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The aim of this article is to analyze the postmodern episteme of power and its outlines in Lithuania. Postmodern concept of power and discursive regime of truth is analyzed following the theoretical premises of poststructuralist theories by J.–F. Lyotard and J. Baudrillard. Credibility of postmodern discourse in Lithuania is being proved by illuminating and developing the concept of double modernization of Lithuania and devaluation of two projects of modernity, the soviet one and the national one. The model of national modernity replaced the devaluated model of soviet modernity in Lithuania after 1990. The national modern system of signs and symbols, inherited partly from early twentieth century, experienced a deep crisis in approximately 1993: credibility and implied self evidence of the meta language of national rebirth has been destroyed; systematic exploitation of remains of the meta language, its signs and symbols, turned out to normative and commercially successful activity; and finally parody, former shadow of reality, overshadowed the reality itself. The postmodern discursive regime of truth and power emerged in Lithuania from the crisis of modern meta language of national rebirth.

The elusive consensus of a society in crisis / Dimitris Katsikas -- 'It's not the austerity, stupid'. Interpreting the frames of the far-right wing radicalization / Vasiliki Georgiadou and Anastasia Kafe -- Greek elites' attitudes about the crisis / Dimitris Katsikas -- Framing the sacred : separation panic as the main frame of the European Union during the July 2015 referendum in Greece / Yannis Tsirbas -- Assessing the image of Germany in the Greek media during the crisis (2010-2015) / George N. Tzogopoulos -- Chancellor Merkel's visits to Greece and the 2015 referendum : shifting blaming patterns in readers' online comments / Anastasia Theodosiou and Maria Zafiropoulou -- Framing the crisis in Greece / Dimitris Katsikas.

Finnish state monopolies have been in a state of change during the mid-2010s. This paper focuses on the developments of the alcohol retail, railroad and gambling sectors during this period by analysing media texts (N=143) from 2014 to 2017 and with the concepts of Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework (MSF). Results show how the convergence of politics, policies and problematizations opened policy windows for government initiatives to liberalize alcohol retail and railroad traffic markets while consolidating the gambling monopoly. The differing outcomes are surprising given that they all took place under the same liberal right-wing government, as well as under obligations to dismantle monopolies in the European Union and in accordance with international commerce treaties. The explanation unfolds by looking at the stakeholders and their justifications. Differing outcomes also reflect the varying trajectories through which the policy processes proceeded, although they seem to conclude with consensus and at least a semblance of agreement between the different parties when a decision is reached. The study gives insight into how state monopolies are negotiated in contemporary Europe. ; Peer reviewed

The largest part of the existing literature with regard to Islamophobia in Greece focuses primarily on the policies, activities and discourse of politicians and political groups of the extreme right, Orthodox Church figures, state authorities, the media and the Internet. The purpose of this article is to cast light on an aspect which is frequently neglected in the study of Islamophobia, i.e., the role of public intellectuals, through a series of questions: Where do public intellectuals in Greece stand with regard to Islamophobia? What are the main themes in their public discourse with regard to Islam and Muslims? What is the role they play in the reproduction of Islamophobic views? Having in mind the debates over the concepts of Islamo-Fascism, Islamo-leftism, Islamophilia and Islamophobia, this article builds on the literature about the role of intellectuals in society with a special focus on their views about Islam. Analysing the discourse of three public intellectuals, the main argument is that Islamophobia in Greece is not an exclusive element of the extreme-right or the Orthodox Church. Self-proclaimed progressive or liberal intellectuals, through their public discourse, also contribute to the reproduction and entrenchment of the fear and moral panic about Islam.

With 85 per cent of Singaporeans professing to belong to a religion, religion forms a core part of many Singaporeans' identities and value systems. That religion and politics are not distinct and mutually exclusive spheres of influence and experience is also recognised by the state. The Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE) dispute started quite innocuously, with initial indications being that of an internal spat that occurs once in a while in the nascent civil society space. As it is well-known by now, a group of relatively new and unknown members (the "new guard") assumed control of AWARE at its annual general meeting in March 2009. The long-established stalwarts (the "old guard") complacently failed to see the signs when applications for new memberships spiked in the lead up to the annual general meeting. But this was no ordinary leadership change or renewal. The installation of the new leadership in AWARE set in motion a series of events, culminating in the hot-tempered extraordinary general meeting (EGM), called by the old guard, in May 2009.

Since its first uses in the beginning of 2017, the term "fake news" has been the object of a relatively stable production of public, political or media narratives. Their abundance, as well as their alarmist or catastrophic nature came to justify the use of the expression "moral panic", or "media panic", to qualify this moment of collective concern about online misinformation and its negative consequences on individual behaviors. This article aims to interrogate and explore the application of the concept of moral panic to the "fake news crisis" through a corpus analysis of audiovisual broadcasts that focuses on this phenomenon in France between 2017 and 2019. It engages with the media fields of broadcasting, the positions of the guests of the programs, and the thematic framings which are developed there, such as the definition of the phenomenon, the causes and persons to blame, and the consequences on the public. It enables us to make sense of how this particular media sequence contributed to shaping the field of possibilities for public action in the fight against fake news. ; Depuis son apparition au début de l'année2017, le terme de «fake news» suscite une production relativement constante de discours publics, politiques ou médiatiques à son propos. Leur abondance, ainsi que leur nature parfois alarmiste ou catastrophiste, conduit certains à employer l'expression de «panique morale», ou de «panique médiatique», afin de qualifier ce moment d'inquiétude collective concernant la désinformation en ligne et ses conséquences négatives sur les comportements individuels. Cet article vise donc à interroger et explorer cette application du concept de panique morale à la «crise des fake news», à travers l'analyse de corpus des émissions audiovisuelles qui portent sur ce phénomène en France entre 2017 et 2019. Celle-ci revient sur les espaces médiatiques de diffusion, les positions des invités des émissions, et les cadrages thématiques qui y sont développés: définition du phénomène, causes et responsables, conséquences ...

This study looks at population response to government containment strategies during initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in four high-trust Northern European countries-Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden-with special emphasis on expressions of governmental trust. Sentiment analysis and topic modeling analysis were performed using Twitter data from three phases during the initial European lockdown, and results were compared over time and between countries. Findings show that, in line with existing theory, assertive crisis responses and proactive communication were generally well-received, whereas tentative crisis responses or indications by the authorities that the crisis was manageable were generally met with suspicion. In addition, while government support was high in all countries during the height of the crisis, messages critical of the government as well as conspiracy theories were nevertheless widely circulated. Importantly, countries with the least assertive strategies, rather than clear negative responses, saw heightened polarization of sentiment in the population. Furthermore, in the case of Sweden, a laissez-faire strategy was generally accepted by the population, despite strong criticism from other countries, until mortality rates started to rise. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed with an emphasis of prior trust as a potential explanatory factor. Future research should seek to replicate these findings in other countries with different levels of prior governmental trust or with a different severity of the COVID-19 outbreak than the co

This article explains how mass media and U.S. political rhetoric have created a spectacle of border violence as an offshoot of Mexico s drug war. The study shows how some U.S. politicians and government officials have promoted their political agendas by communicating an alarmist view of the drug war within Mexico that includes a spillover of violence into the United States and narco-terrorism, which allegedly represent enormous risks to U.S. national security. The creation of this spectacle has had a real impact on specific policy areas, particularly on border security and immigration. This analysis focuses mainly on the Texas-Tamaulipas border region. ; Este artículo explica cómo los medios masivos de comunicación y la retórica política en Estados Unidos han creado un espectáculo de la violencia fronteriza como resultado de la guerra contra las drogas que libra México. El estudio muestra cómo algunos políticos y funcionarios del gobierno han promovido sus agendas políticas presentando una visión alarmista de la guerra contra las drogas en México, que incluye el desborde de la violencia hacia Estados Unidos y el narcoterrorismo lo cual, aseguran, representa enormes riesgos para la seguridad nacional del país vecino. La creación de este espectáculo ha tenido un impacto real sobre áreas específicas de las políticas públicas, en particular en la seguridad fronteriza y la inmigración. Este análisis se enfoca principalmente en la región fronteriza Texas-Tamaulipas.