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The author argues that from an analysis of numerous projects and memorandums dated from the early 1950s testifies it can be shown that the Soviet Union seriously considered joining NATO. Though the Soviet Union was rejected from the alliance at this time, the beginning of the Cold War, it foreshadows more recent calls for Russia to join the organization. The author questions whether Russia, as an Eurasian power, should join an alliance which strives the prevent the emergence of power centers in Asia. Kenny Cargill

THE DECLINE OF THE RUSSIAN STATE IS THE MOST IMPORTANT TREND IN PRESENT DAY RUSSIA. THIS ARTICLE SUGGESTS THAT THIS DECLINE IS MOSTLY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE ECONOMIC PROBLEMS THAT ARE PESTERING THE COUNTRY. ALSO, THAT IT IS POSSIBLE THAT THE POLITICAL STABILZATION CAN BE REACHED, EITHER ON A MACRO LEVEL FOR ALL OF RUSSIA OR AN A MICRO LOCAL LEVEL. THIS WOULD LEAD TO ECONOMIC STABILIZATIONS. HOWEVER, THE ARTICLE WARNS THAT CATASTROPHIC DEVELOPMENTS ARE ENTIRELY WITHIN THE REALM OF POSSIBILITY.

This book explores the impact of the 1917 Revolution on factory life in the Russian capital. It traces the attempts of workers to take control of their working lives from the February Revolution through to June 1918, when the Bolsheviks nationalised industry. Although not primarily concerned with the political developments of the Revolution, the book demonstrates that the sphere of industrial production was a crucial arena of political as well as economic conflict. Having discussed the structure and composition of the factory workforce in Petrograd prior to 1917 and the wages and conditions of workers under the old regime, Dr Smith shows how workers saw the overthrow of the autocracy as a signal to democratise factory life and to improve their lot. After examining the creation and activities of the factory committees, he analyses the relationship of different groups of workers to the new labour movement, and assesses the extent to which it functioned democratically

The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.

The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.

During an intense period of only 14 months, from June 2010 to August 2011, six major cooperation agreements between oil companies were announced in Russia. Almost all of these partnerships involved offshore projects, with an international oil company as one of the partners and Rosneft as the other. The agreements were concentrated along Russia's Arctic petroleum frontier, and the three that survived the longest involved oil or gas extraction in the Arctic. This article analyses and compares the contents and contexts of the agreements, to ascertain what they have to tell about access for international companies to Russia's offshore petroleum resources and the influence of competing Russian political actors over the country's petroleum sector. The article argues that the new partnerships did represent an intention to open up the Russian continental shelf, and that the agreements were driven and shaped by a series of needs: to secure foreign capital and competence, to reduce exploration risk, to lobby for a better tax framework, to show the government that necessary action was being taken to launch exploration activities, to improve Rosneft's image abroad, and either to avert or prepare for future privatisation of state companies such as Rosneft.

The article presents the changes Immunization Schedule Russia introduced in 2014. In new Schedule now is the vaccination against pneumococcal disease for all children of 2 months with revaccination at 4 and 15 months old; excluded from the Schedule second revaccination against tuberculosis. At risk groups to be vaccinated against the flu, entered pregnant women and persons subject to military conscription. Recommendations on use of vaccines containing relevant antigens for the Russian Federation, to provide maximum effectiveness of immunization and vaccines that do not contain preservatives in children under 1 year of age. Offered to create a council of experts in the field of vaccinology and vaccine prevention ; В статье представлены изменения календаря профилактических прививок России, введенные в2014 г. В новый календарь вошла вакцинация против пневмококковой инфекции всех детей в возрасте 2-х, 4,5 месяцев c ревакцинацией в 15 месяцев жизни; из календаря исключена вторая ревакцинация против туберкулеза. В группы риска, подлежащие вакцинации против гриппа, вошли беременные женщины и лица, подлежащие призыву на военную службу. Даны рекомендации по использованию вакцин, содержащих актуальные для Российской Федерации антигены, что позволяет обеспечить максимальную эффективность иммунизации, а также вакцин, не содержащих консервантов у детей до 1 года жизни. Предложено создать совет экспертов в области вакцинологии и вакцинопрофилактики.

The article is devoted to the political points of view of famous Russian emigrantand scientist-sociologist Pitirim Sorokin who lived and worked in the USA. In thesecond half of 1920s he published "Letter to a friend about Russia" where he forecasteda soon fall of the Bolshevik regime in the Soviet Union. The article revealsnot only Sorokin's political views and moods in the second half of 1920s as wellas position of those public leaders in emigration who were in sympathy with thescientist-sociologist's point of view and published his "letters" in their own titles,and spread these ides among Russian community in the USA and other countries ; Статья посвящена политическим взглядам известного российского эмигранта и ученого-социолога Питирима Сорокина, жившего и работавшего в США. Во второй половине 1920-х он опубликовал «Письмо другу о России», в котором предсказал скорое падение режима большевиков в Советском Союзе. Раскрывается представление не только о политических взглядах и настроениях Питирима Сорокина во второй половине 1920-х гг., а также ипозиция тех деятелей эмиграции, которые были солидарны с точкой зрения ученого-социолога, опубликовали в своих изданиях его «письмо» и распространяли эти идеи среди русской диаспоры в США и других странах.

Contends that Russia's weak & asymmetrical form of federalism impinges on democratic consolidation, suggesting that the 1990-1993 freezing of federal relations is a key to the current semiauthoritarian regime. Four factors have played roles in federal-level weakness: (1) the Soviet-era legacy of the hybrid ethno-territorial principle of federalism, (2) the 1993 Constitution's tenuous legitimacy, (3) the problem of ethnic secessionism, & (4) bilateral treaties & contract federalism. The relationship of federalism to democracy is discussed, noting Russia exhibits regional diversity in civil society development, electoral practices, & adherence to constitutional norms & exercise of human rights. Local & regional political & economic elites have taken advantage of federal weakness, with clientelism, patrimonialism, & corruption rampant. The lack of strong leadership on the part of the federal law enforcement undermines the Constitution & thwarts the development of legal culture, thus, democracy. It is concluded that the legacy of ethnoterritorial federalism has generated major tensions & divisions. Bilateralism is seen as an attempt to counter this asymmetrical form of federalism, but it undercut the Constitution, leading to ethnic secessionism & demands for legal separation, which resulted in Yeltsin conceding more & more power to regional elites in exchange for support. J. Zendejas