Suchergebnisse

Cities and countries are increasingly becoming more ethnic diverse. In the European context there have been several waves of immigration since the end of the Second World War. From guest-workers invited to work at the economic development of Europe in the 1960's and on until new fluxes of immigration nowadays, national policies have also been transforming accordingly. Policies went from being assimilationist to multiculturalist and now they are again in transformation. However, despite most laws concerning immigration and integration being national, cities and neighborhoods are the places in which newcomers influence the most. Moreover, immigrants are a diverse group and will settle under different socioeconomic conditions. While some immigrants are able to achieve more easily the same standards of the host society, others are more likely to live in deprivation. Thus, claims for greater social justice are raised. Following the Young's (1990) concept of social justice, in this thesis I propose to analyze whether local and national policies concerning immigration and integration are able to promote social justice for the ethnic diverse population. In order to answer this question, the case of neighborhoods of Neustadt- Neuschönefeld and Volkmarsdorf in Leipzig were chosen. This area concentrates high proportions of immigrant population and at the same time it is one the most deprived areas in Leipzig. Thus, most immigrants that are located in this area are living in more vulnerable situations. Three local policies were analyzed to better understand how the municipality approaches such situation. The four documents are: "Overall concept for immigrant integration", the "Integrated Development Concept for Leipzig", the "Integrated Development Concept for the district of Leipzig-East" and finally the "Municipal overall strategy for democracy and diversity". Moreover, to understand how those policies are put into practice, investments done in this area were also brought up. Three main conclusions were drawn in this respect. The first concerns the importance of the local context that shapes relations between locals and immigrants and that can limit the response of the municipality when tackling such subject. The second result concerned a possible mismatch between the reality and the policies, given that most policies were developed in a top-down approach and the few indicators in which the policies were built. Lastly, it concerns the incompatibility of assimilationist policies and social justice. ; Les villes et les pays sont de plus en plus multiethniques. L'Europe a connu un certain nombre de changements sociétaux depuis l'immigration : des travailleurs de l'après Seconde Guerre Mondiale jusqu'aux flux d'immigration actuels. Aussi, l'augmentation de l'immigration a eu un impact direct sur les politiques nationales des pays d'accueil. Cependant, bien que de la majorité des lois relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration soient pensées à une échelle nationale, les migrants influent directement sur l'environnement urbain, où conflits entre population locale et étrangers peuvent être directement ressentis. Ainsi, les ressortissants de nationalités diverses s'installent dans les villes de façon différente selon leurs ressources économiques et leur accointances personnelles. Tandis que certains migrants peuvent plus facilement atteindre un niveau socio-économique similaire à celui de la population locale, d'autres se retrouvent dans des situations plus précaires, nécessitant ainsi une plus forte prise en charge, selon le principe de justice sociale. Suite à la définition de la justice sociale élaborée par Young (1990), cette thèse se propose d'examiner si les politiques nationales et locales relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration peuvent promouvoir la justice sociale à une population ethniquement diversifiée. Pour répondre à cette question, nous utiliserons le cas des quartiers Neustadt-Neuschönefeld et Volkmarsdorf à Leipzig. Ces zones concentrent une grande partie de la population immigrée, la plus socialement vulnérable de Leipzig. Nous avons donc analysé un certain nombre de politiques publiques pour comprendre le traitement que font les municipalités de cette question. En outre, nous avons listé les investissements dans la région afin de mieux comprendre de quelle manière les plans et les politiques publiques sont mis en pratique. Une des premières conclusions qui se dégage concerne l'influence du contexte local sur les relations entre les migrants et les natifs, qui peuvent avoir un impact restrictif direct sur les actions de la municipalité. Une deuxième conclusion se rapporte au décalage entre la réalité du terrain et les politiques développées. Alors que plusieurs indicateurs sociaux manquent déjà dans l'architecture des politiques, leur processus d'élaboration n'a eu que peu recours à la participation de la population immigrée pour laquelle, pourtant, ces politiques sont destinées. Enfin, nous verrons que notre dernière conclusion se réfère directement à l'incompatibilité entre justice sociale et politiques d'assimilation.

Cities and countries are increasingly becoming more ethnic diverse. In the European context there have been several waves of immigration since the end of the Second World War. From guest-workers invited to work at the economic development of Europe in the 1960's and on until new fluxes of immigration nowadays, national policies have also been transforming accordingly. Policies went from being assimilationist to multiculturalist and now they are again in transformation. However, despite most laws concerning immigration and integration being national, cities and neighborhoods are the places in which newcomers influence the most. Moreover, immigrants are a diverse group and will settle under different socioeconomic conditions. While some immigrants are able to achieve more easily the same standards of the host society, others are more likely to live in deprivation. Thus, claims for greater social justice are raised. Following the Young's (1990) concept of social justice, in this thesis I propose to analyze whether local and national policies concerning immigration and integration are able to promote social justice for the ethnic diverse population. In order to answer this question, the case of neighborhoods of Neustadt- Neuschönefeld and Volkmarsdorf in Leipzig were chosen. This area concentrates high proportions of immigrant population and at the same time it is one the most deprived areas in Leipzig. Thus, most immigrants that are located in this area are living in more vulnerable situations. Three local policies were analyzed to better understand how the municipality approaches such situation. The four documents are: "Overall concept for immigrant integration", the "Integrated Development Concept for Leipzig", the "Integrated Development Concept for the district of Leipzig-East" and finally the "Municipal overall strategy for democracy and diversity". Moreover, to understand how those policies are put into practice, investments done in this area were also brought up. Three main conclusions were drawn in this respect. The first concerns the importance of the local context that shapes relations between locals and immigrants and that can limit the response of the municipality when tackling such subject. The second result concerned a possible mismatch between the reality and the policies, given that most policies were developed in a top-down approach and the few indicators in which the policies were built. Lastly, it concerns the incompatibility of assimilationist policies and social justice. ; Les villes et les pays sont de plus en plus multiethniques. L'Europe a connu un certain nombre de changements sociétaux depuis l'immigration : des travailleurs de l'après Seconde Guerre Mondiale jusqu'aux flux d'immigration actuels. Aussi, l'augmentation de l'immigration a eu un impact direct sur les politiques nationales des pays d'accueil. Cependant, bien que de la majorité des lois relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration soient pensées à une échelle nationale, les migrants influent directement sur l'environnement urbain, où conflits entre population locale et étrangers peuvent être directement ressentis. Ainsi, les ressortissants de nationalités diverses s'installent dans les villes de façon différente selon leurs ressources économiques et leur accointances personnelles. Tandis que certains migrants peuvent plus facilement atteindre un niveau socio-économique similaire à celui de la population locale, d'autres se retrouvent dans des situations plus précaires, nécessitant ainsi une plus forte prise en charge, selon le principe de justice sociale. Suite à la définition de la justice sociale élaborée par Young (1990), cette thèse se propose d'examiner si les politiques nationales et locales relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration peuvent promouvoir la justice sociale à une population ethniquement diversifiée. Pour répondre à cette question, nous utiliserons le cas des quartiers Neustadt-Neuschönefeld et Volkmarsdorf à Leipzig. Ces zones concentrent une grande partie de la population immigrée, la plus socialement vulnérable de Leipzig. Nous avons donc analysé un certain nombre de politiques publiques pour comprendre le traitement que font les municipalités de cette question. En outre, nous avons listé les investissements dans la région afin de mieux comprendre de quelle manière les plans et les politiques publiques sont mis en pratique. Une des premières conclusions qui se dégage concerne l'influence du contexte local sur les relations entre les migrants et les natifs, qui peuvent avoir un impact restrictif direct sur les actions de la municipalité. Une deuxième conclusion se rapporte au décalage entre la réalité du terrain et les politiques développées. Alors que plusieurs indicateurs sociaux manquent déjà dans l'architecture des politiques, leur processus d'élaboration n'a eu que peu recours à la participation de la population immigrée pour laquelle, pourtant, ces politiques sont destinées. Enfin, nous verrons que notre dernière conclusion se réfère directement à l'incompatibilité entre justice sociale et politiques d'assimilation.

This PhD dissertation analyzes the economic development from the concept of human factor which appears in the Institutional Economics trough the informal institutions. These institutions are responsible for the specific character of each national institutional structure which forms the incentive system of an economy. An institutional framework as a composite of formal rules and informal institutions is an evolutionary set. The wider objective of this thesis is to understand the evolution and change of institutional structures by studying in particular the international impact on this process. The specific objective of this research work is to apply the developed approach to the Russian case in order to better understand the actual Russian institutional structure, its effectiveness for the economic development of the country and the impact of the economic openness on the institutional change, in particular on the Russian human factor. This impact is a highly topical question for Russia because of its greater economic openness due to its accession to the World Trade Organization completed in 2012. Within the theoretical framework formed by Institutional Economics, Development Economics and International Economics, this research leads us to present the globalization as an institutional process which generalized formal institutions of the market economy and the democracy on the global scale but which ignored the role of the local human factor. It explains the differences of the economic performance in the countries who adopted the same formal framework. In contrast, taking into account the role of the human factor in the economic development allows to develop more optimistic views of globalization. By facilitating the direct contact between the representatives of the different institutional structures, the globalization can stimulate the evolution of social norms of unproductive behavior to the social values inciting productive actions. Applying this to the Russian framework which formal and informal institutions became strongly divergent in result of the transition reforms of 1990s, it is possible to conclude that the economic openness of this country in the actual situation will favor the change of its human factor. Considering the incoherence between Russian actual formal framework and Russian informal institutions, the evolution of the last will contribute to establish former and impersonal social order. ; Cette thèse propose une analyse du développement économique à partir du concept de facteur humain qui apparaît en économie institutionnelle à travers les institutions informelles. Ces dernières sont responsables du caractère spécifique de chaque structure institutionnelle nationale qui forme le cadre incitatif de l'économie. Composée de règles formelles et informelles, la structure institutionnelle représente un ensemble évolutif. L'objectif élargi de cette recherche est donc de comprendre l'évolution et le changement des structures institutionnelles en étudiant particulièrement l'impact international sur ce processus. L'objectif spécifique de ce travail est d'appliquer l'approche développée au cas de la Russie afin de contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de la structure institutionnelle russe actuelle, de son efficacité pour le développement économique du pays et de l'impact de l'ouverture économique sur son changement, et notamment sur le facteur humain russe. Avec l'adhésion de la Russie en 2012 à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce cette question est d'intérêt particulier car le pays s'ouvre aux nouveaux attributs de la mondialisation. En mobilisant le cadre théorique croisé entre l'économie institutionnelle, l'économie de développement et l'économie internationale, cette étude nous conduit à présenter la mondialisation en tant que processus institutionnel qui en généralisant les institutions formelles de l'économie de marché et de la démocratie à l'échelle planétaire, a ignoré le rôle du facteur humain local. Cela explique la différence des performances économiques des pays qui ont adopté les mêmes cadres organisationnels. En revanche, la prise en considération du facteur humain dans l'analyse économique permet de développer la vision plus optimiste de la mondialisation. En facilitant le contact direct entre les représentants des structures institutionnelles différentes, elle est capable de stimuler l'évolution des normes de comportement improductif vers les valeurs sociales incitant les actions productives. En appliquant ce constat à l'analyse de la structure institutionnelle russe qui a vu diverger ses institutions formelles et informelles en résultat des réformes de la transition des années 1990, il est possible de conclure que l'ouverture économique de ce pays dans les conditions actuelles favorisera le changement de son facteur humain. Compte tenu de l'incohérence entre le cadre formel et les institutions informelles russes, l'évolution de ces dernières contribuera à l'instauration de l'ordre social formel et impersonnel.

This dissertation is a contribution to the debate on environmental degradation and development. It focuses on the determinants and macroeconomic effects of environmental degradation. It is structured in two parts. The first part analyses the effects of education and democratic institutions on environmental quality. The first chapter analyses the role of education in environmental quality. No evidence of an effect of education on carbon dioxide emissions. However, this effect depends crucially on the sample of countries according to their levels of development. While the effect remains insignificant in developing countries, education does matter for carbon dioxide emissions in developed ones. Moreover, when controlling for the quality of democratic institutions, the positive effect of education on carbon dioxide emissions is mitigated in developed countries while remaining insignificant in developing ones. The second chapter explores the effect of democratic institutions on environmental quality. We evidence that democratic institutions do have a direct and positive effect on environmental quality. This positive effect is stronger for local pollutants than for global ones. More interestingly, it identifies the indirect channels through which democracy affects environmental degradation. Indeed, by increasing people's preferences for redistribution and economic policies, democratic institutions have indirect and negative effects on environmental protection through income inequality and investments. In the second part, the dissertation provides two essays on the effects of environmental policies and climate change on development. The third chapter investigates the effects of climatic variability on food security. The results show that climatic variability reduces food security in developing countries. The adverse effect is higher for African sub-Saharan countries than for other developing countries. Second, the negative effect of climatic variability on food security is exacerbated in countries facing conditions of conflict and is high for the countries that are vulnerable to food price shocks. The fourth chapter provides new evidence about the effect of a gap in environmental policies between trading partners on trade flow. While previous papers have used partial measures of environmental regulations (input-Oriented or output-Oriented indicators), we compute an index of a country's environmental policy. Results suggest that a similarity in environmental policies has no effect on bilateral trade flows. Moreover results do not appear to be conditional on the level of development of the countries trading or on the characteristics of exported goods (manufactured goods and primary commodities). ; Cette thèse apporte un nouvel éclairage au débat sur la dégradation de l'environnement et le développement. Elle analyse les déterminants et les effets macroéconomiques de la dégradation de l'environnement. Elle est subdivisée en deux parties. La première partie analyse les effets de l'éducation et des institutions démocratiques sur la qualité de l'environnement. Le premier chapitre analyse le rôle de l'éducation dans la protection de l'environnement. Les résultats empiriques indiquent que l'effet dépend du niveau de développement. Contrairement à l'échantillon des pays en développement où elle n'a pas effet, l'éducation est source de pollution dans les pays développés. Cependant, cet effet est atténué en présence de bonnes institutions démocratiques. Le deuxième chapitre étudie l'impact des institutions démocratiques sur la qualité de l'environnement. Nous montrons qu´elles ont un effet direct et positif sur la qualité de l'environnement. Celui-Ci est plus élevé pour les polluants locaux que pour les polluants globaux. De plus, ce chapitre identifie des canaux indirects par lesquels l´amélioration de la démocratie dégrade l'environnement. En effet, en favorisant l´adoption de politiques de redistribution des revenus et de politiques économiques, la démocratie a un effet indirect et négatif sur la protection de l'environnement. La deuxième partie propose deux essais sur les effets du changement climatique et des politiques environnementales sur le développement. Le troisième chapitre met en évidence un effet négatif et significatif de la variabilité climatique sur la sécurité alimentaire dans les pays en développement. Cet effet apparait plus élevé dans les pays africains. Par ailleurs, cet effet est exacerbée dans les pays à conflit et ceux vulnérables aux chocs des prix des biens alimentaires. Le quatrième chapitre analyse l'effet de la similitude des politiques environnementales sur le commerce bilatéral. Contrairement aux études précédentes qui utilisent des indicateurs partiels de réglementation environnementale (indicateurs axés sur les moyens ou sur les résultats), nous construisons on un indicateur de politique environnementale révélé. Les résultats suggèrent que la similitude dans les politiques environnementales n'a pas d'effet sur les flux commerciaux bilatéraux. En outre les résultats ne dépendent ni du niveau de développement de pays partenaires ni des caractéristiques des biens exportés (biens manufacturés et biens primaires).

This paper analyzes the relations between leadership, the policy making process, policies and institutions, and development results in Chile. It starts with a stylized model for the dynamics of development that derives a Kuznets type relation between growth and distribution of income, determined by the quality of leadership, the policy making process, institutions, and policies. This framework is applied to Chile, identifying the features of the policy making process and leadership that allowed for continuation of growth enhancing reform, with a stronger focus on equity goals, since the transition to democracy. As a result of three decades of reforms, Chile has recorded a quantum leap in economic growth, which is traced down to specific reforms. Yet Chile's equity experience is much more mixed: poverty has declined massively but income remains highly concentrated, a likely result of shortcomings in the quality of education and in labor markets. The paper reviews the major risks to the country's future development pace and points out the main reform challenges faced by policy makers.

According to the authors, the current aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine permanently deprives Ukrainians of any hope of compromise with their north-eastern neighbour, which is trying to prove the invalidity of a self-sufficient Ukrainian statehood in any way, failure of Ukrainians to create and develop their sovereign state. It has done this throughout all previous centuries, in every way destroying any attempts by Ukrainians to cultivate their own identity. This undoubtedly applies to the use of the mother tongue, the activities of all cultural and educational centres, etc. Attempts by Ukrainians to recreate the Ukrainian state after World War I failed due to internal and external factors, among which the Russian played not a minor role. Russia, then a Bolshevik state, saw no other path to its development than ownership of Ukrainian lands and domination of the Ukrainians. To this end, the most brutal methods of persecution of rebellious Ukrainians were used - from the liquidation of any public organizations to the mass destruction of their carriers. During the interwar period, the part of the Ukrainian lands which later, during and after World War II, the USSR (the same Russia, only under a pseudonymise of the federation of "independent" states) seized, in agreement with then Hitler's Germany, belonged to other states, including Poland. Taking into account what is happening now, the authors would like to dwell briefly on the activities of Ukrainian educational organizations of the time in Volyn, which was under the authority of Poland. The article analyzes the activity and significance of the Ukrainian national cultural centers in Volyn – Prosvita and Prosvita Houses. It is noted that due to the implementation of the "Volyn experiment" voivod H. Yuzevsky destroyed the cultural and educational society Prosvita in the province under various acutenesses and created societies that were supposed to implement the program of governorates. On the basis of the analysis of many facts, the authors came to the conclusion that cultural and educational organizations subordinated to the Volyn Ukrainian Association, contrary to the hopes of the Polish authorities, had little beneficial influence on the development of culture, education, and literature in Volyn. Further experience showed that after the annexation of Volyn to the USSR, using the slogans of liberation of Ukrainians from the Polish oppression, led to the extermination of all centers of both Polish, and Ukrainian cultural and educational activity, because they did not fit into the Soviet interpretation of human rights and democracy as such. There is no doubt that after the end of the current unprovoked bloody war, which Ukraine will eventually win, with the direct comprehensive assistance of the same Poland and the entire civilized world, the problem of eliminating the layers of alienation between Ukrainians and Poles will be viewed from the perspective of what brings us closer rather than separate.

The COVID-19 pandemic dramatically reduced direct interactions between teachers and students during learning hours. As a consequence, teachers struggle to gauge the student's ability and cannot fully understand the learning situation at home for each student, especially adolescents. This was experienced by PKBM X who since the pandemic has had profound trouble to reach out to their students. PKBM X is a non-formal high school that upholds the values of equality and democracy, and teachers bear a role to understand the condition of each student and try to help whenever necessary. However, according to interviews, some teachers are unsure about how to establish a relationship with students, especially in this time of pandemic. There are also teachers who are too involved emotionally with the student's problems, to a point where they feel emotionally burdened. Utilizing the problem tree analysis, it is concluded that the relationship between teachers and students isn't optimal. To that end, a training was designed to inform participants about positive teacher -student relationship, especially during pandemic. With this knowledge, teachers realized the importance of positive teacher -student relationships and how to initiate positive interactions in times of pandemic. Not only that, teachers are also taught to manage their expectations about the teacher -student relationship, so that teachers continue to provide support without being personally affected if the student is not easily approached. After the training, teacher's knowledge about the positive teacher-student increased, and teachers were able to develop action plans for their students.Pandemi COVID-19 membuat interaksi langsung di jam belajar mengajar antara guru dan siswa berkurang. Guru menjadi sulit mengetahui pemahaman dan keadaan siswa. Hal ini dialami oleh PKBM X yang sejak masa pandemi merasa sulit untuk menjangkau siswa. Padahal, PKBM X adalah sekolah yang menjungjung tinggi nilai kesetaraan dan kekeluargaan, dan guru memiliki peran untuk mengetahui kondisi siswa dan berusaha membantu. Hanya saja, berdasarkan wawancara, sejumlah guru ragu bagaimana menjalin interaksi dengan siswa, terutama di masa pandemi ini. Ada juga guru yang malah terlalu terlarut dengan masalah siswa, sehingga merasa terbeban secara emosional. Dengan metode analisis pohon masalah, ditemukan bahwa hubungan guru dan siswa di PKBM X pada saat ini kurang optimal. Untuk itu, dirancanglah sebuah pelatihan seputar pengetahuan membina hubungan guru dan siswa yang positif, terutama di masa pandemi ini. Dengan pengetahuan ini, guru diharapkan dapat menyadari pentingnya hubungan guru dan siswa yang positif serta bagaimana memulai interaksi positif di masa pandemi. Tak hanya itu, guru juga diajak untuk mengelola ekspektasi tentang hubungan guru dan siswa yang positif, sehingga guru tetap memberikan bantuan terbaiknya tanpa terdampak secara personal jika kondisi siswa tidak mudah dijangkau atau didekati. Melalui pelatihan ini, pengetahuan guru tentang hubungan guru dan siswa meningkat, dan guru dapat menentukan rencana aksi yang dapat mereka lakukan untuk siswa di PKBM X.

This paper identifi es and explains key changes in the U.S. aid policies towards Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under Donald Trump. It seeks to validate two widespread arguments — the one about the current administration's revision of pivotal principles of providing foreign assistance, and the other one — about an accelerated disengagement of the United States from the MENA region since 2017. The paper consists of four sections. The fi rst section explores the transformation of the U.S. strategic thinking and regional context under the Trump administration and then posits fi ve hypotheses about possible changes in the volume and composition of the U.S. assistance to the MENA region (in comparison with the fi nal two years of the Obama administration), as well as the diff erences in the executive branch and the Congress's positions. The second section explains particularities of the statistical data and the methods of its exploration, the third section presents the results of hypothesis testing using aggregated data on aid fl ows to the region, and the fi nal section explains these results, sometimes unexpected, using the data disaggregated by country. Three of fi ve hypotheses proved wrong based on the aggregate data. First, the Trump administration did not cut assistance to the MENA more substantially than to other regions of the globe. Second, it did not ringfence aid accounts which helped yield direct dividends to the U.S. businesses. Third, the Republican Congress was clearly less willing to support the executive's aid chocies under a new Republican President than during the last years of a Democrat Barack Obama's second term. Only two hypotheses proved correct — one about a prioritization of security and military assistance under Donald Trump and the other one — about disproportionate cuts of democracy promotion assistance. Such an unexpected result calls for refi ning both aforementioned arguments and taking into account the dissimilarities in the dynamics of assistance to diff erent countries. The United States tends to practice a diff erentiated approach in dealing with two largest Arab aid recipients (Egypt and Jordan) and with other Arab countries. The assistance to Cairo and Amman is ringfenced and protected, while aid to other recipients, including security assistance and FMF grants, is prone to quite drastic cuts. This diff erentiation is explained by the fact that cooperation with Egypt and Jordan rests not only on more solid strategic foundations but also on a strong support within the United States — both from the defense contractors interested in large export contracts and from an infl uential pro-Israel lobby. The U.S. will not abandon this highly diff erentiated approach after the 2020 elections but the structure of assistance to the MENA region might undergo quite a dramatic transformation.

Constitution does not just contain simple general phrases, but directly regulates the governmental relations and establishes specific procedure for usage of power. Therefore, this usage cannot be "this or that" – it can only be such as is prescribed or allowed by the Constitution. This formula is designed to minimize the abuse of power, arbitrariness, and inadequate invasion of individual freedom. However, the established procedure would be no more than what Sartori called "a dead letter" if constitutional provisions were not supported by enforcement safeguards. Many legal orders, including almost all developed democracies, have such specialized mechanisms of constitutional review, which cover all types of governmental activity, whether it is the will of the legislature, executive acts, or judgments of courts. Citizens, as well as subjects of political arena, are provided with effective constitutional remedies. In other States, including Russia and some post-Soviet systems, only statutes (mostly laws) are subject to constitutional review. Actions and casual decisions of authorities can only be reviewed for compliance with the statutes in courts of general jurisdiction (administrative procedure). This article is an attempt to prove the existence of a separate body of constitutional misconduct, i.e. such possible manifestations of power, illegality of which is often difficult even to reveal in administrative proceedings due to the issues of a truly constitutional nature, let alone the possibility of curbing such acts by ordinary measures. The first paragraph presents an original classification of constitutional misbehavior – from a violation of a direct or implicit constitutional provision to a breach of the constitutional oath or citizens' legitimate expectations. The second paragraph supports the theoretical dogma with the empirical basis, considering foreign practice of constitutional review. Real actions of the senior government officials of the United States, Germany, Austria, Italy, Australia, Lithuania, South Africa, etc. were held at various times as unconstitutional. The third paragraph is a discussion on the problem of administrative process' capacity to ensure that the behavior of government is constitutional and to implement the goals of constitutionalism. Take, for instance, just some examples of constitutional misbehavior: religious-biased and intolerant speeches on the part of officials, the excess of "implied" powers, the unpredictable enforcement acts and executive decisions etc. There is no doubt that such misconduct is dangerous for constitutional democracy. But the real doubt is the ability and competence of administrative courts to judge such conduct on the merits of constitutionality. Research material shows that the legality of acts does not always mean their constitutionality, while the unconstitutionality of acts does not always mean the unconstitutionality of their statute ground. Thus, the author makes a valid conclusion that the power of behavioral constitutional review is an immanent characteristic of limited government and should be separated from statutory constitutional review.

Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar el movimiento estudiantil secundario de Chile desde un abordaje transdisciplinar, como fenómeno complejo insuficientemente investigado y reflexionado por parte de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades. El problema general en el que se inscribe este objetivo es el de la crisis de las instituciones de la democracia liberal, y más específicamente, el de las relaciones entre los conceptos de ciudadanía y complejidad, para la interpretación del movimiento estudiantil secundario. Partiendo de la distinción entre aquella participación ciudadana que se concreta bajo formas institucionalizadas de delegación del poder en una elite política; y una ciudadanía participativa, crítica y transformadora, que promueve y se realiza en formas de asociación y organización política igualitarias, en el ejercicio de una soberanía como praxis comprometida con la construcción de lo público y del bien común. La información ha sido analizada recurriendo a métodos hermenéutico-comprensivos propios de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades, cuyos fundamentos dialogan con la tradición del pensamiento complejo, convergiendo en la crítica al reduccionismo positivista del conocimiento. Se concluye estableciendo la existencia de una tendencia o transición al interior del movimiento estudiantil secundario, que va desde formas de asociatividad y organizaciones propias del modelo liberal, que delega la soberanía de la ciudadanía en representantes electos o electas, hacia la preeminencia de otra corriente, de carácter contra hegemónico: un modelo democrático de participación directa e igualitaria en el autogobierno comunitario.//This article aims to analyze the secondary student movement in Chile from a transdisciplinary approach, as a complex phenomenon insufficiently investigated and reflected on by the social sciences and humanities. The general problem in which this objective is inscribed is that of the crisis in the institutions of liberal democracy, and more specifically, that of the relations between the concepts of citizenship and complexity, for the interpretation of the secondary student movement. Starting from the distinction between that citizen participation that takes shape under institutionalized forms of delegation of power in a political elite; and a participative, critical and transforming citizenship, which promotes and is carried out in forms of egalitarian association and political organization, in the exercise of sovereignty as praxis committed to the construction of the public and the common good. The information has been analyzed using hermeneutic-comprehensive methods typical of the social sciences and humanities, the foundations of which dialogue with the tradition of complex thought, converging in the critique of positivist reductionism of knowledge. It concludes by establishing the existence of a trend or transition within the secondary student movement, which goes from forms of association and organization typical of the liberal model, which delegates the sovereignty of citizenship to elected representatives, towards the preeminence of another current, Counter-hegemonic in character: a democratic model of direct and equal participation in community self-government.

The right of citizens to meet peacefully and to hold meetings, rallies, marches and demonstrations is prescribed by Art. 39 of the Constitution of Ukraine. Participation in such public activities could be regarded as a form of direct and independent expression of the people's will, as well as the reaction of a society to the actions of the state. In order to prevent a conflict between the society and state, as well as disunity between them, the state should not ignore above-mentioned people's activities. The specified right belongs to the subjective person' srights, the principal purpose of which is to influence the state bodies for solving the most important society-state issues by coordinating and forming the citizens' opinion and the way of its expression, as well as an element of democracy, a mode of participation in the management of state and local affairs. At the same time, it should be noted that such meetings may not always have the nature of political events, and the mentioned right is not always the political one.The vast majority of specialists in the field of law, in particular, the constitutional law, regards the aforementioned right as a type of citizens' political rights that belong exclusively to Ukrainian citizens who have reached 18 years of age and have acquired full legal personality (with some exceptions concerning the right to association in public (non-political) organizations and the right to individual and collective appeals), and express the content of legal relationship between the individual and the state.However, not all scientists agree with the fact that mentioned right belongs exclusively to citizens of a certain state.The right to peaceful assembly is one of the inalienable, inherent rights in a democratic world. It should be noted that resembling rules are accommodated in the acts of international law, as the part of national legislation, in particular, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Furthermore, the international documents establish it as the right of any person, not only the citizen's one. This right is an inalienable one of every person that is provided for both foreigners and stateless persons, hence the subject matter should be considered not as political rights of citizens, but as civil rights of people. Therefore, the appropriate amendments should be made to the current legislation of Ukraine and, primarily, to the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню місця права на мирні зібрання в системі конституційних прав і свобод людини і громадянина.На основі проведеного аналізу думок фахівців з питань конституційного права, конституційних положень та міжнародних документів щодо місця права на мирні зібрання в системі конституційних прав і свобод людини і громадянина наголошується, що вказане право варто розглядати не як політичне право громадян, а як одне з особистих, громадянських прав людини.Запропоновано внесення відповідних змін до статті 39 Конституції України.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye'deki devlet yönetimi ve siyasete ilişkin temel kabul edilebilecek dört sorun alanını kısaca ortaya koyduktan sonra, siyasal inovasyon (siyasal yenilikçilik) kavramının ne olduğuna ilişkin kavramsal çerçeveyi açıklayacaktır. Çalışmada, Türkiye'nin 16 Nisan 2017 Referandumu ile gerçekleşen Anayasa değişikliğini takip eden süreçte öngörülen düzenlemelerin ne ölçüde ve hangi şartlar altında siyasal yenilikçilik sayılıp sayılamayacağı, ilişkilendirilecek olan sorun alanları çerçevesinde sorgulanacaktır. Siyasal yenilikçilik kavramı, literatürde üç ana başlık altında incelenmektedir ki bunlar sırası ile siyasal süreçlerde yenileşme, politika yapma biçiminin yenileşmesi ve politikaların yenileşmesidir. Her yeniliğin siyasal inovasyon sayılamayacağından hareketle, teorik olarak Anayasal değişiklik ile ortaya konan cumhurbaşkanlığı sisteminin, 24 Haziran 2018 seçimleri ile pratiğe dönüştürülme sürecinde ortaya çıkmaya başlayan olumlu ve olumsuz yönler, makale sınırlarının elverdiği ölçüde incelenecektir. Bunu yaparken, liberal ve konsolide olmuş bir demokrasi için yetersiz sayılabilecek olsa dahi, çoğunluğun temsiline imkân sağlayan demokratik bir yapının ihdas edilmesi, kurumsal sadeleşme, meşru olmayan statüko gruplarının bertarafı ve doğrudan yetkilendirme eksenindeki gelişmeler olumlu değerlendirilmektedir. Öte yandan, hukukun bağımsızlığının tesis edilmesine, kamuda liyakat esasına ilişkin görevlendirmelerin hayata geçirilmesine ve kırılgan grupların temsilini kolaylaştıracak mekanizmaların oluşturulmasına yönelik birtakım geliştirici önlemlerin alınması, cumhurbaşkanlığı sisteminin siyasal yenilikçilik açısından daha fazla değişkene cevap verebilmesi için elzem görülmektedir. ; This study, after a brief review of four issue areas that can be considered the basis for state administration and politics in Turkey, will explain the conceptual framework regarding the notion of "political innovation". In this study, the discussion will focus on the amendments to the Turkish Republic Constitution implemented as the result of referendum held in Turkey on April 16, 2017, examining the extent of the regulations stipulated in the following process and whether the regulations can be considered political innovations, questioning it in the framework of related issue areas. In the research literature, the notion of political innovation is examined under three main subjects, which are the innovation in the political processes, the innovation in process of policymaking and the innovation of the policies. Not every novelty can be considered a political innovation. The presidential system set forth by the constitutional amendment, has its positive and negative aspects emerging as the system's implementation goes forth since the elections of June 24, 2018. These aspects will be examined to the extent permitted by this article's boundaries. While evaluating these aspects, even though it may be considered inadequate for a liberal and consolidated democracy, the establishment of a democratic structure that allows for the representation of the majority, the developments in institutional simplification, elimination of unregulated status quo groups and direct authorizations are favorable developments. On the other hand, it is crucial that certain constructive measures towards establishment of the independence of law, the implementation of employment in the public sector based on competence, and the establishment of mechanisms to facilitate the representation of fragile groups are taken in order to enable the presidential system to respond to more variables with regard to political innovation.

The article gives an in-depth analysis of the modern Poland government policy in taking on public media and the European Union stance regarding these reforms.
The author argues that Poland public media have been the subject of political disputes since the 90s of the last century. Noteworthy, in October 2015 the newly elected Polish government, namely, the ruling Law and Justice party (known by its Polish initials as PiS) announced its public media to radically reform. To be more precise, the government aimed at replacing the current public media with a national broadcaster that would promote national interests under closer government control.
According to PiS elite, Polish public media is presently supervised by the National Media Council, an organization that consists of members elected by the president and the Lower House of the Polish parliament. This means that Poland's public media is under direct control of the government. The reform of the public media has been part of PiS plans to re-orientate Polish society towards traditional values since the party came back to power. What is more, the heads of the ruling Law and Justice party consider that the present-day public media are the tools of propaganda of the ruling in 2007-2015 and currently the oppositional liberal party – the Civic Platform.
The researcher notes that the Polish government launched a new parliamentary initiative as a result of legislative changes, and eventually, the government has returned to the state-known media-dependent government-owned model in the past. Furthermore, from the point of view of a democratic state, law and its main provisions, this reform stipulates the authorities and the mass media symbiosis. However, public media should guarantee freedom of speech, information and creative independence and the separation of public media from politics. Remarkably, in a country, where public media used to be a tool of the communist dictatorship until 1989, media and constitutional reforms pose threats to civil liberties.
According to NGO 'Freedom House' research, freedom of the press suffers from oppression by the authorities, the government's intolerance to independent or unbiased journalism, political influence on the media and restrictions on freedom of expression regarding Polish history and consciousness. Interestingly according to the latest studies done in 2017, Poland public media have become partially free for the first time since 1990.
To conclude, in December 20, 2017 the European Parliament adopted the resolution, backing the European Commission decision, to initiate the sanctions imposition on Poland over judicial reform. Consequently, the European Commission triggered a procedure against undermining and shrinking of democracy, violation of human rights, freedom of speech, as well as pluralism and the formation of a dependent judicial system in Poland.
Keywords: Republic of Poland, public media, freedom of the press, EU sanctions

[Extract] The movement towards open governance has encouraged not only transparency, but direct citizen participation in government. In reality, however large swaths of the actual experience of governance and law-making unaccounted for. Even as notions of governance have evolved, they seem to hover around an underlying notion that there is a separation between those who make laws and those to whom the law is applied. To the extent that there is overlap in these realms, it is that those who occupy the formal spaces where law is created are also subject to those laws. Ordinary citizens are the recipients, not the creators, of law. Even as proponents and theorists have recognized that the call to open governance pushes those in power to account for law-making that occurs through interpretation, the realm of that interpretation remains in those narrow spaces of formal governance. Thus, even among those open governance advocates who would move governance away from its positivist and formalist roots, the power of law-making remains in particular and designated spaces, separated from the very people whom the law would govern.Jury nullification is rarely discussed in the context of open governance movements. Nullification, or the possibility that a citizen juror would interpret the law, seems counter to the primary ideals of the movement's allegiance to transparency and order – that laws are knowable in advance of any particular case, created and applied in a uniform manner, and there is a separation between the governed and the government establishes this order, that they are knowable promotes transparency. But this failure to account for jury nullification (or the role of jurors in the open governance movement) is a mistake. To the extent that traditional models of governance and the rule of law establishes a distant (and from the perspective of the citizen, passive) relationship between the citizen and his government; nullification challenges this relationship. It opens the possibility that a juror, with no greater qualification than the fact of his citizenry (and his ability to survive the voir dire process) is an appropriate source of law. The citizen's role shifts from the law's passive recipient to the law's active creator, through his interpretation and application of the law as juror. With this shift, a new conception of law is born – one flowing from both formal and informal sources, which includes jurors engaged in nullification. This conception of law, and governance under it, is not only a more accurate presentation of law-making in a democracy; but counter intuitively it supports transparency by directly involving the citizen in the law-making process. Accepting that jurors play a vital role in open governance, recognizes that the value of the law is not only in its predictability, but also in its ability to be responsive to the citizen's own lives and to conform with the citizen's expectations and understanding of the law.

The aim of this research is to understand the motivation of trainers who work in civil society as one of the most influential actor of the sector and take important roles in lifelong learning programs and non-formal training projects. The individual characteristics and the features of job structure that trigger the trainers to work in civil society are investigated. Since we didn't meet any study on this issue in the local literature, the qualitative methodology was preferred in order to investigate research question in the context of Turkey. Data were collected by semi-structured interviews with 11 trainers. The inductive qualitative data analysis was applied to transcribed interviews and MAXQDA 11 was used as qualitative data analysis software. Results showed that trainers' self-construal based on their role in civil society is one of the individual characteristics that directs trainers to work in civil arena. Trainers' behavioral competencies like adaptation and team working; and technical competencies like being able to use training methods and tools effectively are other themes under individual characteristics that motivate trainers. Basic individual values like sensitivity to social problems, worldview from the angle of human rights and democracy, and scientific approach were observed as the factors that lead people to work in civil organizations. The structural characteristics of training program like the project topic, target groups, and relationship within the team were among the dimensions of job structure. Moreover, frequency of training delivery, time pressure, and compensations were salient themes of working conditions in training projects. In this paper, the effect of all these factors on trainers' motivation to involve in the civil society training projects is going to be discussed. ÖzetBu araştırmanın amacı sivil toplum alanının en etkili aktörlerinden biri olan ve yaygın eğitim çalışmalarında önemli roller üstlenen sivil alan eğitmenlerinin çalışma motivasyonlarının anlaşılmasıdır. Hangi bireysel özelliklerin ve işin yapısından kaynaklanan hangi unsuların eğitmenleri sivil alanda çalışmaya yönelttiği incelenmektedir. Ulusal literatürde bu konuda bir çalışmaya rastlanmadığından, özellikle araştırma sorusunun Türkiye bağlamında anlaşılması için nitel araştırma yöntemi tercih edilmiştir. Onbir sivil alan eğitmeni ile yarı yapılandırılmış mülakat gerçekleştirilmiştir. Deşifre edilen görüşmeler üzerinde tümevarıma dayalı içerik analizi uygulanmış, nitel veri analizi programı olarak da MAXQDA 11 kullanılmıştır. Bulgular, bireyin benlik tanımlamasını sivil alanda üstlendiği eğitmenlik rolü üzerinden yapmasının, bireysel tetikleyicilerden birisi olduğunu göstermektedir. Eğitmenlerin adaptasyon, takım çalışması gibi davranışsal yetkinlikleri ile eğitim yöntem ve araçlarına hâkimiyeti gibi teknik yetkinlikleri diğer bireysel özelliklerdir. Son olarak, toplumsal sorunlara duyarlılık, hak ve demokrasi temelli dünya görüşü, bilimsel yaklaşım gibi temel değerler de kişileri sivil alanda çalışmaya güdüleyen unsurlardır. Sivil toplum eğitmenlerinin yürüttükleri eğitim programının yapısı, yani, projenin türü, konusu, hedef kitle ve ekip içindeki ilişkiler gibi özellikler, işin yapısal özellikleri arasında yer almaktadır. Eğitimi verme sıklığı, zaman kısıtları ve ücretlendirme gibi unsurlar da eğitim projesindeki çalışma koşulları kapsamında görüşmelerde öne çıkan temalar arasındadır. Bu makalede, bu unsurların eğitmenlerin motivasyonu üzerindeki etkileri tartışılacaktır.