Suchergebnisse

It's nice to see Louisiana out in front of state
policy for once, courtesy of a legislator who has served less time than just about
anybody else in Baton Rouge.

Fashionable, with good reason, is the listing of
ways in which the state is behind the curve of many of its brethren. While its
neighbors cut
taxes in significant ways, put
some brakes on spending growth prior to this year, and slap
restraints on unaccountable bureaucracy in education and other areas,
Louisiana made no progress in these areas, mainly because of an obstinate leftist
throwback governor in Democrat John Bel Edwards and
also weak-kneed so-called conservative leadership in the Legislature.

But the state has pioneered policy in restricting
minors' access to overly sexualized material. Act 436 by
Republican state Sen. Heather
Cloud, which received much attention and a begrudging assent from Edwards, has
libraries create cataloguing and patron borrowing systems that give parents
greater control over their children's media consumption. While measures
in several other states address operating funds for libraries as tools to
gain compliance with procedures such as these, Louisiana's is unique in as it
leaves operating funds alone and instead would impair the borrowing ability of
parish authorities if they don't comply.

Yet preceding this, last year, GOP new Rep. Laurie Schlegel
introduced and had passed into law with
little dissent a potentially more far-reaching measure, simple in concept but devastatingly
effective: have users of web sites with enough sexually explicit material provide
positive proof of age, typically government-issued, in order to access material.
Her rationale cited research conclusions, although some disputed, about psychological
ills and deviant behavior that childhood pornography consumption could trigger.

This certainly has had an effect on minors in
Louisiana having access to such sites, although perhaps creating another
customer base for purveyors of fake IDs. However, it also had a substantial impact
on overall consumption from Louisiana. Pornhub, a popular site for explicit
material that ranks in the
top dozen in the world, reported
an 80 percent drop over the year in state-based consumers.

That because many users, who don't bat an eye with
age verification in other contexts, suddenly became skittish at uploading a
copy of the driver's license to a porn site. With that experience, as other states
began to copy Louisiana – six so far this year and likely many more next year –
Pornhub simply stopped allowing access to users originating in those states (although
this can be defeated if a user utilizes a virtual private network).

This year, another Schlegel enacted bill
built upon that success by giving increased investigatory powers to the
attorney general that could bring civil penalties as allowed in last year's
law. That it went through adds to a remarkable record she is building: of the
13 bills designed to become laws that she has had go onto the legislative calendar,
11 have made it to the finish line.

Naturally, the porn industry isn't a fan of her
efforts and has sued to try to stop such laws going into effect, with a
specious argument that they imperil the First Amendment. But the judiciary has
given wide latitude for states to limit expression when it comes to minors, and
asking for proof of age isn't a burdensome request to access material. As an
indicator of the infirmity of that argument, earlier this month a court
in Utah tossed the complaint against its law as the state doesn't enforce
criminal penalties on the miscreant but allows citizens to file civil suits.
Louisiana's allows the state to impose civil penalties, and is being sued
on the basis of vagueness, despite rather exacting criteria built into the
law.

At this point, such suits seem long shots to
succeed, and their failure would cement a legacy for the state, contrary to its
current one endorsed by Edwards of clinging to a past defined by policies
promoting a failed worldview that have led to its depopulation, retarded
economic growth, and overzealous government trying too hard to aid preferred
special interests.

The global market of special foods has grown by 75 % in 2003–2008, that indicating a trend towards individualized diets and healthy lifestyles. Gluten-free foods are popular today due to the increase in the number of people with celiac disease and the general idea of healthy lifestyle. Thus, the production of such products increases due to the intensification of marketing activities. Because the only treatment for celiac disease is a lifelong gluten-free diet, people with this problem need to carefully read food labels for wheat, barley and rye, as well as so-called "hidden" gluten – barley-made malt and hydrolyzed vegetable protein (often contains wheat), as well as to exclude from the diet foods containing these cereals and select alternative foods for full life. However, given the number of people with individual gluten intolerance in Ukraine, the difficult economic situation and the high cost of gluten-free products, not every consumer with this problem can afford to buy certified specialized products labeled "gluten-free". The aim of the research was to evaluate meat and fish products for gluten content. The article presents information of the results of monitoring gluten in meat and fish products (sausages, canned fish) from different regions of Ukraine by molecular genetic method for 2018–2020 using R-Biopharm diagnostic kits. According to the results of research, fish products that were not labeled "gluten-free" and were not certified as "gluten-free" met the requirements of current legislation of Ukraine and EU Regulation № 41/2009 on gluten-free products. Gluten was not detected in 29.4 % of meat products of various producers; 58.8 % of meat products contained gluten in trace amounts – less than 2 mg/kg; and 11.8 % of meat products contained gluten – more than 20 mg/kg. Prospects for further research are to monitor gluten in sweets and dietary products of domestic production and analyze the results of research on compliance with current legislation and safety for people with individual intolerance to gluten. ; Глобальний ринок спеціалізованих харчових продуктів виріс за 2003–2008 рр. на 75 %, що свідчить про тенденцію індивідуалізації дієт та здорового способу життя. Популярні на сьогодні безглютенові продукти у зв'язку зі збільшенням кількості хворих на целіакію людей та загальне уявлення про здоровий спосіб життя. Таким чином, виробництво таких продуктів збільшується через інтенсифікацію маркетингової діяльності. Оскільки єдиний спосіб лікування целіакії – пожиттєва безглютенова дієта, тому людям з такою проблемою необхідно ретельно вивчати етикетки харчових продуктів на предмет наявності в них пшениці, ячменю та жита, а також так званого "прихованого" глютену – солоду, який виготовляється з ячменю, та гідролізований рослинний білок (часто містить пшеницю), а також виключити з раціону продукти, що містять зазначені злакові рослини та підбирати альтернативні харчові продукти для повноцінної життєдіяльності. Проте, враховуючи кількість людей з індивідуальною непереносимістю глютену в Україні, складну економічну ситуацію та високу вартість безглютенової продукції, не кожен споживач з даною проблемою може дозволити собі купувати сертифіковані спеціалізовані продукти з маркуванням "gluten-free". Метою досліджень було оцінити м'ясну та рибну продукцію на предмет вмісту глютену. В статті представлена інформація щодо результатів моніторингу глютену в м'ясних та рибних продуктах (ковбасні вироби, рибні консерви) виробників різних регіонів України молекулярно-генетичним методом за 2018–2020 рр. з використанням діагностичних наборів R-Biopharm. За результатами досліджень встановлено, що рибні продукти, які не мали маркування "без глютену" та не були сертифіковані як "безглютенові" відповідали вимогам чинного законодавства України та Регламенту ЄС № 41/2009 стосовно безглютенової продукції. У 29,4 % м'ясних виробів різних вітчизняних виробників не виявлено глютен; 58,8 % м'ясних продуктів містили глютен у слідових кількостях – менше 2мг/кг; та 11,8% м'ясної продукції містило глютен – більше 20 мг/кг. Перспективами подальших досліджень є провести моніторинг глютену в солодощах і дієтичних продуктах вітчизняного виробництва та проаналізувати результати проведених досліджень на відповідність чинному законодавству та на предмет безпечності для людей з індивідуальною непереносимістю глютену.

Modern autonomic military reconnaissance and communication systems need the existence of perfect small-size/portable reliable sources of power supply. At present, this problem is usually resolved by using traditional (fuel) electric generators based on low-power internal combustion engines. It should be recognized, however, that such power supply devices have significant disadvantages such as heat radiation and noise. The use of other alternative energy sources is hampered either by certain fundamental shortcomings (for example, the efficiency of wind turbines strongly depends on unstable wind strength, and their adequate masking is nearly impossible). The high positive dynamics and extensive prospects of the solar energy development in the World and in Ukraine are analyzed. At present, a per-year capacity of installed solar-power generators is the most significant comparing with those using other technologies (based on oil, coal, nuclear energy, hydro energy, etc.). Up to the end of 2020, a cumulative world estimate of the installed solar power energy sources is about 740 GWp. In the Euro Community countries, the share of solar energy in the total electric generation achieves at present 8% and continues to grow. High adaptability of solar power technologies from with respect to dimensions of electrical stations (from fractions of Watts up to tens and hundreds of Megawatts) facilitates the development of these technologies and attracts potential investors. Comparative analysis of various constructions of solar energy devices and different solar cells based on various materials is carried out. A variety of the initial materials for solar energy transformation crates a possibility to choose the optimum variants for individual users and for industrial generation. There are possibilities to choose crystalline-based solar panels or film panels, with or without a solar orientation system and concentrators of energy. The development of modern perfect large-capacity batteries resolves the problem of stable power supply. Additionally, the modern market proposes different adaptive solar panel technologies (e.g., semitransparent film panels for windows, solar roof covering, etc.). The future development of solar energy will include the enhancement of efficiency of solar panels and their life time, simplification of the procedures of their installation and their adaptation up to an electric power electrical grid and future reduction of the solar power cost. These changes open extensive prospects for using the solar energy for power supply of to-day autonomic military systems. ; На прикладі сонячної енергетики розглянуто розвиток альтернативних джерел живлення, що є надзвичайно важливими для автономних військових систем розвідки та зв'язку. Сонячні панелі забезпечують компактні та безшумні джерела живлення зі значним віковим ресурсом, що вигідно відрізняє їх як від традиційних генераторів (які завжди шумлять), так і вітрових генераторів (які легко побачити). Показана висока позитивна динаміка розвитку сонячної енергетики та оцінені її перспективи. У теперішній час щорічний обсяг встановлених сонячних потужностей є найбільшим серед усіх інших технологій (такими як викопне паливо, ядерна енергетика, гідроелектростанції). До кінця 2020р. загальна світова потужність сонячних електростанцій сягне 740ГВт. У країнах Євросоюзу сонячні потужності вже забезпечують до 8% загальної генерації електрики. Висока адаптивність сонячної енергетики щодо розмірів відповідних електростанцій обумовлює привабливість сонячних технологій. Є можливість користуватися лише однією сонячною панеллю або ж забезпечити інсталяцію промислових потужностей у десятки й сотні МВт. Проведено порівняльну характеристику сонячних елементів, створених на основі різних матеріалів. Велика різноманітність похідних матеріалів для сонячної енергетики дозволяє вибрати оптимальний варіант, що адаптує сонячну електростанцію як для індивідуальних споживачів, так і для промислової генерації. Є можливість вибирати сонячні панелі кристалічні або плівкові, із системою орієнтації на сонце або без неї, із концентрацією світла або без неї. Окрім того, сучасний ринок пропонує плівкові технології, які можна монтувати безпосередньо на вікна приміщень (напівпрозорі сонячні панелі); сонячні батареї у вигляді черепиці для дахів та інші привабливі вироби. Подальший розвиток сонячної енергетики буде включати в себе підвищення ефективності та терміну експлуатації панелей, спрощенням процедури їх монтажу й адаптації до силової електромережі та подальшим зниженням собівартості сонячних потужностей. Все це робить сонячну енергетику дуже привабливою для військових автономних систем малої та середньої потужності.

Philip Cunliffe, excorcizing the demons of Cosmopolitan Dystopia
Hello everyone! Welcome to Episode 25 of Fully Automated. This week we are joined by Dr Philip Cunliffe, Senior Lecturer in International Conflict at the University of Kent. Phil has been a guest on the show before actually. He joined us in Episode 16, for our "What the Brexit?" debate, at the 2019 ISA Convention, in Toronto. And listeners may also be familiar with his voice from the podcast Aufhebunbga Bunga, which he records with Alex Hochuli and George Hoare.



Today we are going to talk with Dr. Cunliffe about his new book, Cosmopolitan Dystopia (Manchester Press, 2020), which is a detailed study of the negative impact of human rights discourse on global politics since the end of the Cold War. Now, for many on the left, this will be a controversial point. As he notes in the book, many see human rights discourse as a cover for US imperial ambitions. Yet, says Cunliffe, we can't explain the popularity of global human rights discourse, or the extent to which it is invoked even by European powers, solely through the lens of American hegemony. You need a more nuanced account. And this is where Cunliffe brings in the idea of reading human rights discourse as a counter-utopian, or anti-political, symptom of the neoliberal era.



Cosmopolitan Dystopia
On the surface, this argument might appear paradoxical. How can human rights be anti-utopian? But I think any listeners who might have watched the Adam Curtis documentary HyperNormalization will already have an insight into where Phil is taking this argument. As he notes, a key value at the heart of contemporary liberalism is an aversion to the so-called "fate of utopians." Human rights violations happen, according to this schematic, because people want to change the status quo.



In this interview, we cover a range of issues. For me though, one of the highlights is our discussion about the complete lack of critical self-awareness of people like Juergen Habermas and, more recently, Samantha Power. In their support for interventions in Yugoslavia and Rwanda in the 1990s, liberals invoked the idea of the 'just' liberal war, and paved the way for the liberal justification of future American wars, from Iraq to Libya and Syria. But this book is not just a critique of American wars — it also examines the bloody interventions of the British and the French, in Africa. The common element to all these cases is the fervent belief among cosmopolitan liberals that the world is better disposed to their ideals than it really is (which is not to say the world isn't oriented to cosmopolitan ideals — just that they might not be liberal cosmopolitan ideals!).



Now, I'll say that I don't know that I fully agree with all of Phil's positions here. On the one hand, I do think he makes a compelling case that there's been a substantive "restructuring" of world order going on, as a result of what he terms the "cumulative weight" of interventions since the Cold War. But I am just not sure I am as persuaded as he, that self-determination and sovereignty are necessarily the solution to the problems of contemporary capitalist order. I may be wrong about this, and certainly I think the left would be foolish not to try to leverage the power of the state as much as possible, to achieve its goals. But I think there's a risk of maybe fetishizing the benefits of what some call 'delinking' at the expense of engaging on the terrain of international and transnational institutions. For more on this, listeners might want to revisit Episode 14, where we talked about this a bit with Lee Jones.



Anyway, that all said, I think this is a magnificent and politically important book. And I think Phil has made a real contribution with it. It should be widely read, and discussed.

A measurement of the Higgs boson production cross sections via associated WH and ZH production using H -> WW* -> l nu l nu decays, where l stands for either an electron or a muon, is presented. Results for combined WH and ZH production are also presented. The analysis uses events produced in proton-proton collisions collected with the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider in 2015 and 2016. The data correspond to an integrated luminosity of 36.1 fb(-1) recorded at a centre-of-mass energy of 13 TeV. The products of the H -> WW* branching fraction times the WH and ZH cross sections are measured to be 0.67(-0.27)(+0.31)(stat.)(-0.14)(+0.18)(syst.) pb and 0.54(-0.24)(+0.31)(stat.)(-0.07)(+0.15)(syst.) pb respectively, in agreement with the Standard Model predictions. (C) 2019 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V. ; ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia, Australian Research Council; BMWFW, Austria; FWF, Austria, Austrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPq, Brazil, National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, Brazil, Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERC, Canada, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRC, Canada; CFI, Canada, Canada Foundation for Innovation; CERN; CONICYT, Chile, Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CAS, China, Chinese Academy of Sciences; MOST, China, Ministry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC, China, National Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CR, Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; VSC CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF, Denmark; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF, Germany; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISF, IsraelIsrael Science Foundation; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, PolandMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalFundacao para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (FCT); MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia, Russian FederationRussian Federation; NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS, SloveniaSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC, Sweden; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, Switzerland; SNSF, SwitzerlandSwiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Canton of Bern, Switzerland; Canton of Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE, United States of AmericaUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); BCKDF, Canada; Canarie, Canada; CRC, Canada; Compute Canada, Canada; COST, European Union; ERC, European UnionEuropean Union (EU)European Research Council (ERC); ERDF, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Horizon 2020, European Union; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d' Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); DFG, GermanyGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; Herakleitos programme; Aristeia programme; EU-ESF, Greece; Greek NSRF, Greece; BSFNSF, Israel; GIF, IsraelGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; Royal Society, United KingdomRoyal Society of London; Leverhulme Trust, United KingdomLeverhulme Trust; Thales programme ; Open access journal ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

24 páginas. ; Ser Pilo Paga (SPP), es un programa creado por el Gobierno Nacional a finales de 2014, que a pesar de estar beneficiando cerca de 40 mil estudiantes a 2017, con inversión estatal promedio de un billón de pesos y contando con un 82% de los beneficiarios en universidades privadas y el otro 18% en públicas ha polarizado a la comunidad académica del país en general. Esto ha convertido al programa en una estrategia social problemática, lo cual es abordado en el presente ensayo a partir de las circunstancias positivas y negativas e impactos sociales que se resumen como determinantes para hacer referencia a mitos y realidades, previo estudio y análisis de los alcances y la idoneidad en cuanto a la calidad y equidad del programa SPP. Este fue propuesto como instrumento para la consolidación del derecho a la educación y al fortalecimiento financiero de las universidades públicas, a partir de conceder a los estudiantes pilos con escasos recursos la oportunidad de ingresar a la educación superior de alta calidad, en IES públicas o privadas de su elección, con créditos 100% condonables más un aporte para gastos básicos de sostenimiento del estudiante. De igual manera, en este escrito se describen elementos decisivos en cuanto a las estrategias diferenciadoras y complementarias para la disponibilidad, sostenibilidad, accesibilidad, adaptabilidad y aceptabilidad social del programa, focalizado de manera exclusiva a los estudiantes de grado 11º sisbenizados y que hayan superado los puntajes exigidos en las pruebas saber 11º, para los períodos 2014 a 2018, destinando por el Estado a través del Ministerio de Educación Nacional, facultado para celebrar contratos interadministrativos con el ICETEX, recursos importantes que permitan alcanzar una meta de 40 mil beneficiarios. ; Ser pilo paga is a program created by the National Government at the end of 2014, in spite of being of benefit about 40 thousand students in 2017, with a state average investment of one trillion pesos, with 82% of the beneficiaries in private universities and 18% in public has polarized the academic community of the country in general. This program has turned into a social strategy problémica approached in the present essay, from the positive and negative circumstances and social impacts that are summarized as determinants to refer to myths and realities, previous study and analysis of the scopes and the suitability as for the quality and equity of the program SER PILO PAGA, it proposed as instrument for the consolidation of the right the education and to the financial strengthening of the public universities, from granting to the intelligent students with scanty resources the opportunity to enter to the higher education of high quality, already be in Institutions public or deprived to his choice, with credits 100 % exempted more a contribution for basic expenses of maintenance of the student. Likewise, decisive elements are described as to the differents and complementary strategies for the availability, sustainability, accessibility, adaptability and social acceptability of the program, focused exclusively on 11th grade students with SISBEN, and who have passed the test scores to know 11th, for the periods 2014 to 2018, the State allocated through the Ministry of National Education, authorized into inter-administrative contracts with the ICEETX, important resources that allow reaching a goal of 40 thousand beneficiaries.

This paper was presented as the Seventh Annual Anthony Kennedy lecture at the Lewis & Clark School of Law on September 23, 2015. My topic was Justice Kennedy's majority opinion in the recent Obergefell case, recognizing a constitutional right to same-sex marriage. In the first part of my lecture, I placed the Obergefell opinion in context, taking into account Justice Kennedy's place on the current Court, and his past jurisprudence. In particular, I noted that while Justice Kennedy is undoubtedly the co-called "swing Justice" on the Roberts Court, he is quite different from past swing Justices such as Sandra Day O'Connor and Lewis Powell. The latter were considered to be moderate pragmatists, lacking strong judicial philosophies. Not so for Justice Kennedy. From his first years on the Court, his jurisprudence has been notable for a passionate commitment to Liberty in all of its aspect, and his firm belief that protection for Liberty is intrinsically tied to protection of individual Dignity. This commitment appears in his privacy jurisprudence of course (culminating in Obergefell), but also in other areas including notably free. Moreover, unlike his colleagues, Justice Kennedy's commitment to liberty transcends political boundaries, encompassing such "liberal" Liberty claims as abortion and the free speech rights of pornographers, and such "conservative" claims as property rights and commercial speech. I then raised some doubts about the reasoning in Obergefell. I noted that the plaintiffs in the case had raised both Due Process (i.e., Liberty), and Equal Protection (i.e., Equality) claims, and the Court's formulation of the questions presented preserved both. Yet Kennedy's opinion is almost all Liberty, with a tiny dollop of Equality. I suggested that this emphasis is probably a product of Kennedy's own preferences and comfort levels. While Justice Kennedy has always been a strong advocate of Liberty claims, his relationship to Equality is more ambivalent. He unquestionably is firmly committed to nondiscrimination principles, and even (unlike his conservative colleagues) committed to racial integration. However, he has demonstrated -- notably in the Parents Involved decision -- grave discomfort with policies that classify individuals based on qualities such as race. Indeed, this discomfort ties into his commitment to Dignity, because he sees such typecasting as itself in consistent with individual Dignity. As a consequence, Liberty must have seemed the easier path to take. Ultimately, however, I do believe this choice was a mistake, for several reasons. First, I think that jurisprudentially, Equality is the stronger argument. The Court's entire substantive due process jurisprudence, which was the basis of the Due Process holding in Obergefell, rests on somewhat shaky foundations, given its lack of textual grounding. Equal Protection, on the other hand, is a well-established, textually based doctrine; and the argument for extending heightened scrutiny to discrimination against LGBT individuals strikes me as extremely powerful, under existing precedent. Second, an Equality based holding would have been broader, granting more protections to sexual minorities than a narrow decision focused on marriage. Third, it is possible that an Equality based holding would have generated less intense opposition than a holding that redefines marriage (though this is admittedly speculative). Finally, I also believe that Justice Jackson was correct in his argument, in the Railway Express case, that in a democracy, equality-based constitutional decisions are generally preferable to liberty-based ones, because they interfere less with legislative authority.

В работе уточнено понятие инноваций и предпринята попытка дать определение понятию «инновации в экономике». Определена необходимость перехода Российской Федерации на инновационный путь развития. Обоснована причина ориентира на собственные финансовые ресурсы в развитии национальной экономики, в обеспечении ускоренного импортозамещения. Рассмотрен генезис государственной налоговой политики в период формирования и развития рыночных отношений. Сопоставлены мнения различных авторов в определении роли государства в развитии экономики. Определено значение бюджетной политики и необходимость ее совершенствования на современном этапе. Рассмотрены используемые методы государственного регулирования сельскохозяйственного производства. Проанализированы ключевые направления Плана первоочередных мероприятий по обеспечению устойчивого развития и социальной стабилизации на 2015 год и возможность их реализации в аграрной сфере экономики. Уточнена степень зависимости Российской Федерации и Пермского края от завоза импортного продовольствия и сельскохозяйственного сырья. Рассмотрены новации в предоставлении поддержки из федерального бюджета на субсидирование части процентных ставок по банковским кредитам и скидки при приобретении сельскохозяйственной техники. Определено место малого и среднего предпринимательства в аграрном секторе Пермского края. Изучены новые возможности налогового стимулирования за счет предоставления права региональным органам власти на снижение налоговых ставок по единому налогу на вмененный доход и ставки при использовании упрощенной системы налогообложения, а также применения полного освобождения от уплаты налогов в первые два года деятельности предприятия малого бизнеса. Обобщен существующий опыт оказания помощи кредитным организациям, испытывающим проблемы с поддержанием ликвидности в условиях финансового кризиса. Рассмотрены меры поддержки банковской системы страны с целью обеспечения кредитными средствами реального сектора экономики. ; In the work, the author determines innovation and makes an attempt to give the definition of innovation in the economy. The need of transition for the Russian Federation to the innovative development was identified. The papers justifies the reason for the focus on own financial resources in the development of the national economy to ensure accelerated import substitution. The genesis of the state tax policy in the period of formation and development of market relations was considered. The author compared perceptions of different authors in defining the role of the state in development. The importance of fiscal policy and the need for its improvement at the present stage was identified. The author considered used methods of state regulation of agricultural production. Some key areas of the Plan of priority measures to ensure sustainable development and social stabilization for 2015 and the possibility of their implementation in the agricultural sector of the economy were analyzed. The degree of dependence of the Russian Federation and the Perm region from imported food and agricultural raw materials was clarified. Innovations in the delivery of support from the Federal budget for the subsidization of interest rates on Bank loans and discounts in the purchase of agricultural machinery were considered. The place of small and medium enterprises in the agricultural sector of the Perm region was identified. The author explored new possibilities of tax incentives through the granting of the right of regional governments to lower tax rates of the single tax on imputed income and rates when using the simplified system of taxation, and the application of the full tax exemption in the first two years of activity small business enterprises. Existing experience assisting credit institutions experiencing problems with maintaining liquidity in the financial crisis was generalized. The authors considered measures to support the banking system with the purpose of providing loan funds to the real economy.

If there are some things in life that should not be bet on, the question of who will next win the Nobel Peace Prize somehow feels like it should be among them. Internet bookmakers, however, will place odds on almost anything, and they are not above taking wagers on Nobel prospects. Over the past two years, some of the safest money has not been on a head of state, a major nongovernmental organization, or a charismatic resistance leader, but rather on a soft-spoken, eighty-five-year-old academic. His name is Gene Sharp. Sharp, a theorist and author of ground-breaking works on the dynamics of nonviolent conflict, has been called the "dictator slayer," the "Machiavelli of nonviolence," and the Clausewitz of unarmed revolution. His circumstances are humble: he runs his research outfit, known as the Albert Einstein Institution, out of the ground floor of his row house in East Boston, and the organization has just one other staffer. For the most part, Sharp has labored for decades in quiet obscurity -- well respected within a small field of study but virtually unknown outside of it. At the same time, Sharp's work has had an unusually broad impact. His pamphlet From Dictatorship to Democracy, a ninety-three-page distillation of his core insights and a handbook for overthrowing autocrats, has been translated into more than thirty languages. The slim volume has a habit of turning up in hot spots of global resistance. Originally written in 1993 to help dissidents in Burma use nonviolent action against the ruling junta, the book made it into the library of Serbian students seeking to overthrow the regime of Slobodan Milosevic, circulated among activists during successful uprisings in Georgia and the Ukraine, and was downloaded in Arabic amid mass protests in Tunisia and Egypt. The Iranian government has denounced the book and its author by name. In the summer of 2005, two independent bookshops in Russia were burned down after stocking the newly available Russian translation. ("I still keep a half-burned copy on a shelf in my office," one opposition leader told the Wall Street Journal.) Particularly in the wake of the Arab Spring, Sharp's renown has grown, and he was the subject of a feature documentary, entitled How to Start a Revolution, released just as the Occupy movement took shape in 2011. Of course, the idea that any mass movement can be attributed to one person is dubious. With regard to the Arab Spring, Middle Eastern analysts have taken exception to the Western media's eagerness to credit an American "Lawrence of Arabia" for rebellions that have deep local roots. Similarly ignoring indigenous agency, conspiracy theorists on the far left have painted their own picture of Sharp as a puppet master at the center of a sinister CIA-led scheme to overthrow governments disliked by Washington. Those who recognize such notions as wildly off base but are intrigued by the evident power of Sharp's work may be curious for a more sober assessment of the scholar's contributions. And those involved in U.S. social movements might pose a more pressing question: can Sharp's ideas about nonviolent conflict, which have proven potent in challenging dictators abroad, be used to oppose the corporate takeover of democracy at home? Adapted from the source document.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; Since its establishment, in 1994, the Palestinian Authority has encouraged the 'return' of Palestinians to the West Bank and Gaza Strip. It has also enacted an investment promotion law in order to attract foreign capital. These two policies are motivated by the assumption that human and financial capital are both necessary for building Palestinian institutions, and preparing for statehood. Fifteen years later, the results though are slight. The few who have returned have had little impact, while many others, mostly highly-skilled, have emigrated. The Palestinian Authority law does not define highly-skilled migration. The lack of laws related to issues of migration is largely due to the PA's lack of jurisdiction. Exit and entry of residents and foreign nationals from and to the occupied Palestinian territories, including those under Palestinian Authority control are still regulated and administered by Israel. This lack of regulation has long been accompanied by a lack of policies to deal with a phenomenon (namely the emigration of highly-skilled Palestinians), that is rightly considered dangerous for the Palestinian cause and for Palestinian unity generally; most importantly, it also has negative consequences on Palestinian society and economy (thus, hindering state-building efforts). Attracting highly-skilled immigrants and limiting the damage from the emigration of highly-skilled Palestinians cannot be managed by legal regulation alone. A decision of a highly-skilled individual to migrate is not only an economic decision. Political and security factors, coupled with the long Israeli occupation, have also decided the direction of highly-skilled migration flows. Résumé Depuis sa mise en place en 1994, l'Autorité palestinienne a encouragé le « retour » des Palestiniens en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza. Elle a également adopté une loi de promotion des investissements visant à attirer le capital étranger. Ces deux politiques sont basées sur l'idée selon laquelle le capital tant humain que financier est nécessaire à l'établissement des institutions palestiniennes et à l'émergence de l'Etat. Quinze ans plus tard, les résultats sont minces. Les quelques retours ont eu peu d'impact, tandis que beaucoup d'autres Palestiniens, pour la plupart hautement qualifiés, ont émigré. La législation de l'Autorité palestinienne ne définit pas la migration hautement qualifiée. Le manque de lois régissant les questions migratoires est largement dû au manque de compétence. La sortie des résidents et des étrangers des territoires occupés, y compris de ceux sous contrôle de l'Autorité palestinienne, ainsi que le retour, sont toujours régis et administrés par Israël. Le manque de régulation a longtemps été accompagné d'un manque de politiques pour gérer un phénomène (l'émigration des Palestiniens hautement qualifiés) considéré à juste titre comme dangereux pour la cause palestinienne et plus généralement pour l'unité palestinienne ; ce phénomène a avant tout des conséquences négatives sur la société et l'économie palestiniennes (et donc sur les efforts de construction étatique). L'objectif d'attirer les immigrés hautement qualifiés et de limiter les dommages causés par l'émigration hautement qualifiée ne peut être atteint par la seule législation. Pour un individu hautement qualifié, la décision de partir n'est pas seulement une décision économique. Les facteurs politiques et sécuritaires, liés à la longue occupation israélienne, ont également orienté les flux de migration hautement qualifiée.

Article in West Salem Sentinel about Brooks Hays supporting President Gerald Ford in wake of Watergate scandal ; Sentinal [sic] - W-Salem [handwritten annotation] 'Tonic' for U. S. Hays Shares Hope in Ford Aug. 10, '74 [handwritten annotation]By GENIE CARR Sentinel Staff Reporter A longtime Democratic congressman who worked with, and against, Gerald R. Ford, said yesterday the new President will be "a good tonic for the country." Brooks Hays, former representative from Arkansas who was foiled in a comeback attempt when defeated in 1972 by Wilmer Mizell in the Fifth Congressional District of North Carolina, said by telephone from his home in Washington that Ford "is a fine man, a man of impeccable integrity. I think "it will be good for the nation to have a President who is respected as much as he is by Congress. That was one of Mr. Nixon's problems. "I don't mean we won't have cleavage, but it will always be with personal good will." Hays, who is chairman of the North Carolina Human Relations Commission, has maintained a home in the state since 1968 when he was appointed director of the ecumenical institute at Wake Forest Universty [sic]. Hays is a former president of the Southern Baptist Convention and in 1973 accepted a part-time unsalaried position as lay minister in residence at the Capitol Hill United Methodist Church in Washington. He was one of 100 people asked by the Senate Watergate Committee to submit his thoughts on the long-range implications of the Watergate scandal. Hays, once a presidential aide himself (to President Lyndon B. Johnson), recommended that Congress take steps to limit the size and power of the White House staff. During the interview yesterday, Hays praised Ford's even-tempered manner and his ability to get along with everyone. Although Ford represented a conservative district in Congress and was generally known as a conservative himself, Hays characterized him as a "'tolerant conservative - the kind that makes those on the other side wonder if they're right. He is so considerate of other peoples' feelings." Hays said he thought it would be "rash" to make predictions about what kind of president Ford will be, but he indicated he feels hopeful about. "I say it's rash to predict the character of his administration because any man is governed, sometimes to quite an extent, by the tone, feeling and attitudes of his own political party," Hays said. "I hope his party will let him exercise bold leadership. "I think he is tremendously serious about his responsibility. His attitude at this stage reminds me of Mr. Truman's, attitude, one of humility. And I think that's good." Hays and Ford served about two decades in the House at the same time, Hays having been elected for the first time in 1942 and Ford in 1948. They sat on opposite sides, Hays said, "but there is a camaraderie that disregards party lines." Hays said that in response to some people's criticism that Ford "hasn't just towered above the ranks of statesmen," he would suggest that the new President may have "latent and hidden talents" that may come out now. Ford "has a penetrating mind," Hays said, and his very lack of "what some would say are colorful dramatics" may be what the country needs at this time.

[spa] Desde el primer momento en que a una agrupación humana la llamamos sociedad, la democracia surge de manera necesaria en forma de una totalidad ética, donde transcurrirá la vida humana y donde se constituirá la realidad histórica que nos figuramos al paso de nuestra existencia en tanto que humanos. Esta es la tesis fundamental, a partir de la cual esbozaremos la presente teoría de la eticidad democrática. La democracia es su contenido y le da su condición de necesidad, para su aplicación en lo que nos queda por vivir del presente siglo. Su elaboración está motivada por la convicción de que debemos conseguir el esbozo de una teoría consistente que nos ofrezca los instrumentos necesarios para abordar las problemáticas inherentes a un mundo de la vida eminentemente humana, donde la democracia es lo permanente y constitutivo de su propia naturaleza. Esta teoría es un sistema lógico-deductivo constituido por varias tesis comprobadas, verificadas y demostradas sistemáticamente, mediante observaciones que practica- mos sobre nuestra realidad factual, desde un punto de vista de la eticidad democrática. De esta metodología, basada en el contraste de lo observado con lo teorizado, obtenemos modelos interpretativos de la realidad sociopolítica, así como se nos define un robusto campo de aplicación, orientado hacia una exitosa formulación de propuestas prácticas que favorezcan el amplio despliegue de la democracia en el mundo de la vida. La fundamentación de los principios que dimanan de nuestra teoría son el resul- tado de la ampliación que practicamos sobre el legado del pensamiento de Axel Honneth. De él, nos prohijamos su teoría de "la lucha por el reconocimiento", para fundamentar nuestra tesis nuclear sobre la democracia, la cual nos quedará situada a nivel de la infra- estructura social. Esto nos conduce, necesariamente, hacia la ampliación de su idea de "eticidad democrática", en la medida que detectamos que la democracia se encuentra sometida a altos niveles de estrés por causa de una cascada de acontecimientos que la amenazan. La expresión efectiva de la democracia en el ámbito destinado a su encuentro desafortunado con la institución del Estado, tal y como éste es en su realidad factual, nos obliga a redimensionar el concepto de eticidad democrática, a fin de dar una explicación plausible y realista de las problemáticas sobrevenidas en nuestra actualidad. Esta condición nos sumerge en la exploración de nuestra realidad factual, desde la perspectiva que nos ofrece la ampliación que aquí practicamos del conjunto teórico desplegado por Honneth, bajo los presupuestos dimanados de una Anerkennung hege- liana actualizada. Mediante ello, llegamos a la conclusión de que la eticidad democrática, más allá de una mera esfera de la colaboración cooperativa democrática, como sería el caso para Honneth, debe ser comprendida y abordada en la práctica, desde los fundamentos que nos aporta el conocimiento, aquí adquirido, de las dos dimensiones concéntricas que la constituyen, a saber: en un lado, tenemos la dimensión moral-política de la eticidad de- mocrática, donde, desde el individuo hacia su realización ética en la totalidad de eventos políticos vividos durante su existencia social, se llevan a cabo las relaciones recognoscitivas entre éste, como ciudadano en oposición deliberativa con sus demás camaradas de la interacción, y su marco institucional de la acción democrática, dentro del que dicho tipo de relaciones se hace realidad; en el otro lado, tenemos la dimensión jurídico-procedimental, la cual ejerce su movimiento regulador en sentido contrario, partiendo desde las condiciones de posibilidad del reconocimiento del ciudadano, como sujeto autodeterminado políticamente, hacia un individuo reconocido por sus instituciones en sus capaci-dades eficientes transformadoras. La presente teoría de la eticidad democrática para el siglo XXI tiene como objeto dar las bases teóricas necesarias para ayudar a la democracia a su adecuación al concepto. Ello exige la renovación, aquí planteada, de un ser social democrático que sea el genuino protagonista de los próximos acontecimientos de nuestro siglo. La democracia, aquí, es el en-sí indestructible, es el pertinaz significante de un mundo de la vida con sentido, que exige, hoy, ser el contenido de una teoría que permita su efectiva expansión en la realidad de los hechos y que, de cuyos presupuestos y de los campos de aplicación posibles que de ella surjan, encontremos la manera de que, en este siglo, como decía Honneth, vivamos lo menos escindidos posible. ; [eng] Since the first moment in which we detect that a human group acquires the form of a society, democracy arises necessarily in the manner of an ethical totality, where human life starts becoming real, as well as historical reality, that we represent ourselves today, will constitute, while we exist as humans. This is the fundamental thesis, from which we will build the present theory of a democratic ethical life. Democracy is its content and gives it its condition of necessity for its application during current century. Its elaboration is motivated by the conviction that we must achieve the outline of a consistent theory capable to offer us the necessary instruments to address the inherent problems in a world of life eminently human, in which democracy is the permanent and constitutive of its own nature. This theory is a logical-deductive system made up of several theses that are systematically verified, through observations that we practice over our factual reality, from the point of view set on a democratic ethical life. Up from this methodology, based on the contrast of what is observed with what is theorized, we obtain interpretive models of the socio-political reality, as well as we can define a robust field for application for them, oriented towards a successful formulation of practical proposals that favour the wide deployment of democracy in the world of life. The foundation of principles that emanate from our theory are the result of the extension that we practice on the legacy brought for us, by Axel Honneth. From him, we adopt his theory of "the struggle for recognition", to base our core thesis on democracy, which will remain at the level of the social infrastructure. This leads us, neces- sarily, towards broadening his idea of "democratic ethical life", to the extent that we detect that democracy is subjected to high levels of stress due to a cascade of events that threaten it. The effective expression of democracy in the area destined to its unfortunate encounter with the institution of the State, as it is in its factual reality, forces us to redimension the concept of democratic ethical life, in order to give a plausible and realistic explanation of the problems that arise today. This condition immerses us in the exploration of our actuality, from the perspective offered by the expansion that we practice here of the theoretical set deployed by Honneth, under the assumptions derived from an updated Hegelian Anerkennung. Through this, we come to the conclusion that democratic ethical life, far beyond a mere sphere of democratic cooperative collaboration, as would be the case for Honneth, must be understood and addressed in practice, from the foundations provided by the here acquired knowledge of the two concentric dimensions that constitute it, namely: on the one hand, we have the moral-political dimension of democratic ethical life, where, from the individual to his ethical realization in all political events experienced during his social existence, recognition relations are carried out between him, as a citizen in deliberative opposition with his other comrades of the interaction, and his institutional framework opened to a democratic action, within which said type of relations becomes a reality. On the other side, we have the legal-procedural dimension, which exerts its regulatory movement in the opposite direction, starting from the conditions of possibility of a recognition to the citizen as a politically self-determined subject, towards an individual recognized by his institutions in his efficient transforming capacities. The present theory of democratic ethical life for the 21st century aims to provide the theoretical bases necessary to help democracy to adapt to its concept. This requires the renewal, proposed here, of a democratic social being that is the genuine protagonist of the upcoming events of our century. Democracy, here, is the indestructible in-itself, it is the persistent signifier of a world of life with genuine human meaning, which demands, today, to be the content of a theory that allows its effective expansion in the reality of the facts and that, from whose assumptions and possible fields of application that arise from it, we can find a way that, in current times, as Honneth said, we can live as less divided as possible.

My wife and I enjoyed our regular "annual" summer Michigan trip June 18 to 26th. Annual is in quote marks in that first sentence because we didn't go in 2020 for obvious reasons. Last year, we got a good rate on a week-long Holland hotel rental and thus limited our range to nearby activities. Partly we did that because the Traverse City Film Festival was canceled last year as it was in 2020. The timing of the 2022 festival does not work for us, so we will not be attending again this summer. This year during the vacation, we dined with old KU friends in Grand Rapids on the first day, spent a couple of days checking out Grand Haven and Muskegon (their beaches and brew pubs), went up to Traverse City for two days (where we celebrated 31 years of marriage), stayed with a generous friend from Louisville in her family's recently acquired Leland cottage, drove down to Grand Rapids for my first trip to Founders Brewery (!), and then went to a high scoring minor league baseball game in South Bend on the way home that Sunday. Oh, we obviously stopped to dine at Shapiro's in Indianapolis, as we typically do. And bought some bagels and rye bread for home. We have a lot of Michigan traditions and I'm not going to use this post to mention them all. Some we could not do because of timing. For instance, the Filling Station brewpub and pizza place was closed on Tuesday-Wednesday, the days we were in Traverse City. Beyond the vacation update, this post is about Michigan beer. I drink Michigan beer exclusively when I'm there and I typically buy several multipacks of fresh canned beer to bring home to enjoy in the ensuing weeks. Sometimes I buy single cans or bottles, but those are harder to find these days. For the second year in a row, I picked up a copy of the Michigan Brewery Guide (see above) in a southwest brew pub -- and this year I got a second copy for my neighbor who also enjoys a good craft beer. Looking through the magazine this weekend got me thinking about my history of trips to Michigan breweries -- both this year and in the recent past. Thus, I'm going to use this post to summarize my recent and prior visits to Michigan brewpubs. This is one instance where Google Timeline information is actually helpful, though this information only goes back to mid-year 2013 when I must have authorized the tracking software. I'm not listing breweries where I didn't drink. We went into Ludington's Jamesport once, but could not get a table for dinner in a timely fashion, and we quickly left Grand Armory in Grand Haven on this trip because it didn't offer outdoor seating. Given that Michigan has nearly 400 breweries as of 2022, my personal list includes less than 5% of the total! I could move to Michigan and have a difficult time sampling all of them. 2022 (4 new; 18 total)Odd Side Ales, Grand HavenUnruly Brewing, MuskegonRare Bird Brewing, Traverse CityCherry Republic Brewing Company and Public House, Glen ArborFounders, Grand RapidsWe dined at all of those places, though at Odd Side we had to order takeout from a nearby restaurant. They don't have food. 2021 (2 new; 14 total)Big Lake Brewing, HollandGuardian Brewing, SaugatuckBrewery Vivant, Grand RapidsWe also dined at all of these.2019 (2 new; 12 total)New Holland Brewing, HollandBig Lake Brewing, HollandClam Lake Beer Company, Cadillac (2)Filling Station, Traverse CityWorkshop Brewing, Traverse CityMiddleCoast Brewing, Traverse City (was called Monkey Fist at the time)We did not dine at Big Lake or MiddleCoast, but both have food (I think).2018 (2 new; 10 total)Workshop Brewing, Traverse CityClam Lake Beer Company, CadillacFilling Station, Traverse CityWe dined at these.2017I was on antibiotics that trip and did not visit any brewpubs and avoided alcohol. 2016 (2 new; 8 total)Saugatuck Brewing, SaugatuckFilling Station, Traverse City2015 (2 new ones, 6 total)Short's Brewing, BellaireRare Bird, Traverse CityWe dined at these.Older trips: (at least 4 visited)New Holland Brewing, HollandMackinaw Brewing, Traverse CityNorth Peak, Traverse CityJolly Pumpkin, Traverse CityWe did not dine at Jolly Pumpkin, but they have food -- and various other locations across the state.* It is possible my memory has failed me in recalling other brewpubs visited before 2015 as we have been going to Michigan as a family since the 1990s when my children were quite young. Then again, we didn't really take the kids to brewpubs when they were young -- maybe restaurants that happened to brew some of their own beer. I've also tried a good deal of Michigan beer in restaurants and taprooms, but I'm not going to list all of those here. I would put in a good word for the 7 Monks in Traverse. 
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After two difficult weeks of bad press during which President Obama was accused of rashness (for his quick trip to Copenhagen in an unsuccessful bid on behalf of Chicago before the International Olympic Committee) and of dithering (for taking too long to decide on a new strategy for Afghanistan), on Friday October 9th Americans woke up to the news that their President had won the Nobel Peace Prize. With a mixture of surprise and exhilaration, he addressed the media and tried to be graceful in accepting it while at the same time pre-empting the inevitable criticism that would follow. He made it clear that he "did not view this as a recognition of his own accomplishments but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of the aspirations held by people in all nation. as a means to give momentum to a set of causes…as a call to action…for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st century". The reactions in the United States were mixed, but in general, they were the reverse image of those in Europe, where Obama is still widely admired and idealized. Surprise, outrage and skepticism were the three main responses by the American public. On the Right there was outrage because the prize came so early into his presidency, and at a time when his lack of achievements is starting to haunt the administration and has become the object of comedy sketches, from Jon Stewart's Daily Show to Saturday Night Live. Moderates were pleasantly surprised, even if somewhat puzzled, and immediately fretted that the prize would have more negative than positive consequences in the domestic realm. Indeed, recognition by the rest of the world makes even his supporters a little uncomfortable, and it is used as ammunition against the President by those who accuse him of being too apologetic to foreign powers. Skeptics on the Left felt that it was a strange choice because the country under his leadership is still involved in two wars, and about to escalate one of them. To this there is the added perception by many in his own party that he is doing little on the human rights front, especially with respect to Iran, where several protesters are about to be executed while diplomatic talks on the nuclear issue continue. It would be ludicrous to think that the Nobel Peace Prize is awarded only to those who succeed. In that case, it would only be awarded once every a hundred years. Instead, the prize is meant as a reward and an encouragement to leaders who fight for peace. When German Chancellor Willy Brandt was awarded the prize in 1971, he had just launched his "Ostpolitik" and he had made headlines when he visited Warsaw to sign the Warsaw Treaty and spontaneously knelt at the steps of the memorial to the Warsaw ghetto uprising against the Nazis. His acts did not per se bring an end to Cold War confrontation but it can be argued that Brandt started a process that culminated with détente and more concretely, with the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, which established a framework of cooperation between NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries and gradually became a manifesto for the dissident movement against Communism in the Eastern bloc. Later, and as part of the same process, the Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to Lech Walesa in 1983 for his leadership in the union movement against the Polish Communist regime, and finally to Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990. Their combined efforts finally led to the fall of Communism, and proved that peace, in the words of Nobel Peace prize awardee Oscar Arias, "has no finishing line, no deadline, no fixed definition of achievement…it is a never ending process, the work of many decisions by many people in many countries…" In only nine months of his presidency, Obama has changed the international climate of confrontation and preemptive aggression established by Bush, who alienated even our national allies. He has restored the principles of the New World Order envisioned by Bush's father: one based on international law and diplomacy, consensus-building and on progressive nuclear disarmament. It is this renewal of promises by the US to abide by international treaties, to use dialog instead of confrontation and to cooperate with the rest of the world through the United Nations that the Oslo Nobel Committee was rewarding. But as Eugene Robinson of the Washington Post has observed, if Obama were to find a cure for cancer, his critics would "blame him for putting some hard-working, red-blooded American oncologists out of work". In sum, his critics cannot have it both ways: they derided Obama for his unsuccessful trip to Copenhagen and made fun of his excessive self-confidence and his belief that by his actions alone he can improve American standing in the world. On the other hand, when Oslo honored him with the Nobel Prize, a sign that he is trusted and admired because of his approach to doing exactly that, they use this as proof that he cannot be trusted because foreigners like him too much!Almost a century ago, another US President found himself in a similar situation: admired by the rest of the world but shunned at home, Woodrow Wilson, who had led the way to peace at the end of World War I through the Versailles Treaty and the creation of the League of Nations (based on his famous Fourteen Points), received the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize at the end of his Presidency but after public opinion had already turned against him. Afflicted by a stroke and embittered by his battles with Congress, he never had a chance to see his work come to fruition: the Republican Senate voted against the United States' membership in the League. The consequences of this mistake are well-known: the United States turned inward, became isolationist and protectionist, only to find itself mired in the Great Depression by 1930. A weakened League was unable to stop the rising fascist states, and another world war followed. Later in the conflict the United States had to come out of its isolationism to defend Europe and establish peace. Wilson had died in 1924, but in many ways his vision of multilateralism and war prevention survived in the signing of the Charter of the United Nations in 1945, this time under the leadership of the United States. Peace is even more elusive today, in a global world of unstable states and violent non-state actors, of deep resentments and irreconcilable views and values. It would be ludicrous to think that the US can bring about peace by itself or for that matter, to solve any of the problems that confront it without the cooperation of others. From global warming to transnational crime to terrorism, the only relatively acceptable solutions can be found through diplomacy and multilateral action. It is in this light that the Nobel Peace Prize Committee's intention has to be interpreted. For the first time in eight years, the United States is led by a President who understands that the complexity of post-modern conflict and the depth of the challenges faced can only be managed (not solved) by states acting in concert.The intricacy of global politics today is further enhanced by the immense and unprecedented political awareness of the masses everywhere. This new reality of massive political awakening is especially destabilizing in the early stages of national consciousness, during which emotions and feelings related to identity, ethnicity and geography are greatly intensified and thus become destabilizing. It is this climate of resentment, fragmentation and political awakening that the West has to confront not only in the battlefield (Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq) but also at home, where immigration has altered the national face of states and where the North-South conflict has to be confronted every day. This changing geopolitical context, together with economic realities, is affecting the US place in the world and is resulting in the relative weakening of the West in general and of America in particular. Increasingly, the West is going to need the cooperation of a China that is "rising peacefully" and a still-belligerent Russia to settle most problems in the Middle East and Central Asia. As the United States and the West come to terms with their loss of power, as Europe still struggles to speak in one voice, as their military resources are tied down for the long term in areas where the political awakening is particularly virulent, it is ludicrous to expect peace with capital letters. In the best case scenario, these will be challenges that will require serious negotiations and tough diplomacy in order to be managed, and those should include the rising powers and even some unsavory interlocutors like Iran (which can be a partner in Iraq and Afghanistan) and the Taliban (some elements of which can be brought into local agreements and peeled away from Al Qaeda). Obama should use the encouragement of the Nobel Peace Prize to move these negotiations forward, without ultimatums, without immediate deadlines, with the guiding purpose of accommodation and de-escalation, of managing conflict more than forever solving it.On the home front, Obama publicly refused to celebrate the passing of the Baucus health-care reform bill yesterday, although this is a major stride towards the final legislative product. By a vote of 14 to 9, with only one Republican voting in favor, the Senate Finance Committee cleared the way for a full vote on the Senate floor once it is merged with the version from another committee that was approved a month ago. Senator Olympia Snowe, the only Republican to vote for it, said she was responding to "the call of History, and that consequences of inaction dictate the urgency of Congress" to act. Once it passes the Senate, it will be merged with the House bill and become law. This puts Obama in a very good position to succeed in health care reform before the end of the year, but he underplayed the achievement, saying it was just one more step and there still remained a long way to go. He did, however, thank Senator Snowe for her "political courage and seriousness of purpose."Finally, on November 3rd, all eyes will be on the state of Virginia. Virginians will be voting for governor in a close race in which Bob McDonnell, the Republican candidate has been consistently ahead in the polls. Because Northern Virginia is so close to Washington, not only geographically but also culturally and politically, it is deemed the most important race for governor in the country. After eight years of excellent leadership under two Democratic governors, Mark Warner and Tim Kaine, (there is no re-election for governor in the state of Virginia), the electorate seems ready for a change, even as political pundits are portraying the race as a poll on the President himself. That is why, at the end of this month Obama will be campaigning for Creigh Deeds, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Virginia. It is another political gamble by the hyperkinetic president and one he should reconsider for at least two reasons. First, Virginians are a tough lot and usually prefer to balance the party ticket of state and federal government. Indeed, according to Larry Sabato of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, for the last eight consecutive elections, Virginians have voted for governor the nominee of the party opposite to the one that held the White House. That means they will vote for Republican candidate Mc Donnell and Obama's candidate will lose. Second, until this last election when Obama won the state, Virginians had voted Republican in nearly every presidential election since 1952. It was thanks to the youth vote that he won, and those voters are the least likely to come out and vote in the election for governor. The older crowds that vote religiously in every election are more likely to vote Republican this time. For Obama to campaign for Deeds is then a repeat of the Copenhagen Olympic bid effect.Passing the health care bill and achieving a Democratic win in at least some of the governor races would represent incredible boosts for the President that he will need as his support numbers dwindle, especially if he makes the unpopular decision of sending more troops to Afghanistan. By the time all those questions are settled, the Copenhagen Olympics and the Oslo Peace Prize will be distant memories. But then, he will have to go back and address Copenhagen II, namely, climate change. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Cities across low and middle income countries are seeking to improve public transport services, but the presence of large numbers of independent paratransit operators complicate reforms. City officials often seek to eliminate paratransit services in favor of scheduled services, typically bus rapid transit, yet this has proven impossible to achieve. Cape Town is one such city, whose planning officials recognize that the transition to and operating costs of new scheduled services are unsustainable. Reconsidering the reform approach, the City has acknowledged a continued role for paratransit services primarily as feeders to scheduled services. This raises the question of how complementary service quality can be obtained at transfer points between scheduled and unscheduled services. The research seeks to assist operators in sharing their perspectives outside of a City-structured engagement process and to assist City officials in understanding what reform paths will be most feasible based on paratransit operator acceptability and cost to the City. To do so, this study uses a mixed methods approach using a naturally occurring example that mirrors the hybrid network arrangement as espoused by the City. The feasibility of interventions to improve evening service quality complementarity, specifically related to mismatched service span and long off peak headways, is explored with minibus-taxi operators. The two key stakeholders among operators are vehicle owners and drivers who have differing perspectives on the business and reform. Understanding these differing perspectives is critical to successful implementation of future reforms as past attempts have been met with considerable resistance from the industry. Driver perspectives were captured through a stated choice survey while owners were engaged through structured focus groups. Costs of interventions were estimated and combined with stakeholder data to indicate which interventions to extend service into the evening and maintain short headways are most likely to be successful if attempted by City officials. Results indicate that to extend paratransit services to match scheduled modes, improvements in rank (terminal) security, an increase in fares, or an operating deficit payment incentive are the most feasible of seven interventions explored. The first two require little transition effort or cost to the City but will not address potentially long headways; the third most feasible intervention addresses both service quality issues yet represents a larger burden for the City. Aligned with experience from previous reforms to eliminate paratransit in favor of contracted, scheduled services, this research finds that corporatization of paratransit operators may be less feasible than other interventions explored; this suggests that the City's policy shift is appropriate and that alternative approaches to paratransit reform that are less costly and require less onerous changes from status quo operations are feasible. By undertaking these alternatives, limited government budgets can be spent more effectively and efficiently so public transport reform reaches more residents more quickly.