Suchergebnisse

The authors focus how Byzantine motifs are presented in the teaching of humanities subjects. The question of the presence of Byzantine motifs is essentially one about the presence of Byzantine heritage in Polish culture. With reference to two school subjects – Polish and History – the authors seek to establish what Polish school students are taught about the reach of Byzantine culture. Present-day teaching of both political and cultural history is underpinned by Occidentalism. Only occasionally is attention paid to the "Eastern" features of Poland's past. A good example of this is the treatment of one of the most important Polish literary texts, the school perennial, Bogurodzica. This draws on Greek religious hymns, contain words originating in the Greek liturgy, and also alludes to a particular type of icon. Accordingly, the connections between the oldest Polish literary text and Byzantine culture are very clear. However, when classroom teachers discuss Bogurodzica with their pupils, detailing the above-mentioned features, are they aware that this text is an epitome of the presence of Byzantine motifs in Polish literature? Apparently not. With regard to the teaching of history, Byzantine motifs can be approached from at least three angles; in terms of imperial political events, in terms of religious (Eastern rite) aspects of Byzantine culture, and finally in terms of awareness of connections between Polish culture and Eastern rite Christianity, as well as Eastern nations and states viewed as heirs of Byzantine culture. In Polish history there has been a side-lining of the nation's break with Eastern Christianity even though during certain periods this was the faith of half the Commonwealth's inhabitants. The marginalisation of this topic does not simply impose a limit on knowledge but it prevents the understanding of particular aspects of our history.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

CENTRAL EUROPEAN STATES FROM A CONSERVATIVE PERSPECTIVE IN THE PERIOD 1990–2004The post-communist transition of Central European States the V4 countries and their neighbours, when speaking about a broader Central Europe took place in the last decade of the 20th century until the years 2002 and 2004, when the V4 countries were allowed to access the EU and NATO. In this case, the term transition accounts for changes in the political status of states, a transi­tion period in which basic pillars of the state — political system, the market economy, replaced the centrally-planned economy, the security and agenda of human rights, were assessed by new criteria. It was a complicated process that had to be reflected from the perspective of science and research, but also it had to be accepted from the perspective of citizens who did not always perceive the changes in a positive way. Central Europe lacked public discussion, a space that was supposed to be dedicated to the supporters of integration, but also to opposing opinions in order to make transparent attitudes, objections, but mainly, to introduce comprehensible projects of further development. To­day many theoreticians from Western Europe view the absence of public discussion to be a serious lack of planning in the preparation period. Mainly future positive benefits were presented, liberalism as the best solution of economic problems was unilaterally preferred. Little attention was given to possible impacts of the other ideological or theoretical concepts, e.g., conservatism, which puts an emphasis on the important role of the state, traditions, paternalism, and other aspects, which could, at first sight, operate as controlling mechanisms, even barriers to liberalism and integration. At that time, conservatism seemed to be an outdated ideology. But in practice, the situation was different. Conservative parties, and particularly the conservative perspective of reality, became an essential way of problem solving. The article aspires to explain some aspects of the impact of conservatism on the positive process of transition and transformation in Central Europe.

This doctoral thesis is based on the self-training and the subjectivation side of the practice of rap music, both aspects are until there unexplored in this musical practice. It examines the way that individual become a competent rapper, according to the criteria implicitly created in the community practice around of rap music in the Haii political and economical context. It also reviews the construction of the rapper actors, based on the analysis of composite datas : text musics, video clips, biographical datas picked up from interviews with rappers and rap fans at Port-au-Prince, between 2013 and 2016. The proposed ideas are developed according to the epistemological, theoretic, and methodological filiation of the biographical approach. The picked datas allow us to understand that being a rapper depends on complex relations between informal and formal knowledges, on deferent moments of self-training process in whishes individual is confronted with knowledge challenge and self-challenge.Not necessarily an "engaged music",the haitian rap is a "lamentation music", a way for haitian rappers and rap fans to express their pain. In other words, because it does not catalyze serious collective movements, this music is rather a way for young people who want to express their feelings of despair, affliction, rage and even their shame in front of Haiti's chaotic situation. The Haitian rap has a most cathartic function rather than a political one. ; Cette thèse porte sur la dimension d'autoformation et de subjectivation de la pratique du rap, deux aspects jusque-là inexplorés de cette pratique musicale. Elle examine la manière dont un individu lambda devient un rappeur compétent, selon les critères implicitement établis au sein de la communauté de pratique mise en place autour du rap dans le contexte haïtien. Elle éclaire aussi le processus de construction du rappeur-sujet en se fondant sur l'analyse des données composites : textes de musique, vidéo-clips, matériaux biographiques construits à partir des entretiens de ...

This doctoral thesis is based on the self-training and the subjectivation side of the practice of rap music, both aspects are until there unexplored in this musical practice. It examines the way that individual become a competent rapper, according to the criteria implicitly created in the community practice around of rap music in the Haii political and economical context. It also reviews the construction of the rapper actors, based on the analysis of composite datas : text musics, video clips, biographical datas picked up from interviews with rappers and rap fans at Port-au-Prince, between 2013 and 2016. The proposed ideas are developed according to the epistemological, theoretic, and methodological filiation of the biographical approach. The picked datas allow us to understand that being a rapper depends on complex relations between informal and formal knowledges, on deferent moments of self-training process in whishes individual is confronted with knowledge challenge and self-challenge.Not necessarily an "engaged music",the haitian rap is a "lamentation music", a way for haitian rappers and rap fans to express their pain. In other words, because it does not catalyze serious collective movements, this music is rather a way for young people who want to express their feelings of despair, affliction, rage and even their shame in front of Haiti's chaotic situation. The Haitian rap has a most cathartic function rather than a political one. ; Cette thèse porte sur la dimension d'autoformation et de subjectivation de la pratique du rap, deux aspects jusque-là inexplorés de cette pratique musicale. Elle examine la manière dont un individu lambda devient un rappeur compétent, selon les critères implicitement établis au sein de la communauté de pratique mise en place autour du rap dans le contexte haïtien. Elle éclaire aussi le processus de construction du rappeur-sujet en se fondant sur l'analyse des données composites : textes de musique, vidéo-clips, matériaux biographiques construits à partir des entretiens de ...

The analysis of the news from the French Agency (AFP) and the Spanish (EFE) allows visualizing, on the one hand, a convergence in the macroestructure of the corpus and, on the other hand, a specific treatment of each country in the microstructure, a deeper analysis, combining a classification of vocabulary and an interpretive comparison of lexical structures, reveals a different focusing: while the AFP makes a distinction between the economic aspects (global context) and political ones (national context), the EFE takes it up more strenuously as a political issue directly related to the national economy and Europe. These results have been obtained with the help of the software IRaMuTeQ. The impact of the experience of the crisis on the media discourse is confirmed by the final analyses of the chronological dimension which reveals, in south cases, the impact of an electoral change. The use of textometric approach allows us the building of the story with the relations among the texts, the co-texts and the contexts, that is, among the socio-historical events, the producers of the media discourse and the lexical structures used. ; L'analyse des dépêches des agences de presse française (AFP) et espagnole (EFE) à l'aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permet de visualiser, d'une part la macrostructure qui montre une convergence entre les deux corpus, et d'autre part des microstructures qui distinguent des traitements spécifiques par les agences des deux pays, associant une classification du vocabulaire et une comparaison interprétative des structures lexicales, révèle une focalisation différente : lorsque l'AFP établit une distinction entre les aspects économiques (contexte mondial) et politiques (contexte national), l'EFE l'aborde davantage comme un problème politique en lien direct avec l'économie nationale et l'Europe. L'impact du vécu de la crise sur le discours médiatique est confirmé par une dernière analyse de la dimension chronologique qui révèle, dans les deux cas, l'impact d'un changement électoral. L'approche ...

The analysis of the news from the French Agency (AFP) and the Spanish (EFE) allows visualizing, on the one hand, a convergence in the macroestructure of the corpus and, on the other hand, a specific treatment of each country in the microstructure, a deeper analysis, combining a classification of vocabulary and an interpretive comparison of lexical structures, reveals a different focusing: while the AFP makes a distinction between the economic aspects (global context) and political ones (national context), the EFE takes it up more strenuously as a political issue directly related to the national economy and Europe. These results have been obtained with the help of the software IRaMuTeQ. The impact of the experience of the crisis on the media discourse is confirmed by the final analyses of the chronological dimension which reveals, in south cases, the impact of an electoral change. The use of textometric approach allows us the building of the story with the relations among the texts, the co-texts and the contexts, that is, among the socio-historical events, the producers of the media discourse and the lexical structures used. ; L'analyse des dépêches des agences de presse française (AFP) et espagnole (EFE) à l'aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permet de visualiser, d'une part la macrostructure qui montre une convergence entre les deux corpus, et d'autre part des microstructures qui distinguent des traitements spécifiques par les agences des deux pays, associant une classification du vocabulaire et une comparaison interprétative des structures lexicales, révèle une focalisation différente : lorsque l'AFP établit une distinction entre les aspects économiques (contexte mondial) et politiques (contexte national), l'EFE l'aborde davantage comme un problème politique en lien direct avec l'économie nationale et l'Europe. L'impact du vécu de la crise sur le discours médiatique est confirmé par une dernière analyse de la dimension chronologique qui révèle, dans les deux cas, l'impact d'un changement électoral. L'approche ...

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo demostrar cómo la organización de la sexualidad es una cuestión social. Para ello se analizan algunas características del pensamiento social y político en nuestro país y se presentan las relaciones que se evidencian entre estos aspectos y la organización de una sexualidad promovida y "aceptada" desde el poder. Se parte de la idea de que el discurso, en las múltiples formas en que este transmute, es un aspecto central para dar cuenta de cómo la heteronormatividad reproductivista ha logrado instalarse en la población como un organizador de la vida cotidiana que excede ampliamente el ejercicio sexual y que coloca a toda práctica que se aleje de la heterosexualidad y del fin reproductivista en el campo de lo abyecto, tildándolo de desviado, anormal, enfermo. Los resultados de esta trama ideológico-discursiva imponen una serie de requerimientos de supervivencia específicos para la población que no se encuadra dentro de la pauta sexual hegemónica, lo que pone de manifiesto la dimensión eminentemente política que tiene, en la actualidad, la sexualidad humana. ; This article aims to demonstrate that the organization of sexuality is a social issue. With that purpose, some characteristics of Argentinian social and political thought are analysed and the relationship between these aspects and the organization of a sexuality promoted and accepted by the power are presented. We assume that discourse –through the multiple forms it adopts– is a main aspect to explain that reproductivist heteronormativity has achieved to establish itself as an everyday life organizer, which widely exceeds sexual practices and considers non heterosexual nor reproductivist practices as abject, deviant, abnormal and sick. The consequences of this ideological and linguistic network impose a number of specific survival strategies to people excluded from the hegemonic patterns of sexuality, which demonstrate the eminently political dimension of human sexuality.

The analysis of the news from the French Agency (AFP) and the Spanish (EFE) allows visualizing, on the one hand, a convergence in the macroestructure of the corpus and, on the other hand, a specific treatment of each country in the microstructure, a deeper analysis, combining a classification of vocabulary and an interpretive comparison of lexical structures, reveals a different focusing: while the AFP makes a distinction between the economic aspects (global context) and political ones (national context), the EFE takes it up more strenuously as a political issue directly related to the national economy and Europe. These results have been obtained with the help of the software IRaMuTeQ. The impact of the experience of the crisis on the media discourse is confirmed by the final analyses of the chronological dimension which reveals, in south cases, the impact of an electoral change. The use of textometric approach allows us the building of the story with the relations among the texts, the co-texts and the contexts, that is, among the socio-historical events, the producers of the media discourse and the lexical structures used. ; L'analyse des dépêches des agences de presse française (AFP) et espagnole (EFE) à l'aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permet de visualiser, d'une part la macrostructure qui montre une convergence entre les deux corpus, et d'autre part des microstructures qui distinguent des traitements spécifiques par les agences des deux pays, associant une classification du vocabulaire et une comparaison interprétative des structures lexicales, révèle une focalisation différente : lorsque l'AFP établit une distinction entre les aspects économiques (contexte mondial) et politiques (contexte national), l'EFE l'aborde davantage comme un problème politique en lien direct avec l'économie nationale et l'Europe. L'impact du vécu de la crise sur le discours médiatique est confirmé par une dernière analyse de la dimension chronologique qui révèle, dans les deux cas, l'impact d'un changement électoral. L'approche ...

This doctoral thesis is based on the self-training and the subjectivation side of the practice of rap music, both aspects are until there unexplored in this musical practice. It examines the way that individual become a competent rapper, according to the criteria implicitly created in the community practice around of rap music in the Haii political and economical context. It also reviews the construction of the rapper actors, based on the analysis of composite datas : text musics, video clips, biographical datas picked up from interviews with rappers and rap fans at Port-au-Prince, between 2013 and 2016. The proposed ideas are developed according to the epistemological, theoretic, and methodological filiation of the biographical approach. The picked datas allow us to understand that being a rapper depends on complex relations between informal and formal knowledges, on deferent moments of self-training process in whishes individual is confronted with knowledge challenge and self-challenge.Not necessarily an "engaged music",the haitian rap is a "lamentation music", a way for haitian rappers and rap fans to express their pain. In other words, because it does not catalyze serious collective movements, this music is rather a way for young people who want to express their feelings of despair, affliction, rage and even their shame in front of Haiti's chaotic situation. The Haitian rap has a most cathartic function rather than a political one. ; Cette thèse porte sur la dimension d'autoformation et de subjectivation de la pratique du rap, deux aspects jusque-là inexplorés de cette pratique musicale. Elle examine la manière dont un individu lambda devient un rappeur compétent, selon les critères implicitement établis au sein de la communauté de pratique mise en place autour du rap dans le contexte haïtien. Elle éclaire aussi le processus de construction du rappeur-sujet en se fondant sur l'analyse des données composites : textes de musique, vidéo-clips, matériaux biographiques construits à partir des entretiens de ...

This doctoral thesis is based on the self-training and the subjectivation side of the practice of rap music, both aspects are until there unexplored in this musical practice. It examines the way that individual become a competent rapper, according to the criteria implicitly created in the community practice around of rap music in the Haii political and economical context. It also reviews the construction of the rapper actors, based on the analysis of composite datas : text musics, video clips, biographical datas picked up from interviews with rappers and rap fans at Port-au-Prince, between 2013 and 2016. The proposed ideas are developed according to the epistemological, theoretic, and methodological filiation of the biographical approach. The picked datas allow us to understand that being a rapper depends on complex relations between informal and formal knowledges, on deferent moments of self-training process in whishes individual is confronted with knowledge challenge and self-challenge.Not necessarily an "engaged music",the haitian rap is a "lamentation music", a way for haitian rappers and rap fans to express their pain. In other words, because it does not catalyze serious collective movements, this music is rather a way for young people who want to express their feelings of despair, affliction, rage and even their shame in front of Haiti's chaotic situation. The Haitian rap has a most cathartic function rather than a political one. ; Cette thèse porte sur la dimension d'autoformation et de subjectivation de la pratique du rap, deux aspects jusque-là inexplorés de cette pratique musicale. Elle examine la manière dont un individu lambda devient un rappeur compétent, selon les critères implicitement établis au sein de la communauté de pratique mise en place autour du rap dans le contexte haïtien. Elle éclaire aussi le processus de construction du rappeur-sujet en se fondant sur l'analyse des données composites : textes de musique, vidéo-clips, matériaux biographiques construits à partir des entretiens de ...

International audience ; Can architectural literature specific to situations of exile be characterized? The act of writing, especially for the press, can contribute to maintaining a public identity of the exile. By reporting on one's experiences, observations and readings, the exile becomes a critical witness to different aspects of social, cultural and political life within an asylum territory. An examination of the essays written by architect Gottfried Semper during the first year of his career as a political émigré in the second Republic of France brings about interesting insights on this topic. The series of texts he published in Romberg's Zeitschrift für Praktische Baunkunst (Romberg's Journal of Practical Architecture) between autumn of 1849 and the winter of 1850 composes a small, yet diverse ensemble which seems to reflect the wanderings of a largely biographically unstable period due to his coverage of a wide array of topics. These essays are certainly linked to different opportunities (travels, building tours, technical observations) and display the impact of friends who offered him asylum. They additionally bring together the fundamental concerns of the architect in connection to the project "Comparative Architecture" on which Semper worked for editor Eduard Vieweg, and which remains unfinished today. ; Peut-on caractériser une littérature architecturale propre aux situations d'exil ? L'activité d'écriture, tout particulièrement dans la presse, peut contribuer au maintien de l'identité publique de l'exilé qui, en rendant compte de ses expériences, observations et lectures, devient un témoin critique des différents aspects de la vie sociale, culturelle et politique du territoire d'asile. Les essais rédigés par l'architecte Gottfried Semper pendant la première année de son parcours d'émigré politique, dans la France de la Seconde République, fournissent à cet égard un terrain d'investigation intéressant. La série de textes qu'il publie, entre l'automne 1849 et l'hiver 1850, dans la Romberg's Zeitschrift ...

The analysis of the news from the French Agency (AFP) and the Spanish (EFE) allows visualizing, on the one hand, a convergence in the macroestructure of the corpus and, on the other hand, a specific treatment of each country in the microstructure, a deeper analysis, combining a classification of vocabulary and an interpretive comparison of lexical structures, reveals a different focusing: while the AFP makes a distinction between the economic aspects (global context) and political ones (national context), the EFE takes it up more strenuously as a political issue directly related to the national economy and Europe. These results have been obtained with the help of the software IRaMuTeQ. The impact of the experience of the crisis on the media discourse is confirmed by the final analyses of the chronological dimension which reveals, in south cases, the impact of an electoral change. The use of textometric approach allows us the building of the story with the relations among the texts, the co-texts and the contexts, that is, among the socio-historical events, the producers of the media discourse and the lexical structures used. ; L'analyse des dépêches des agences de presse française (AFP) et espagnole (EFE) à l'aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permet de visualiser, d'une part la macrostructure qui montre une convergence entre les deux corpus, et d'autre part des microstructures qui distinguent des traitements spécifiques par les agences des deux pays, associant une classification du vocabulaire et une comparaison interprétative des structures lexicales, révèle une focalisation différente : lorsque l'AFP établit une distinction entre les aspects économiques (contexte mondial) et politiques (contexte national), l'EFE l'aborde davantage comme un problème politique en lien direct avec l'économie nationale et l'Europe. L'impact du vécu de la crise sur le discours médiatique est confirmé par une dernière analyse de la dimension chronologique qui révèle, dans les deux cas, l'impact d'un changement électoral. L'approche ...

This doctoral thesis is based on the self-training and the subjectivation side of the practice of rap music, both aspects are until there unexplored in this musical practice. It examines the way that individual become a competent rapper, according to the criteria implicitly created in the community practice around of rap music in the Haii political and economical context. It also reviews the construction of the rapper actors, based on the analysis of composite datas : text musics, video clips, biographical datas picked up from interviews with rappers and rap fans at Port-au-Prince, between 2013 and 2016. The proposed ideas are developed according to the epistemological, theoretic, and methodological filiation of the biographical approach. The picked datas allow us to understand that being a rapper depends on complex relations between informal and formal knowledges, on deferent moments of self-training process in whishes individual is confronted with knowledge challenge and self-challenge.Not necessarily an "engaged music",the haitian rap is a "lamentation music", a way for haitian rappers and rap fans to express their pain. In other words, because it does not catalyze serious collective movements, this music is rather a way for young people who want to express their feelings of despair, affliction, rage and even their shame in front of Haiti's chaotic situation. The Haitian rap has a most cathartic function rather than a political one. ; Cette thèse porte sur la dimension d'autoformation et de subjectivation de la pratique du rap, deux aspects jusque-là inexplorés de cette pratique musicale. Elle examine la manière dont un individu lambda devient un rappeur compétent, selon les critères implicitement établis au sein de la communauté de pratique mise en place autour du rap dans le contexte haïtien. Elle éclaire aussi le processus de construction du rappeur-sujet en se fondant sur l'analyse des données composites : textes de musique, vidéo-clips, matériaux biographiques construits à partir des entretiens de ...

This chapter presents an overview of religiosity and attitudes to religious diversity in media and other public spaces based on a cross-Scandinavian survey conducted in 2015. Although Scandinavians in general have a weak personal connection to religion, Christianity still holds a privileged position as an expression of cultural identity. Scandinavians express support for equal rights to practice religion, but also doubtfulness towards public expressions of religion. More than one-fourth of respondents discuss news about religion and religious extremism regularly. There is a widespread sentiment that Islam is a threat to the national culture, even though most respondents state that they oppose an open expression of hostile attitudes towards foreigners. Political orientation and gender are salient aspects that shape diverging opinions regarding tolerance or scepticism towards the public visibility of religious diversity. Furthermore, Danes and Norwegians are more critical of public expressions of Islam than Swedes. ; This chapter presents an overview of religiosity and attitudes to religious diversity in media and other public spaces based on a cross-Scandinavian survey conducted in 2015. Although Scandinavians in general have a weak personal connection to religion, Christianity still holds a privileged position as an expression of cultural identity. Scandinavians express support for equal rights to practice religion, but also doubtfulness towards public expressions of religion. More than one-fourth of respondents discuss news about religion and religious extremism regularly. There is a widespread sentiment that Islam is a threat to the national culture, even though most respondents state that they oppose an open expression of hostile attitudes towards foreigners. Political orientation and gender are salient aspects that shape diverging opinions regarding tolerance or scepticism towards the public visibility of religious diversity. Furthermore, Danes and Norwegians are more critical of public expressions of Islam than Swedes.