Suchergebnisse

Crime and violence inflict high costs on the private sector???costs that are rising globally, according to the World Bank???s Enterprise Surveys, discussions with chambers and associations, and the Bank???s Country Partnership Strategies, which reference the losses in terms of gross domestic product (GDP). In Latin America and the Caribbean, for example, losses due to crime and violence have been estimated at 9 percent of GDP in Honduras, 7.7 percent in El Salvador, and 3.6 percent in Costa Rica. In sectors such as clothing assembly, international purchasers can shift know-how and capital quickly to less violent destinations, while other sectors such as extractive industries are more likely to stay despite rising violence. Behind the statistics are human costs: lost jobs; shifting of businesses??? working capital from productive uses to security firms; and an increase in contraband, fraud and corruption, and ???rule of law??? issues. In this book, original case studies from Brazil, Colombia, Jamaica, Mexico, Nepal, and Rwanda illustrate the specific challenges to businesses and the coping mechanisms that firms and groups of firms have used successfully against crime and violence. The book???s findings have implications for the private sector, governments, and the World Bank???s efforts to support both under difficult circumstances.

THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES POTENTIAL TERRORIST THREATS IN ROMANIA EMANATING FROM GROUPS SUCH AS THE KURDISTAN WORKERS PARTY (PKK), EXTREMIST TURKISH ORGANIZATIONS, AND A NUMBER OF PALESTINIAN GROUPS THAT OPPOSE THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS. IT ALSO EXAMINES THE LINKS BETWEEN POTENTIAL TERRORISTS AND ORGANIZED CRIME IN ROMANIA. IT CONCLUDES WITH SOME SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING HOW LAW ENFORCEMENT MIGHT COPE WITH THESE THREATS.

This article brings together the main conclusions from the previous articles in this issue & identifies priorities for moving toward an evidence-based approach to preventing crime. The Campbell Collaboration Crime & Justice Group has begun the important task of preparing systematic reviews of the effectiveness of a wide range of criminological interventions. Alongside the Campbell initiative, a program of research of new crime prevention & intervention experiments & quasi-experiments needs to be launched. Efforts must also be made to confront the challenges of getting research evidence into policy & practice. Here, political & policy considerations need to be faced. 1 Appendix, 40 References. [Copyright 2001 Sage Publications, Inc.]

This book proposes an interdisciplinary, multicultural and contemporary approach to examining the controversial links between migration and crime. It includes empirical research on migrants and crime to explore the risk and realities of crime and migration, as well as how mass media in different regions of the world has covered violent acts that have involved migrants (as victims or aggressors). The chapters are written by authors from various countries including the UK, Turkey, Slovenia, Iraq, Albania, Chile, the Republic of Moldavia, and Romania, and from different fields of research including: criminology, sociology, political sciences and communication. They bring to light new ideas, new methodologies and results that could be taken and developed further. This volume allows readers to explore the impact of migration on crime.

Dans cet article en éthique appliquée, je souhaite montrer comment l'opposition entre minimalisme et maximalisme moral peut éclairer le débat sur la prohibition des drogues. Le principe – défendu par Ruwen Ogien – de l'indifférence morale du rapport à soi-même implique en effet qu'on ne condamne pas l'usager de drogue au nom d'un paternalisme moral. Plus généralement, en ne reconnaissant pas les « crimes sans victimes », le minimalisme écarte un certain nombre d'arguments en faveur de la prohibition. On peut donc dire que l'intérêt de l'approche minimaliste en éthique des drogues consiste moins à trancher des cas difficiles qu'à écarter certaines mauvaises raisons et autres intuitions maximalistes et confuses.

In this article the authors investigate the relationship between concerns about crime and concerns about immigration. Panel survey data from Germany allow the authors to examine people's views about immigration as they develop over time, showing that consternation about crime is a significant predictor of anxiety over immigration. Moreover, it has a greater substantive impact than other explanatory factors, such as concerns about the economy and objective measures of crime and immigration at the regional level. The authors also demonstrate an interactive effect: The connection between these two issues is especially strong among those interested in politics. A confirmatory step using the European Social Survey reveals that the moderating effect of political engagement is generalizable to the rest of Western Europe. These findings establish that crime is a critical issue for the formation of immigration attitudes. They also highlight individual-level characteristics that drive the bundling of political issues in people's minds. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Experimental evaluations in crime prevention are analyzed. While the idea of "testing sanctions like pills" is taken from the medical arena, medical ethics have to be considered for criminology as well. The most important difference is though, medical interventions are usually designed to help the individual, criminal sanctions are in the first place for the benefit of others. In the discourse on medical research involving prisoners, state-induced pain of sanctions is often mistaken for an incurable disease. It is not acceptable to justify experimentation in the field of criminal law by expecting improvement of future policy. Looking at important experimental studies in the U.S.,the concept of 'evidence-based crime prevention' does not work. The law has no systematic way of including empirical evidence. This may not even be desirable, because the idea of effective prevention has no build-in humanism. To stuck to the status quo of intuitive crime prevention is unacceptable as well.

The term Zero Tolerance has become a familiar feature of the crime control landscape. In recent times it has been deployed regularly by politicians, police managers, policy-makers and the media. Though it has been used in connection with a number of different policy initiatives, Zero Tolerance is most closely associated with policing and, in particular, with a set of policing strategies adopted by the New York Police Department in the 1990s. This article explores the origins of this most potent of crime control symbols, and examines how it has subsequently been developed, deployed and disseminated. It concludes with an examination of how and why policy actors deploy symbolically powerful terms in the context of contemporary crime politics in the USA and UK. © 2007, Sage Publications. All rights reserved.