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Multi-party elections and the signing of a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015 raised hopes in the international community of a possible settlement of Myanmar's protracted conflict and one of the world's worst protracted displacement situations (PDS) in the near future. Yet conflicts in the border areas and human rights abuses carry on, more than 600,000 Burmese continue to be displaced within Myanmar and three to five million remain in Thailand. This Working Paper examines strategies that displaced persons from Myanmar have developed striving to cope with major challenges of displacement. We observed that strategies go beyond the commonly used three durable solutions. The findings suggest that neither return nor local integration into the society of the host country is necessarily definite or are mutually exclusive. Both are merely two poles of a wide range of displaced persons' possible coping strategies, encompassing return, cyclical movements, temporary return, de jure local integration and different levels and stages of de facto local integration.

In scrutinizing whether the change of governance eradicated the causes of displacement, brought peace and laid the foundation for return, our research revealed significant flaws in Myanmar's political transition. Notwithstanding impressive achievements, conflicts persist and are likely to cause new waves of displacement. With regard to access to legal, economic, political rights, services, house, land, property and livelihoods, the situation of displaced persons (DPs) remains dire. Still, the international community promotes return and has been reducing assistance for camps in and outside of Myanmar. For internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees, this means that options of refuge have diminished, while the causes to flee remain. After decades of displacement, DPs have developed a set of practices such as diversifications of livelihoods, income sources, residences, and others. We argue that it is imperative for any long-term and coherent strategy that addresses protracted displacement to take those micro realities into account.

many economists have tried to make the origin of the currency intelligible. The theory of value (classical, neoclassical or marxist approaches) and the chartalist approach have long been opposed. New approaches have emerged from both the standard neoclassical and heterodox approaches (e.g. Aglietta-Orléan theory or post-Keynesian theory). In this article we take two examples of recent theories, namely monetary prospecting models and ne-chartalist theory, to provide an answer to the question whether or not it is useful to seek to account for the origin of money within economic theory. ; International audience ; many economists have tried to make the origin of the currency intelligible. The theory of value (classical, neoclassical or marxist approaches) and the chartalist approach have long been opposed. New approaches have emerged from both the standard neoclassical and heterodox approaches (e.g. Aglietta-Orléan theory or post-Keynesian theory). In this article we take two examples of recent theories, namely monetary prospecting models and ne-chartalist theory, to provide an answer to the question whether or not it is useful to seek to account for the origin of money within economic theory. ; Nombreux sont les économistes à avoir tenté de rendre intelligible l'origine de la monnaie. La théorie de la valeur (approches classique, néoclassique ou marxiste) et l'approche chartaliste se sont longtemps opposées. De nouvelles approches ont émergé, aussi bien du côté de l'approche néoclassique standard que des approches hétérodoxes (avec, par exemple, la théorie d'Aglietta-Orléan ou la théorie post-keynésienne). Nous prenons dans cet article deux exemples de théories récentes, à savoir les modèles de prospection monétaire et la théorie né-chartaliste, pour donner un élément de réponse à la question de savoir s'il est utile ou non de chercher à rendre compte de l'origine de la monnaie au sein de la théorie économique.

In the Principles of Political Economy (1848), and then in his posthumous and unfinished book On Socialism (1879), John Stuart Mill proposes an ambiguous defence of 'communism', a theory which, in his view, aims to radically reform the system of property ownership. The purpose of this article is to analyse the status of experimentation in the 1000 assessment of the collection of means of production. It shows how the call for experience — initially on a small scale — of the communist hypothesis, which can be found from one text to the next, can be read as a positive invitation to implement that doctrine, but at the same time has deep limits and reservations. ; International audience ; In the Principles of Political Economy (1848), and then in his posthumous and unfinished book On Socialism (1879), John Stuart Mill proposes an ambiguous defence of 'communism', a theory which, in his view, aims to radically reform the system of property ownership. The purpose of this article is to analyse the status of experimentation in the 1000 assessment of the collection of means of production. It shows how the call for experience — initially on a small scale — of the communist hypothesis, which can be found from one text to the next, can be read as a positive invitation to implement that doctrine, but at the same time has deep limits and reservations. ; Dans les Principes d'économie politique (1848), puis dans son ouvrage posthume et inachevé Sur le socialisme (1879), John Stuart Mill propose une défense ambiguë du « communisme », théorie qui vise selon lui à réformer radicalement le régime de propriété. Cet article entend analyser le statut de l'expérimentation dans l'évaluation millienne de la collectivisation des moyens de production. Il donne ainsi à voir en quoi l'appel à l'expérience – d'abord à petite échelle – de l'hypothèse communiste, que l'on retrouve d'un texte à l'autre, peut se lire comme une invitation positive à réaliser cette doctrine, mais comporte en même temps des limites et des réserves profondes.

"This paper deals with the fertility transition, one of the two essential components of the demographic transition. The analysis demonstrates that by applying the cohort perspective new insights are obtained about how the fertility transition unfolded. Within the overall framework of the fertility transition there were four distinct pathways of fertility trends. Combining these findings with those of other scholars shows that the demographic transition has not yet led to an equilibrium of relatively stable low mortality and stable low fertility. The four fertility transition pathways are the following: (1) The Western fertility transition pathway characterized by major cohort total fertility rate (CTFR) fluctuations; (2) the South European fertility transition pathway characterized by an almost uninterrupted CTFR decline; (3) the Central and East European fertility transition pathway characterized by stable CTFRs in the 1920s to 1950s cohorts and a decline in the 1960s and 1970s cohorts; (4) the East and South-East Asia fertility transition pathway characterized by a late start in the mid-20th century with rapidly declining CTFRs. The exploration of societal conditions shaping fertility trends in the 19th and 20th centuries confirms Notestein's conclusions that the causes are a complex combination of 'technological, social, economic, and political developments' as well as cultural and ideational effects, and that it is 'impossible to be precise about the various causal factors'. At times the primary factors were economic, as in the Great Depression of the 1930s and the 1960s post-war prosperity in Western countries. However, these economic factors also had many political, cultural, social, policy and other important facets. In Central and Eastern Europe the primary factors during the era of state socialism were the political system and social policies. The patriarchal nature of societies was the prime factor shaping fertility trends in Southern Europe and in East and South-East Asia." (author's abstract). This article contains supplementary material in the form of an online appendix: http://dx.doi.org/10.12765/CPoS-2017-10en

The validity of majority rule in an election with but two candidates—and so also of Condorcet consistency—is challenged. Axioms based on measures—paralleling those of K. O. May characterizing majority rule for two candidates based on comparisons—lead to another method that is unique in agreeing with the majority rule on pairs of "polarized" candidates. The method—majority judgment—meets R. A. Dahl's requirement that an apathetic majority does not always defeat an intense minority. It is a practical method that accommodates any number of candidates, avoids both the Condorcet and Arrow paradoxes, and best resists strategic manipulation.

The validity of majority rule in an election with but two candidates—and so also of Condorcet consistency—is challenged. Axioms based on measures—paralleling those of K. O. May characterizing majority rule for two candidates based on comparisons—lead to another method that is unique in agreeing with the majority rule on pairs of "polarized" candidates. The method—majority judgment—meets R. A. Dahl's requirement that an apathetic majority does not always defeat an intense minority. It is a practical method that accommodates any number of candidates, avoids both the Condorcet and Arrow paradoxes, and best resists strategic manipulation.

The validity of majority rule in an election with but two candidates—and so also of Condorcet consistency—is challenged. Axioms based on measures—paralleling those of K. O. May characterizing majority rule for two candidates based on comparisons—lead to another method that is unique in agreeing with the majority rule on pairs of "polarized" candidates. The method—majority judgment—meets R. A. Dahl's requirement that an apathetic majority does not always defeat an intense minority. It is a practical method that accommodates any number of candidates, avoids both the Condorcet and Arrow paradoxes, and best resists strategic manipulation.

The validity of majority rule in an election with but two candidates—and so also of Condorcet consistency—is challenged. Axioms based on measures—paralleling those of K. O. May characterizing majority rule for two candidates based on comparisons—lead to another method that is unique in agreeing with the majority rule on pairs of "polarized" candidates. The method—majority judgment—meets R. A. Dahl's requirement that an apathetic majority does not always defeat an intense minority. It is a practical method that accommodates any number of candidates, avoids both the Condorcet and Arrow paradoxes, and best resists strategic manipulation.

Die Schweiz unterliegt seit zwei Jahrzehnten starken Urbanisierungstendenzen, die sich vor allem zwischen den großen Kernstädten abspielen. Um Herausforderungen des gesteigerten Flächenverbrauchs wie der Zersiedelung zu begegnen, ist eine Analyse der heutigen kommunalen Entscheidungsprozesse und -logiken überfällig. Lineo Umberto Devecchi thematisiert Fragen hinsichtlich der kommunalen Steuerung raumwirksamer Prozesse und deren Auswirkungen auf die Gestaltung des suburbanen Raums.Die theoretisch abgestützten Erklärungen sowie die nachvollziehbaren Fallstudien sind nicht nur für ein interdisziplinäres akademisches Publikum, sondern auch für Praktiker_innen aus Planung und Architektur von Interesse.

Der Artikel zeichnet die Entwicklung von Städten als einer räumlichen Form und als einer Praxis in Nord-Namibia nach. In vorkolonialer Zeit war die Region durch vereinzelte Kleinsiedlungen geprägt. Städte begannen erst in den 1950er Jahren zu entstehen. Von Beginn an kreuzten sich Planung von oben und gelebte Praxis von unten und beeinflussten sich gegenseitig. Das Auftauchen von Städten in Nord-Namibia ist untrennbar mit dem System der Wanderarbeit und mit repressiver Apartheidpolitik verknüpft. Doch Städte waren ebenso Räume relativer Autonomie und der Freiheit von sozialer Kontrolle. Sie entwickelten sich als Grenzräume in dem Sinn, wie Kopytoff ihn umrissen hat. Hier konnten Menschen neue soziale Formen ausprobieren. Die führte zu Konflikten um Macht und Kontrolle. Der Artikel kommt zu dem Schluss, dass Auseinandersetzungen über das Recht auf Stadt nicht neu sind; sie gehören vielmehr zentral zu den Bedingungen städtischen Lebens.

Social exclusion social inclusion are useful concepts for making sense of the deeply embedded socio-economic disadvantaged position of Aboriginal and Torres Islander people in Australian. The concepts not only describe exclusion from social and economic participation; but seek to understand the dynamic processes behind their creation and reproduction. Yet few Australian studies go beyond describing Aboriginal over-representation on social exclusion indicators. Neither do they address the translatability of the concepts from non-Indigenous to Indigenous contexts despite mainstream studies finding the pattern of social exclusion (and therefore what social inclusion might look like) differs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to that of other disadvantaged groups. This paper uses data from the Longitudinal Study of Indigenous children to explore patterns of social exclusion across social, economic, well-being and community dimensions for urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait families. The paper then develops a contextual understanding of the processes and patterns that create and sustain social exclusion and the opportunities and challenges of moving to greater social inclusion for urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people/s. (author's abstract)

This paper focuses on developing some important points about the use of social platforms in the life of Latin-Americans in Spain, particularly Mexican, Colombian and Venezuelan migrants. It shows the outcomes of data collected on closed groups in Facebook. The main topic centers on how social networks catalyze the spread of political engagement and public activism in between migrants concerning public matters in their homelands. Final outcomes will show that there is a clear inclination in using social platforms to discuss, organize and participate in public activism focused on resolving homeland problems. In this context, these virtual spaces serve as a link to stay in touch with their communities in Latin-America. Migrants are not only using social networks to make new relations in their new context but to ensure not to lose the connection with their friends and relatives, and of course, participate in social and political activism.