Suchergebnisse

DUE TO THE CONFLICT WITH CERTAIN SOMALI FACTIONS AT THE OUTSET, THE UNITED NATIONS MISSION IN SOMALIA II WAS NOT ABLE TO FULFILL ITS PEACEBUILDING OBJECTIVES. THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT RECONCILIATION AND PEACE ARE PREREQUISITES FOR THESE EFFORTS AND THAT DISARMAMENT IS AN INDISPENSABLE FIRST STEP TO LONGER-TERM PEACE. CONVERSELY, IT FURTHER ARGUES THAT PEACEBUILDING IS A SINE QUA NON FOR A MISSION WHICH AIMS TO ESTABLISH A LONG-LASTING PEACE IN A WAR-DEVASTATED COUNTRY. FINALLY, THE ARTICLE ARGUES THAT THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY MUST BE PREPARED TO COMMIT ITSELF FULLY FINANCIALLY SINCE PEACEKEEPING IS EXPENSIVE.

There is a palpable sense of humility within the United Nations and other international institutions regarding peacebuilding. Rather than seeking to implement the liberal peace, they now pursue the more modest goal of 'good enough' outcomes. This shift reflects a growing consensus in the critical literature that space needs to be provided for the local agency that will ultimately determine the outcomes of peacebuilding. At first blush this emphasis on local agency is positive; it offers an important correction to the technocratic and generally top-down nature of liberal peacebuilding. But, is the 'good enough' approach to peacebuilding good enough? What are the pitfalls and potential of the local turn? This article uses a case study of Timor-Leste to answer these questions. It finds that the local turn can help lend legitimacy to the state and increase opportunities for political participation and the delivery of public goods at the local level. However, the emerging evidence from Timor-Leste also highlights the pitfalls of the local turn. Most significantly, the state can transfer responsibility for public goods provision to the local level in order to lessen the burden on the state and to divert attention from ineffective or illegitimate central institutions. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

In their PRIF Report the authors focus on the various forms of resistance to and backlash against gender equality and gender-sensitive human rights in peacebuilding processes. Based on 33 interviews with key stakeholders, they explore how peacebuilders understand and perceive resistance to and backlash against the realisation of gender-sensitive human rights in peacebuilding. The report also sheds light on the counter-measures and strategies used by peacebuilders. Finally, the authors discuss the impact of feminist foreign policy on gender-sensitive human rights in peacebuilding.

This handbook offers a comprehensive analysis of peacebuilding in ethnic conflicts, with attention to theory, peacebuilder roles, making sense of the past and shaping the future, as well as case studies and approaches. Comprising 28 chapters that present key insights on peacebuilding in ethnic conflicts, the volume has implications for teaching and training, as well as for practice and policy. The handbook is divided into four thematic parts. Part 1 focuses on critical dimensions of ethnic conflicts, including root causes, gender, external involvements, emancipatory peacebuilding, hatred as a public health issue, environmental issues, American nationalism, and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Part 2 focuses on peacebuilders' roles, including Indigenous peacemaking, nonviolent accompaniment, peace leadership in the military, interreligious peacebuilders, local women, and young people. Part 3 addresses the past and shaping of the future, including a discussion of public memory, heritage rights and monuments, refugees, trauma and memory, aggregated trauma in the African-American community, exhumations after genocide, and a healing-centered approach to conflict. Part 4 presents case studies on Sri Lanka's postwar reconciliation process, peacebuilding in Mindanao, the transformative peace negotiation in Aceh and Bougainville, external economic aid for peacebuilding in Northern Ireland, Indigenous and local peacemaking, and a continuum of peacebuilding focal points. The handbook offers perspectives on the breadth and significance of peacebuilding work in ethnic conflicts throughout the world. This volume will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, ethnic conflict, security studies, and international relations.

"This path-breaking book uncovers the important, under-appreciated role of armed opposition groups turned political parties in shaping long-term patterns of politics after war. Based on an empirically grounded and theoretically informed retrospective on nearly thirty years of post-conflict democratic state-building efforts, it examines whether this practice has contributed to peace and finds that engaging post-rebel parties in electoral politics has proven to be a viable long-term strategy for bringing political stability, that disparate post-rebel parties from different political contexts invest heavily in electoral politics and that few post-rebel parties actively seek return to civil conflict as a solution after becoming a political party. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners in democracy, governance, elections, political parties, post-conflict peacebuilding, and more broadly to international relations, comparative politics, and regional politics"--

1. Understanding Ripeness: Making and Using Hurting Stalemates -- 2. Cultivating Peace: A Practitioner's View of Deadly Conflict -- 3. Conflict Analysis: A System's Approach -- 4. The United Nations and Peacemaking -- 5. Women's Participating in Peace Processes -- 6. Indigenous Approaches to Peacemaking -- 7. Peacemaking Referendums: Advantages and Challenges for Peace Processes -- 8. Refugees, Peacemaking and Durable Solutions to Displacement -- 9. Time, Sequencing and Peace Processes -- 10. Mediation and Ending of Conflicts -- 11. Diffusion vs. Coherence: The Competitive Environment of Multiparty Mediation -- 12. Inclusivity in Peace Processes: Civil Society and Armed Groups -- 13. Negotiating Peace in the Shadows -- 14. Violence and Peace Processes -- 15. Peacemaking and Election Violence -- 16. Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants -- 17. Security Sector Reforms -- 18. Peace Processes and their Agreements -- 19. Power Sharing after Civil Wars: Matching Problems to Solutions -- 20. Peace Accords and Human Rights -- 21. The Post-Conflict Constitution as a Peace Agreement -- 22. Transitional Justice and Peacemaking/Peacebuilding -- 23. Peace Education as a Peacemaking Tool in Conflict Zones -- 24. Post Accord Violence. 26. Everyday Economic Experiences and Peace Processes.