Suchergebnisse

HOW DO OPPOSITION LEADERS ASCEND TO THE PRESIDENCY IF THE REGIME TO WHICH THEY ARE OPPOSED IS STILL STRONG? MANY U.S. PRESIDENTS HAVE FAILED IN THE ATTEMPT TO PREEMPT. HOWEVER, DWIGHT EISENHOWER PREEMPTED WHAT HE PERCEIVED AS THE MOST PERILOUS LEGACY OF THE NEW DEAL-FAIR DEAL PROGRAMS: THE TRENDS TOWARD FEDERAL CENTRALIZATION, SOCIALISM, AND PATERNALISM. HE OPTED FOR A NO DEAL IN WHICH HIS ADMINISTRATION WOULD SEEK TO SLOW THE PATHOLOGICAL DOMESTIC TENDENCIES HE PERCEIVED IN THE NEW DEAL. A SERIES OF PREEMPTIVE PRESIDENTS MAY CAUSE A GRADUAL RECONSTRUCTION OF AMERICAN POLITICS OVER SEVERAL ADMINISTRATIONS.

Political instability has been a consistent feature in Nigeria long before the current wave of military rule. Thus, the average Nigerian has not known peace and has been in consistent search of stability and predictability in the political sphere for a long time. Political instability has now attained alarming proportions, with spill over effects that have turned Nigeria into a refugee-producing country. Three contributing factors of the Nigerian government in generating refugees have been the continual rewriting of the Nigerian Constitution, the seemingly-endless creation of states, and warped government policies and programs.

Critically analyzes the implementation of an agenda on environmentally sustainable development in Hamburg, Federal Republic of Germany. Organizational & substantive deficiencies in the strategies of involved actors (eg, city administrators & nongovernmental organizations) & in the agenda mediation process are identified. Chief among them is a limited interpretation of sustainable development that neglected social justice & economic feasibility. It is argued that problems implementing mediation programs are not unique to Hamburg but are common to many local efforts to enact Agenda 21 of the 1992 UN environmental conference in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

FROM 1990 TO 1994, SOUTH AFRICA SUFFERED TREMENDOUS COMMUNITY VIOLENCE FROM POLITICIZED ETHNIC CONFLICT. WHILE MANY CREDITED THE STRUCTURES CREATED BY SOUTH AFRICA'S NATIONAL PEACE ACCORD FOR MITIGATING TOWNSHIP VIOLENCE, PARALLEL CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PREVENTION PROCESSES EXISTED ALREADY IN SOME COMMUNITIES. ONE OF THEM CREATED A ZONE OF PEACE IN SOWETO'S MEADOWLANDS SECTION. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE MEADOWLANDS CONFLICT, THE INTERVENTION IT PROVOKED BY THE WILGESPRUIT FELLOWSHIP CENTER'S NEGOTIATION AND COMMUNITY CONFLICT PROGRAM, AND THE OUTCOMES HELPED THE COMMUNITY ESTABLISH THEIR ZONE OF PEACE IN ORDER TO DETAIL LESSONS THAT MIGHT BE SUCCESSFULLY APPLIED TO OTHER CONFLICTS.

Uses data from the Toxic Release Inventory in a pooled, cross-sectional, time-series analysis of state patterns of industrial toxic emissions. Findings indicate that, net of other predictors, states that have right-to-sue laws or that provide substantial funding for right-to-know programs have significantly lower rates of toxic emissions over time. Results are consistent with the arguments of conflict environmental sociologists, who suggest that, unless citizens are provided real resources to mobilize their interests, citizen participation schemes will tend to be only symbolic gestures. (Original abstract - amended)

Examines the participation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in international environmental issues. Environmental NGOs acquire political authority by connecting scientific knowledge to action programs that promulgate particular visions of natural & social welfare. The political intervention of environmental NGOs fulfills three functions: critique of accepted environmental knowledge frameworks; creation of epistemic networks that facilitate public-specialist, activist-political, & local-global interaction; & dissemination & transference of skills, knowledge, material resources, & technology to needy organizations or regions. Moreover, environmental NGOs provide alternatives to traditional processes of gathering scientific knowledge & increase NGO-state cooperation by facilitating communication & augmenting participation. J. W. Parker

'In diesem Beitrag wird analysiert, ob sich Einstellungen zur Berufstätigkeit der Frau in Ost- und Westdeutschland unterscheiden und ob sie von den Erwartungen an die eigene wirtschaftliche Zukunft beeinflußt werden. Anhand der Daten der ISSP (International Social Survey Program) Studie von 1994 zu 'Familie und sich ändernden Geschlechterrollen' und der Allgemeinen Bevölkerungsumfrage der Sozialwissenschaften (ALLBUS) 1996 kann gezeigt werden, daß Ost- und Westdeutsche den Einstellungsbereich ähnlich strukturieren. Sie unterscheiden sich aber deutlich in ihren Bewertungen der Themen dieses Einstellungsbereichs. Zudem zeigt sich, daß geschlechtsrollen-ideologische Themen in Westdeutschland (nicht in Ostdeutschland) von wirtschaftlichen Erwartungen moderiert werden: Westdeutsche mit pessimistischen Erwartungen an ihre wirtschaftliche Zukunft tendieren dazu, Frauen im Berufsleben mit traditionell-ideologischen Argumenten abzulehnen. Allgemeiner kann man aus diesen Befunden entnehmen, daß Ost- und Westdeutsche, wie in anderen Kontexten auch, einen Einstellungsbereich ähnlich strukturieren, die einzelnen Elemente dieses Bereichs aber unterschiedlich gewichten und unterschiedlich mit Außenvariablen verknüpfen. Vergleiche einfacher Item-Randverteilungen zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschen sollten daher eher mit Vorsicht verwendet werden.' (Autorenreferat)

AbstractThe study reported here examined the current status of mediation in the United States based on responses from 146 mediation centers in thirty‐nine states and the District of Columbia. Specific areas addressed in this survey included staffing and funding concerns, caseload, services provided, mediator qualifications, memberships and affiliations, education, and training. It can be concluded from these survey data that mediation is now a firmly established form of alternative dispute resolution in the United States with services available (for example, community mediation, divorce mediation, and victim‐offender reconciliation programs) to those seeking nontraditional ways of resolving disputes.

Rogers Smith's American Political Science Review article, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions of America," poses challenging substantive and methodological questions for the study of American political development. Whether or not it intended to do so, the article has struck a chord in several programs of research. The following colloquy between Smith and me centers on Smith's reading of political culture in terms of "traditions." In a spirit of advancing our common enterprise, I have sharpened rather than muted the differences between Smith's views and my own in order to bring them into relief in a short space.