Suchergebnisse

Los autores se han tomado el salomónico cuidado de rivalizar por partes iguales con las dos tradiciones que compiten por la última palabra en el viejo debate sobre la acumulación de capital: la economía neoclásica y la teoría marxista. Semejante desatino autopublicitario puede disminuir la predisposición del auditorio hacia sus ideas, y en el peor de los casos granjearse cierta animadversión a manera de acto reflejo. Y sin embargo, estimo que El capital como poder (Eccp) de Shimshon Bichler y Jonathan Nitzan, puede sobrevivir a su deliberado exilio del mundo de los marcos teóricos célebres y, con la complicidad del lector proclive a la heterodoxias, ofrecer una novedosa interpretación del objeto en cuestión. En una era de publicaciones dominadas por el formato del paper y el género de la exégesis, pocos libros se imponen el desafío de realizar una contribución original a un debate sobre el que han corrido ríos de tinta. Mucho menos poseen consistencia suficiente para llevar a buen puerto una empresa de tal envergadura. En las líneas siguientes expongo algunas razones que, a mi juicio, colocan a Eccp en esta selecta minoría de textos.

This essay interweaves two stories—one theoretical and empirical, the other autobiographical. The first story embeds the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the broader political economy of the Middle East and the global accumulation of "capital as power." The second story narrates the authors' personal journey to uncover, theorize, and research this enfoldment. The essay explores and contextualizes the misleading duality of politics and economics; the link between military spending, finance, and stagflation; the concepts of "dominant capital" and "differential accumulation" and their evolution through "breadth" and "depth"; the manner in which these concepts and processes inform the political economy of Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; and the ways in which they help identify the key role of the Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition and predict the periodic eruption of Middle East "energy conflicts." In their explorations, the authors have encountered numerous gatekeepers who tried to derail their research as well as a few open-minded editors who sought to promote it, and it is probably fair to say that, dialectically, they have benefited from both. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2018.1534436

After more than a decade of speeches and assurances from global elites, the "green growth" approach to climate protection has failed to make any meaningful progress in addressing the climate crisis. Renewable energy is on an upward course, but overall energy consumption has continued to rise even faster; as a result, fossil fuel use continues to expand, emissions continue to rise, and nearly every major country is off-track to meet their Paris commitments. It is time for us to collectively confront these stark realities and formulate a radical, independent, and internationalist trade union alternative based on a "public goods" approach. One way or another, rising emissions hurt everyone, and reducing emissions would benefit everyone. Considerations of private profit must be taken out of the equation. Emissions reductions must therefore be regarded as an absolute necessity and a collective human right. And since most emissions come from how we generate and use energy, energy systems must be radically reshaped by needs-based and pro-public policies. This means reclaiming energy to public and social ownership, and democratic control.

For more than a decade, trade union responses to the unfolding climate and ecological crisis have mainly focused on the idea of "just transition." This idea has brought much-needed attention to the serious disruptions facing many workers, and the need to minimize those disruptions where possible, or provide alternatives where necessary. Unions have generally affirmed the findings of climate science and recognized the urgent need for dramatic transformation of our societies, but this affirmation has mostly found expression in echoing broader social calls for "more ambition" from governments. At the international level, and especially in Europe, union discourse and engagement around the need for a "just transition" has been shaped profoundly by the fate of social democracy, and the related ideas of "social partnership" and "social dialogue." However despite their origins in what could be seen as a true "social contract" between roughly equal partners, the erosion of political power for unions in recent decades has largely hollowed out these terms, leaving unions and workers increasingly dependent on appeals to governments and private companies to "do the right thing" for workers and the planet. This state of affairs calls for critical reflection. It is vital that unions ask not only whether existing approaches to the crisis are sufficiently ambitious, but whether they are even aimed correctly at the target.

The economic history of Argentina presents one of the most dramatic examples of divergence in the modern era. What happened and why? This paper reviews the wide range of competing explanations in the literature and argues that, setting aside deeper social and political determinants, the various economic mechanisms in play defy the idea of a monocausal explanation.

Abstract: The Civil War Battle of Natural Bridge was fought within miles of Tallahassee, Florida, in March of 1865. The site, which is now the Natural Bridge Battlefield Historic State Park, was the subject of a historical and archaeological investigation incorporating documentary evidence, metal detection survey, trench excavations, LiDAR, and firearms identification analysis. The survey was conducted with the help of a wide range of volunteers and community stakeholders including students, members of Florida State Park Service, the local archaeological society, and Civil War reenactors. The results from the survey are being utilized to provide an updated analysis of the conflict which demonstrates how the Confederate forces expertly utilized the landscape to their tactical advantage. Additionally, this project can be used as a guide for on-site interpretation or future research involving the recent acquisition of the remainder of the battlefield. ; by Janene Whitley Johnston. ; College of Arts, Social Sciences, and Humanities; Department of Anthropology and Archaeology ; Thesis (M.A.) University of West Florida 2018 ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Also available in print.

International audience ; En autorisant les démolitions et les expulsions dans des quartiers populaires bien situés, la rénovation urbaine est parfois décrite comme une politique néolibérale, favorable aux investisseurs fonciers et immobiliers. Fondée sur le traumatisme des politiques urbaines de l'après-guerre, cette lecture s'avère pourtant insuffisante pour comprendre la rénovation urbaine contemporaine aux États-Unis.

Vulnerability and resilience to extreme weather hazards are a function of diverse physical, social, and psychological factors. Previous research has focused on individual factors that influence public perceptions of hazards, such as politics, ideology, and cultural worldviews, as well as on socioeconomic and demographic factors that affect geographically based vulnerability, environmental justice, and community resilience. Few studies have investigated individual socioeconomic and racial/ethnic differences in public risk perceptions of the health hazards associated with extreme heat events, which are now increasing due to climate change. This study uses multilevel statistical modeling to investigate individual- and geographic-level (e.g., census tract level and regional) social, economic, and biophysical influences on public perceptions of the adverse health impacts associated with heat waves. Political orientation and climate change beliefs are the strongest predictors of heat wave health risk perceptions; household income also has a relatively strong and consistent effect. Contextual socioeconomic vulnerability, measured with a social vulnerability index at the census tract level, also significantly affects heat wave risk perceptions. The strong influence of political orientation and climate beliefs on perceptions of adverse health impacts from heat waves suggests that ideological predispositions can increase vulnerability to climate change.

This report analyzes the state of Latinx in California education. Specifically, this report reviews preparation, enrollment, and success in college for Latinx Californians. It also recommends actions that our policymakers and college leaders can take in order to improve college enrollment and graduation rates. This report on Latinx is the first in the 2018-19 State of Higher Education in California series. ; The Campaign for College Opportunity

The moral duties of the United States in Iraq cannot be separated from the larger question of the security requirements of the United States and its larger moral duties as the world's preeminent military and economic power. Moreover, even after the United States leaves Iraq these questions will not disap- pear, not least because it may find itself occupying more states in its war on ter- ror and against rogue states.

Media-military relations have always been rocky; the basic explanation is that the natures and goals of the media and military are fundamentally in tension. Future trends are likely to make these relations more, rather than less, difficult. Nevertheless, the two institutions must recognize that it is in the interests of both to make the relationship work.

In "The Silent Towns," from the 1950 collection The Martian Chronicles, Ray Bradbury tells the story of the last man and woman left on Mars. While Walter has romanticized visions of a perfect match, he is ultimately disappointed by Genevieve's and chooses to live out his life alone. Sixty years later, director Elena Palacios Ramé revived this science fiction classic to ask a simple question with a complex answer: What happens if you move the story to Havana? In the short film Los pueblos silenciosos (2010), Palacios replaces Mars with an abandoned Cuban capital, matching Walter with an extravagant Afro-Cuban model named Lucía. Walter still runs away, but this time it is out of sexual intimidation rather than disgust. Los pueblos silenciosos follows the director's pattern of translating classic stories, as demonstrated by Satisfacción garantizada (2007), based on Isaac Asimov's "Satisfaction Guaranteed"; and El zorro y el bosque (2009), from Bradbury's "The Fox and the Forest." By rewriting these canonical texts, Palacios presents the transgressive political potential of science fiction. In just 30 minutes, Los pueblos silenciosos contests the genre's colonizing tendencies, while also forcing her audience to recognize present misogyny and racism in Cuba. The figure of Lucía challenges past representations of black bodies in science fiction, which often grants Afro-descendent characters magical, superhuman qualities or hyper-masculine, militarized survival skills. Lucía is confident, asserts her sexuality and stands up to Walter's nostalgia for earlier Cuban social networks that excluded or ignored her. Palacios's work demonstrates science fiction's unique ability to challenge international power relationships, comment on domestic inequalities, and speculate on the uncertain future of Cuba.

Since the Guatemalan genocide against Maya populations (1981-1983), domestic and international human rights groups have organized truth commissions, forensic exhumations, and legal cases. These efforts to secure justice have achieved minimal success, prompting a reconsideration of the relationship among narrative testimony, visual testimony, and institutional standards of truth. Engaging the ideas of visual studies scholar, Nicholas Mirzoeff, I argue for the political importance of testimony that is critical of such standards, including those enforced by human rights' legal paradigm. Following Mirzoeff's understandings of "visuality" and "countervisuality," I analyze "visual testimony" as that which acknowledges the dynamic interplay between word and image, as well as various power relations. More specifically, I explore how genocide survivor Rigoberta Menchú and performance artist Regina José Galindo employ this type of testimony to express rage, which I associate with witnesses' right to testify on their own terms, beyond institutional processes and imperatives.

The Barama River Carib inhabit the tropical forest area along the Barama River waterway in Guyana. Contact with outside societies is limited, and the Barama Carib's religious beliefs do not appear to be greatly influenced by Christianity. Their religious beliefs include an otiose high god, present but distant and avoided spirits of the deceased, and a variety of other non-human spirits. The piaiyen is a priestly figure who, through training and experience, is able to communicate with the supernatural as well as act as a medical practitioner. There is no official political leadership office, but local headmen are present and chosen on the basis of personality, power, and strength. Because the activities of the religious group are tied up with the functions of the society at large, this entry considers the religious group to be coterminous with the society itself. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other