método de Análisis de Redes Sociales (ARS) usando NodeXL. Para detectar las tendencias de los temas de interés, se aplicaron técnicas de minería de texto, usando Excel y T-Lab. Se encontró que Twitter jugó un importante papel en la difusión de la información, en las convocatorias y en la organización del movimiento 15M; las tendencias en los hashtags estaban orientadas a visibilizar el movimiento y a invitar a las actividades programadas, y las de los lemas a organización (Asamblea, seguir, gente, democracia) y a espacios físicos (calle, plaza). Finalmente, se encontró una relación directa entre las métricas de la red y las tendencias de los temas de interés. ; In 2011, thousands of Spaniards following the 15M Movement connected to Twitter to convene, organize and manage meetings in public places in order to protest against the steady decline of the welfare state in their country. This quantitative research set out to identify trends in the topics of interest of a corpus of 17,599 tweets published by the network of connections of 14 organizational platforms, local and civic groups linked to the 15M movement as well as their relationship with the structure of the communication network that emerged from those tweets. To study the structure of the said network we used the Social Network Analysis (SNA) and the program NodeXL. In order to detect the trends in the topics of interest, we applied text mining with Excel and T-Lab. The research showed that Twitter played an important role in spreading the information, convening the meetings and organizing the 15M movement. The trends in the hashtags pointed toward making the movement visible and inviting to the activities; those in the lemmas, to the organization (Asamblea, follow, people, democracy) as well as to gathering places (street, square). Finally, the research revealed a direct relationship between the metrics of the network and the trends in the topics of interest.

Gott muss auf Urlaub seinVom Gleichberechtigten zum Ausgestoßenen. Nazi-Deutschland und die Juden Von: Mag.phil. Manfred WeizerDer Satz der Aufklärung "Habe den Mut, dich Deines Verstandes zu bedienen" durchdringt diese Arbeit von Beginn an. Die Freizügigkeit des Denkens veränderte das soziale, politische und religiöse Leben in Europa nachhaltig. War es auf politischer Ebene die Demokratie, verstand die römisch-katholische Kirche die Freizügigkeit des Denkens als direkten Angriff auf ihre ewigen Wahrheiten der Bibel. Das System des Nationalsozialismus war auf Gewalt und Macht aufgebaut. Intellektuelle Einmischung bedeutete eine unverzeihbare Anfeindung ihrer Tyrannis. Im Judentum hingegen war die Freizügigkeit des Denkens in ihrer Tradition und Lebensweise fest verankert. Religion und Bildung waren für sie untrennbar verbunden. Der Kernpunkt dieser Arbeit zeigt all die Facetten der voran aufgezeigten Weltbilder auf. Es ist das Gespräch eines sterbenden Soldaten und Simon, dem Juden, es muss als Offenbarung für den sterbenden Soldaten gesehen werden. Die Schlussfolgerung dieser Arbeit ist: So sehr ethische und moralische Regeln und Normen auch durch Religionen und Ideologien beeinflusst werden, der Mensch besitzt ein Grundverständnis über Gut und Böse, die Gedanken der Aufklärung sind in seiner Seele eingebrannt. Befreit von irreführenden Gedanken ist die Freiheit des Denkens das wertvollste Geschenk, welches Gott dem Menschen bei der Vertreibung aus dem Paradies mit auf den Weg gegeben hat. Man muss es nur auspacken. ; God must be on holiday!From an equal to an out casted person. Nazi-Germany and the Jews.From: Mag.phil. Manfred Weizer The saying "Have the courage to use your mind" which characterizes the period of Enlightenment constitutes the underlying ethos of this thesis. The concept of freedom of thought as an outcome of the Enlightenment changed the social, political and religious life in Europe permanently. Democracy as the political aspect of this concept had the potential to threaten the establishment and at the religious level, the Roman-Catholic Church perceived freedom of thought as a direct attack on the everlasting truth of the Bible. The system of the National Socialism used to rely on violence and power. Thus any intellectual interference was perceived as an irremissible act of hostility. In Judaism on the contrary education is not only deeply rooted in the tradition but inseparably linked to the religion itself. Therefore, the thesis tries to elaborate the different aspects of these diametrically opposed concepts by focusing on the dialogue between a dying soldier and Simon the Jew. The revelatory aspect of this dialogue leads to the conclusion that every human being owns an inherent fundamental understanding of the good-bad dichotomy. No matter how much moral and ethics are influenced by religion or other ideologies, thoughts of the Enlightenment are deeply enshrined in the soul of a human being. Hence the concept of freedom of thought is the most precious gift from God granted to humans upon the expulsion from Paradise. Consequently, it just needs to be applied! ; eingereicht von Mag. phil. Manfred Weizer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)1962782

Purpose
In this paper, the authors address the lack of methodologies and tools that support community and consensus processes in online settings while also acknowledging agonistic conflicts and a diversity of interest communities. The purpose of this paper is to develop a methodology and tool support for analysing discursive processes, as well as for creating structural support for better informed deliberative processes.


Design/methodology/approach
This participatory design is based on two case studies of urban planning projects in Swedish municipalities. An ethnographic study of information practises among municipality officials and residents exposed a need for supporting the direct communication with citizens and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), as well as democratic processes within groups.


Findings
The authors show how a general participatory methodology on different levels of governance can be supported using a standard type of interface and analytical tools for structured discussions and statistics.


Research limitations/implications
The tool design has not been tested in any larger scale. The tool is at present foremost useful for communicating in participatory contexts. The actor perspective in the methodology used means that the actors, rather than organisations, are highlighted as the owners of specific questions. It also means that a survey or discussion initiated by a government can have competition from other actors using the same instruments or data.


Practical implications
Except for being an analytical tool for analysing participatory attributes and for better understanding of how decisions are formed, the platform also includes tools for more elaborated decision support, as well as support for voting and pro/con argumentation integrated with discussion forum for providing reasonable conditions for a broader more well-structured participation.


Social implications
The actor perspective in the suggested methodology and tool support means that the actors, rather than organisations, are highlighted as the owners of specific questions. It also means that a survey or discussion initiated by a government can have competition from other actors using the same instruments or data.


Originality/value
This platform provides integrated analytical tools and elaborated decision support for individual users, to support democracy from a micro-perspective rather than from a government perspective, and reaches significantly beyond the capacities of similar tools and methods presently available. The traditional dichotomy between the government and the citizens in e-government research is, thus, avoided by developing a tool that takes the individual actor as the starting point rather than an abstract collective.

This thesis analyses key social and technical capabilities and functions in Iran through the lens of the National Innovation System (NIS) model, focusing on processes influencing the on-going online encounter between the regime and local and expatriate prodemocracy cyber-activists in the aftermath of the country's contested presidential elections in June 2009. Conceptually, it is located in Science and Technology Studies (STS), with an emphasis on constructivist theory including Social Shaping of Technology (SST) as its creative backbone. In the original Nordic conceptualisation of the NIS model, openness is considered a given. This prevents the model from adequately explaining the dynamics of innovation in repressive countries. In Iran, nationwide innovation processes are distorted by high level security officials' ideology-driven approach to the generation and diffusion of scientific knowledge and the influence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) over Iran's national economy. Bifurcated due to significant political differences, the Iranian NIS has become dysfunctional in the absence of an integrated, democratic structure, making the country highly dependent on foreign expertise. The overreliance of Iran on cross-border technological contributions is reflected in the state's internet surveillance apparatus. Currently, major European information and communications technology (ICT) companies aid the core of the censorship infrastructure employed by the Iranian regime, while a great majority of the anti-filtering software used by the cyber-activists is developed by North American universities, research centres and human rights NGOs. This, in turn, highlights a limitation in the EU export policy regimen, which fails to promote the development of pro-democracy online innovations and remains relatively weak in terms of its ability to regulate the overseas trade of telecommunications technologies. Laying emphasis on the social responsibility of large international telecommunications companies based on the outcome of a combination of weblog content analysis, semistructured expert interviews and document reviews, the results of this project are expected to help improve Western policies on dual-use ICT exports to repressive countries. A focused attempt at the dynamisation of relevant legislation by the European Parliament (EP) can help more effectively foster egalitarian values in emerging economies through supporting legitimate, bottom-up dissent. The main body of data used by this research was collected through a longitudinal observation of 65 Persian activist weblogs evaluated against an inductively crafted checklist. The preliminary findings of the weblog content analysis were later on examined in relation to the scripts of direct discussions with 17 active scholars and practitioners sampled largely by snowballing, as well as to an extensive archive of legal and journalistic documents.

Кравченко П. А. Активна роль правосвідомості в правовій регламентації людської діяльності / П. А. Кравченко // Філософські обрії. – 2016. – № 36. – С. 61–69. ; Доведено, що поряд з відображенням правової дійсності правосвідомість виконує активну функцію регулятора поведінки людей. Їй притаманна дієва роль в правовій регламентації людської діяльності на основі відображення і оцінки правових норм у свідомості кожної людини. Суттєвим елементом правосвідомості є впевненість громадян у необхідності права, правової держави, у дотриманні законності. Правосвідомість передбачає обов'язкове перетворення правових знань, ідей в особисту переконаність яка здійснює прямий вплив на вольову діяльність людини, на прийняття нею рішень, утримуючи від протиправних дій, що особливо важливо в процесі сучасного європейського вибору України як держави. ; It is proved that along with display of the legal reality, the legal awareness takes an active regulating function in human's behavior. It is inherent effective role in the legal regulation of human activity based on reflection and evaluation of the law in the mind of every individual. An essential element of justice is the confidence of citizens in the need of law, constitutional state as well as law enforcing. Legal awareness provides the mandatory conversion of legal knowledge, ideas into the personal conviction which has a direct effect on volitional activity of a man to accept its decisions, refraining from the unlawful acts, which are especially significant in the modern European choice of Ukraine as a state. Obviously, the legal culture of personality does not only include knowledge of the law, understanding of the nature and scope of the law, desire and ability to comply with the rule of law, voluntarily enforce its requirements, but also specific legal adjustments regarding the attitudes to the idea of law, constitutional state, law, institutions and values which it protects. It is also awareness of the legal problems of society, the rights, freedoms and duties of a man to other people and society. The state independence that Ukraine has achieved, the transition from a totalitarian regime to democracy as well as the process of national revival requires proper education of the citizens of the new state that would properly know the essentials of legal culture, in addition to the law following. Especially nowadays there is a decline in production and the associated rise in unemployment, the decline of morality, unreasonably high prices for many forms of entertainment, reducing the number of sports clubs, schools, youth camps, almost outright propaganda of pornography, cruelty and violence, the disintegration of the public and public institutions which leads to activation of the law - educational work among the youth, especially students.

Difícilmente caben dos transiciones de la dictadura a la democracia más diferentes que la española y la de la antigua RDA. En la española no cambia nada en la organización socioeconómica, ni en la estructura del Estado, y la de la RDA vino marcada por una intromisión directa del otro Estado alemán que transplanta su organización socioeconómica y política. La unificación fue posible en un tiempo récord, gracias a las negociaciones de Kohl con Gorbachov. La dificultad mayor era privatizar toda la riqueza del país. En febrero de 1990 el Gobierno de la RDA puso en marcha una compañía fiduciaria Treuhandgesellschaft, que se convirtió en la propietaria de todo el patrimonio de la RDA, pasando después de la unificación a depender del Ministerio de Hacienda, con la capacidad de decidir qué vendía, a quién y a qué precio. La privatización de los bienes públicos constituye el mayor negocio para los amigos de los gobernantes, pero cuando lo que está en venta es un país entero, la corrupción sobrepasa con mucho los contactos personales. La anexión de la RDA costó muchísimo a los ciudadanos alemanes, pero significó también un colosal negocio para las grandes empresas. Los enormes costos los pagaron todos, los también enormes beneficios recayeron en unos pocos. ; Hardly there are two transitions from dictatorship to democracy more different than the Spanish and the former GDR. In Spanish does not change the socio-economic organization or the structure of the state, and the GDR was marked by direct interference of the other German state that transplanted their socioeconomic and political organization? The unification was possible in a record time, thanks to Kohl negotiations with Gorbachev. The greatest difficulty was to privatize all the wealth of the country. In February 1990 the GDR government launched a trust company, Treuhandgesellschaft, which became the owner of all the assets of the GDR, passing after unification under the Ministry of Finance, with the capacity to decide which sold, to whom and at what price. The privatization of public goods is the biggest deal for friends of the governors, but when what is for sale is a whole country, corruption far exceeds personal contacts. The annexation of the GDR took much money to the Germans, but also meant a huge business for large companies. Everybody paid huge costs, the huge profits also fell on a few.

En nuestro país, se han realizado diversas reformas constitucionales orientadas a mejorar la calidad de la democracia. El presente artículo busca hacer un balance del proceso de implementación de la normativa vigente sobre este tema. Los cambios en la estructura jurídica y administrativa del estado, si bien por un lado han fortalecido la institucionalidad oficial, por otro han debilitado las capacidades de las organizaciones sociales y han desmovilizado la participación social bloqueando los canales directos de diálogo y negociación entre autoridades y organizaciones sociales. Las reformas han impuesto una visión burocrática de la participación ciudadana. El ciudadano que desea participar, debe pasar por una serie de etapas, trámites y gestiones que acrediten su derecho a hablar, proponer, opinar, demandar, denunciar, construir. La motivación para participar es sometida a una serie de procesos gestados desde esta visión burocrática, donde el peso del poder de los actores no se transparenta y las decisiones se toman en función del libreto oficial. El ejercicio de la participación está sometido a la presión del poder; cuya consecuencia es direccionar la toma de decisiones hacia la aceptación de las propuestas oficiales desplazando las posiciones críticas. La desmotivación se convierte en desencanto, el desencanto en frustración, la frustración en escepticismo que separa y divide. ; In our country there have been several constitutional transformations aimed at improving the quality of democracy. With this article we seek to analyse the implementation process of the current legislation. The various changes in the legal and administrative structure of the state have strengthened official institutions. Nonetheless these changes have also weakened the capacities of social organizations and demobilized social participation, blocking direct channels of dialogue and negotiation between authorities and social organizations. These reformations led to a bureaucratic visión of citizen participation. Citizens who wish to make use of the opportunities for citizen participation, must run through a series of stages, steps and procedures, proving their right to speak, propose, opine, demand or criticize. The motivation to particípate is influenced by a sequence of processes, produced by a bureaucratic visión, in which the magnitude of the power of executors lacks transparency and where decisions aren't made official. The pressure of power affects participation and will lead to indulgent decisión making and moving of critical positions. Motivation turns into dislliusion, disillusion tums into frustration, frustration turns into scepticism which eventually will cause separation and división. ; Cuenca ; no. 6

Difícilmente caben dos transiciones de la dictadura a la democracia más diferentes que la española y la de la antigua RDA. En la española no cambia nada en la organización socioeconómica, ni en la estructura del Estado, y la de la RDA vino marcada por una intromisión directa del otro Estado alemán que transplanta su organización socioeconómica y política. La unificación fue posible en un tiempo récord, gracias a las negociaciones de Kohl con Gorbachov. La dificultad mayor era privatizar toda la riqueza del país. En febrero de 1990 el Gobierno de la RDA puso en marcha una compañía fiduciaria Treuhandgesellschaft, que se convirtió en la propietaria de todo el patrimonio de la RDA, pasando después de la unificación a depender del Ministerio de Hacienda, con la capacidad de decidir qué vendía, a quién y a qué precio. La privatización de los bienes públicos constituye el mayor negocio para los amigos de los gobernantes, pero cuando lo que está en venta es un país entero, la corrupción sobrepasa con mucho los contactos personales. La anexión de la RDA costó muchísimo a los ciudadanos alemanes, pero significó también un colosal negocio para las grandes empresas. Los enormes costos los pagaron todos, los también enormes beneficios recayeron en unos pocos. ; Hardly there are two transitions from dictatorship to democracy more different than the Spanish and the former GDR. In Spanish does not change the socio-economic organization or the structure of the state, and the GDR was marked by direct interference of the other German state that transplanted their socioeconomic and political organization? The unification was possible in a record time, thanks to Kohl negotiations with Gorbachev. The greatest difficulty was to privatize all the wealth of the country. In February 1990 the GDR government launched a trust company, Treuhandgesellschaft, which became the owner of all the assets of the GDR, passing after unification under the Ministry of Finance, with the capacity to decide which sold, to whom and at what price. The privatization of public goods is the biggest deal for friends of the governors, but when what is for sale is a whole country, corruption far exceeds personal contacts. The annexation of the GDR took much money to the Germans, but also meant a huge business for large companies. Everybody paid huge costs, the huge profits also fell on a few.

ResumenLa dimensión urbana de la globalización muestra de forma evidente las cuestiones que en la actualidad se juegan en el terreno de las identidades sociales, la representación política y el Estado. En ese sentido la ciudad global es realmente el espacio estratégico de nuestro tiempo. Los conflictos que se desarrollan en ella ya no tienen su raíz en las identidades colectivas anteriores y encuentran cada vez con más dificultad un espacio de representación política donde expresarse. En esas condiciones, es la confrontación directa, la revuelta, la que, en diversas escalas, se extiende por el mundo entero como fórmula de relación entre los pueblos y los poderes. El disturbio se produce cuando las palabras fallan. Las situaciones en las que el disturbio estalla (conflictos urbanos, conflictos entre los jóvenes y la policía, conflictos entre las propias personas) ponen fin lo mismo a las apuestas implicadas en la ciudad como en la globalización. Se puede resumir así: en un capitalismo en el que la ciudad se ha convertido en el verdadero colectivo de creación productiva y donde la lógica de la renta absorbe todas las viejas formas de beneficio e impone su ley a los Estados, la democracia debe ser refundada.Palabras clave: Ciudad, globalización, revuelta, movilización urbana, estado, renta.AbstractThe urban dimension of globalization clearly exemplifies the issues currently at play in the fields of social identity, political representation and the State. In this sense, the global city is really the strategic space of our time. The conflicts that take place in it are no longer rooted in collective identities of the past, and they find it increasingly difficult to find a politically representative space for their expression. Under these conditions, direct confrontation and revolts on different scales are spreading across the world as a formula for relations between peoples and powers. Disorders emerge when words fail. Situations where revolts break out (urban conflicts, conflicts between youths and police, conflicts between people themselves) signal an end to beliefs implicit to both the city and globalization. The situation may be summarized as follows: in a form of capitalism in which the city has become the true collective for productive creation, where the logic of income absorbs all the old forms of profit and imposes its rules on the State, democracy must be refounded. Keywords: City, globalization, riot, urban mobilization, state, income.

El texto desarrolla dos observaciones y evidencia, sucesivamente, algunos puntos críticos. La primera observación es que la construcción propuesta tiene fundamento en la afirmación que señala una intrínseca interdependencia entre la democracia y el Derecho y entre el Derecho y la razón: de aquí nace la elección de una teoría axiomatizada del Derecho. El sistema axiomático formal, por tanto, no es parte accesoria, eliminable de la obra; es, por el contrario, su intrínseca estructura y razón. La segunda observación es que la estructura que surge es la de un «constitucionalismo fuerte» que identifica un sistema de límites y también de obligaciones al poder, que sin ellas sería soberano, de la mayoría. A partir de estas observaciones preliminares, se analizan algunos puntos. El primero reside en el carácter intrínsecamente inacabado del sistema, característica que FERRAJOLI presenta como un valor adjunto. El segundo es la relación de la formalización con la explicabilidad del lenguaje y, por tanto, con la comunicabilidad del Derecho. El tercero es el doble rol del sistema axiomático: definir un posible universo de discurso o describir rigurosamente un universo ya definido de otro modo. El último nodo es la aplicabilidad del método propuesto a los sistemas de Derecho contemporáneo, fuertemente influenciados por el contacto directo con los sistemas del common law. ; The text develops two observations and then highlights some critical points. First observation: the proposed construction has a cornerstone in the affirmation of the intrinsic interdependence between democracy and law and between law and reason; hereof comes the choice of an axiomatic theory of law. Therefore the formal axiomatic system is not an additional and eliminable part of the work but its intrinsic structure and reason. Second: the structure that emerges is of a «strong constitutionalism», which outlines a system of obligations and limits to the power of the majority, otherwise unlimited. Starting from these preliminary observations, some critical points are discussed. The first point lies in the inherently incompleteness of the system, although such a characteristic is seen by FERRAJOLI as an additional value of the system. The second is the relationship between formalization and understandability of language, and then between formalization and communicability of law. The third point is the dual role of an axiomatic system: to define a possible universe of discourse, or to describe a universe already strictly defined otherwise. Finally —that is the last critical point discussed in the text— the applicability of the proposed method to contemporary legal systems, strongly influenced by direct contact with the systems of common law.

A main let to apply tort liability to the state is the principle of sovereign immunity (or state immunity; or legislator immunity), derived from Medieval English law, which says that government is immune from tort liability. Today remains of sovereign immunity doctrine usually is justified by: the importance of protecting government treasuries; separation of powers; the absence of authority for suits against the government; the existence of adequate alternative remedies; strengthening the position of elected politicians; and tradition. The doctrine of immunity is inconsistent with the main principles, recognized by democratic countries, so has no place in democracy and should be repealed entirely. The legislator is a subject, who has a right to make a final and unchallenged decision in the law making process. In Lithuania there are two legislators: the Parliament (Seimas) and the Nation. Competence and discretionary powers of legislature are limited by the Constitution and obligations of the state under the international and European Community law. By international contracts, such as European Convention of Human rights, Lithuania is obliged to confer the main rights to individuals in its jurisdiction. The national law that violates such provisions must be held unlawful, but there are no national institutions that have a competence to state that violation. Individuals may get remedy only if the European Court of Human Rights states the violation; in the same judgment the Court will grant the remedy. If such unlawful law is not changed for some time, and individual because of that suffers more damage, national court should grant a remedy. Member State liability for breaches of Community law finds its origins exclusively in the case law of the European Court of Justice. The Court has held that such liability extends to all breaches of EC law, even if the breach which gave rise to the damage is attributable to the legislature. Now liability will be recognized if the rule of law is intended to confer the rights on individuals, the breach of Community law is "sufficiently serious" and there is direct causal link between the breach of obligation and damages sustained. The process and other issues, which are not governed by EC law, are governed by national law, but national rules are subject to principles of equivalence and effectiveness. The law, which is stated as being inconsistent with Constitution by Constitutional Court, is held as an unlawful act of legislature. National court should grant a remedy for damage, sustained because of such law.

A main let to apply tort liability to the state is the principle of sovereign immunity (or state immunity; or legislator immunity), derived from Medieval English law, which says that government is immune from tort liability. Today remains of sovereign immunity doctrine usually is justified by: the importance of protecting government treasuries; separation of powers; the absence of authority for suits against the government; the existence of adequate alternative remedies; strengthening the position of elected politicians; and tradition. The doctrine of immunity is inconsistent with the main principles, recognized by democratic countries, so has no place in democracy and should be repealed entirely. The legislator is a subject, who has a right to make a final and unchallenged decision in the law making process. In Lithuania there are two legislators: the Parliament (Seimas) and the Nation. Competence and discretionary powers of legislature are limited by the Constitution and obligations of the state under the international and European Community law. By international contracts, such as European Convention of Human rights, Lithuania is obliged to confer the main rights to individuals in its jurisdiction. The national law that violates such provisions must be held unlawful, but there are no national institutions that have a competence to state that violation. Individuals may get remedy only if the European Court of Human Rights states the violation; in the same judgment the Court will grant the remedy. If such unlawful law is not changed for some time, and individual because of that suffers more damage, national court should grant a remedy. Member State liability for breaches of Community law finds its origins exclusively in the case law of the European Court of Justice. The Court has held that such liability extends to all breaches of EC law, even if the breach which gave rise to the damage is attributable to the legislature. Now liability will be recognized if the rule of law is intended to confer the rights on individuals, the breach of Community law is "sufficiently serious" and there is direct causal link between the breach of obligation and damages sustained. The process and other issues, which are not governed by EC law, are governed by national law, but national rules are subject to principles of equivalence and effectiveness. The law, which is stated as being inconsistent with Constitution by Constitutional Court, is held as an unlawful act of legislature. National court should grant a remedy for damage, sustained because of such law.

AbstractDirect election of the mayor, introduced in Italy in 1993 as a result of anti‐party attitudes and 'modernization', is one aspect of the broad redefinition of local authorities which recently culminated in an ambiguous revision of the constitutional text aimed to promote vertical subsidiarity. The impact of such a profound revision of the mayor's role is under debate. Beyond the radical changes in party labels and systems, a stronger territorial differentiation in the pattern of recruitment, a slight positive discrimination in favour of marginal categories in re‐election — possible forerunners of a deeper transformation — and the dominant social profile of current mayors (gender, age, education, work experiences, party training), it is not very different from that of their colleagues of 30 years ago. Their new role marks, nevertheless, significant progress towards greater accountability, activism and ambition among mayors, which is related to their increasing detachment from party politics and to an increased weakness of the other participants in local democracy. But such an excessive individualization of power and visibility in Italian local authorities threatens to reduce the possible positive impact of the reform on the efficiency of policy‐making and legitimization of local politics.L'élection du maire au suffrage direct, mise en place en 1993 en Italie suite à une 'modernisation' et à des attitudes anti‐partis, constitue l'une des facettes de la vaste redéfinition des autorités locales, laquelle a récemment menéà une révision ambiguë du texte constitutionnel visant à promouvoir la subsidiarité verticale. L'impact d'une telle refonte du rôle du maire est l'objet de discussions. Malgré les changements radicaux dans les étiquettes et systèmes des partis, un renforcement de la différentiation territoriale dans le schéma de recrutement, une légère tendance anti‐discriminatoire en faveur des catégories marginales lors des réélections (présageant peut‐être une transformation plus profonde), et le profil social dominant des maires actuels (sexe, âge, instruction, expérience professionnelle, formation par le parti), leur rôle n'est pas très différent de celui de leurs prédécesseurs d'il y a 30 ans. La formule nouvelle présente néanmoins une importante avancée vers une responsabilité, un activisme et une ambition plus marqués des maires, évolution liée à leur désintérêt croissant pour la politique des partis, ainsi qu'à un affaiblissement des autres participants à la démocratie locale. Toutefois, cette individualisation excessive du pouvoir et de la visibilité au niveau des autorités locales italiennes menace d'atténuer la possible incidence positive de la réforme sur l'efficacité des décisions de politique publique et la légitimation des politiques locales.