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China's contemporary political economy is among the most exciting and demanding frontiers of research in comparative politics. The country's sheer size and internal diversity offer a natural laboratory for examining topics at multiple levels and units of analysis, and in varied regional environments. China's salience in the international media and business community also presents scholars with the added opportunity (and even responsibility) for clarifying popular misconceptions through original empirical research. An abundance of research possibilities is accompanied by a ready audience of nonacademic consumers.

It has now been four years of contested elections for the Council of
the Association. In this note we ask: What can we learn about these
elections from a political science perspective?

In a relatively short period of time, Romanian political science has made considerable progress, moving from virtual obscurity to unchallenged local prominence. This article examines the efforts to date to institutionalize political science as a separate teaching and research discipline by presenting recently established political science university-level programs, the major groups of authors carrying out research on political phenomena and the recurrent themes emerging from relevant literature. Though the present article is concerned mainly with current developments, occasional references to the political science's position during the communist period are also made. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

Description based on: Vol. 2 (1896); title from vol. t.p. ; Some issues have distinctive titles. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Vol. 1, nos., May 1893-Dec. 1895; v. 2, 9 nos., Mar. 1896-Dec. 1897; v. 3, 8 nos., Mar. 1898-1900; v. 4, 6 nos., July 1900-July 1902; v. 5, 4 nos., Sept. 1902-Mar. 1904; v. 6, 1 no., Mar. 1905. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The article shows the weakness of mainstream Polish political science. Its main weakness, according to the author, is omitting the industrial and corporate power conflict among the factors determining the contemporary politics. As a result, the relations between political science and political economy have become weak. Its place as a source of inspiration for political scientists has been taken by social philosophy. It seeks the various non-economic sources of politics. The postulated critical political science puts in the spotlight the main processes of the global capitalist economy located in a phase of stagnation and closing in on the natural limits of its duration. In particular, closer attention should be focused on tracking a new, already the fifth configuration of the market society. It will be the several partial processes weave; the recovery process of autonomy by the state to corporations and the financial sector (deglobalisation); the process of recovering control of the state by the old and new social movements (democracy participatory), and the process of transformation of the energy economy, coupled with the process of changing lifestyles: from consumerism to paideia as a human community responsive to its activity on the development, openness and creativity in shaping new rules for civilization.

Political science is two realms, the intellectual & the organizational, & the task is to consider how the organizational realm might be adapted to the highest improvement of the intellectual realm. Political science has a certain competence (domain) in the study of politics as the organization of power. It also seeks to expand competence as capability. Charles Merriam provides a point of departure. Merriam's most successful idea has been that of enhancing competence through improvements in "the field of method." Competence, however, now demands methodological flexibility, so as to probe more into the exercise of power. Four fields are strategic: public administration, political interests, urbanization, & the interpenetration of politics & economics. Competence also leads into unorthodox subjects, such as force & foolish, irrational, & pathological decision making (or "the Oxenstierna-Mullins Effect"). Finally, competence demands (& is enhanced by) the reach of political science into serious practical problems of human affairs. 106 References. Adapted from the source document.

J. Robinson ("Public Affairs Television and the Growth of Political Malaise: The Selling of the Pentagon," American Political Science Review, 1976, 70, 409-432) has demonstrated that TV can exercise a considerable influence on more general orientations to the political system. The Carter-Ford debates during the 1976 American presidential campaign offered an excellent opportunity to determine the impact of TV upon global orientations to the political system. The debates occurred in a polity which had manifested a spectacular erosion of public confidence in government. Both candidates addressed this malaise, vowing to restore dignity & propriety to national politics. Following the logic of Robinson's argument, the debate should have functioned to counteract the negative image recently acquired by American politics. This hypothesis was tested by a panel analysis of approximately 200 undergraduates at a state U in the American south. The Ss were randomly assigned to six experimental & control groups following a modified version of Solomon's multiple group design. The Ss' sociopolitical attitudes were assessed by a multiple-choice questionnaire administered three times: (1) one week before the first debate, (2) immediately at the conclusion of the first debate, (3) one week following the first debate. The impact of exposure to the debate was gauged by comparing the attitudes of viewers & nonviewers at the three testing points. The findings support the traditional view that TV has a limited influence on political outlooks. While the debate had a small & statistically significant impact on campaign interest, there were no significant differences between experimental & control Ss in terms of intent to vote, sense of political efficacy or level of political cynicism &, contrary to the hypothesis, exposure to the debate produced a slight decrease in trust in government. These findings suggest that the low level of confidence in American government was too deeply rooted to be dispelled by a few hours of civilized presidential debate. 2 Tables. Modified AA.