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This book considers how the concept of violence has been interpreted, used, defined, and explored by social researchers and thinkers. It does not provide a final answer to the question of what violence is or how it should be explained (or prevented), and instead offers a variety of useful ways of thinking about and theorising the phenomenon, mainly from a sociological standpoint. Itoutlines four ways of understanding violence: Violence as situation: the tension that exists between category-driven and situational explanations. Violence as speciality: the study of particularly violent actors, and how they may be understood by reference to childhood histories, technologies, institutions,culture, class,and gender. Violence as politics: political violence and violent politics. Violence as storytelling: representations of violence from a narrative perspective. Concluding with reflections on possible convergences between the four approaches and new directions for research, this book offers a unique and experimental approach to discussing and reconstructing the concept of violence. It is essential reading for criminologists, sociologists, and philosophers alike.

A fresh and fascinating look at the philosophies, politics, and intellectual legacy of one of the twentieth century's most influential and controversial minds Occupying a pivotal position in postwar thought, Noam Chomsky is both the founder of modern linguistics and the world's most prominent political dissident. Chris Knight adopts an anthropologist's perspective on the twin output of this intellectual giant, acclaimed as much for his denunciations of US foreign policy as for his theories about language and mind. Knight explores the social and institutional context of Chomsky's thinking, showing how the tension between military funding and his role as linchpin of the political left pressured him to establish a disconnect between science on the one hand and politics on the other, deepening a split between mind and body characteristic of Western philosophy since the Enlightenment. Provocative, fearless, and engaging, this remarkable study explains the enigma of one of the greatest intellectuals of our time.

Preface to the new edition -- Liberation scenes : speak this yearning -- The politics of radical black subjectivity -- Postmodern blackness -- The chitlin circuit : on black community -- Homeplace : a site of resistance -- Critical interrogation : talking race, resisting racism -- Reflections on race and sex -- Representations : feminism and black masculinity -- Sitting at the feet of the messenger : remembering Malcolm X -- Third world diva girls : politics of feminist solidarity -- An aesthetic of blackness : strange and oppositional -- Aesthetic inheritances : history worked by hand -- Culture to culture : ethnography and cultural studies as critical intervention -- Saving black folk culture : Zora Neale Hurston as anthropologist and writer -- Choosing the margin as a space of radical openness -- Stylish nihilism : race, sex, and class at the movies -- Representing whiteness : seeing wings of desire -- Counter-hegemonic art : do the right thing -- A call for militant resistance -- Seductive sexualities : representing blackness in poetry and on screen -- Black women and men : partnership in the 1990s -- An interview with bell hooks by gloria watkins : no, not talking back, January 1989 -- A final yearning : January 1990.

In every area of life, traditional, centralized party politics has been failing and the seeds of a new form of political life are being sown. This is true in housing, health, education, consumption and transport, where public policy is attracting increasing criticism. In an age of social alienation and urban despondency Richer Futures is a timely response to the growing interest in community-based, self-help action. It introduces new forms of communication and decision-making and sets out a programme for a sustainable politics.Contributions from some of the best-known thinkers and writers on contemporary urban, cultural and social policy (and campaigns) in Britain today pay tribute to the ideas and industrious activities of the influential writer and commentator Colin Ward. This uplifting collection of essays looks forward to a new politics of self-management and environmentally aware and sustainable lifestyles.Ken Worpole has written a number of books on urban and cultural policy, and a series of influential reports for Comedia, Demos and the Department of the Environment.Originally published in 1999

DANIELSON DISCUSSES THE FACTORS THAT ACCOUNT FOR LOCAL RESISTANCE TO OPENING THE SUBURBS TO SUBSIDIZED HOUSING. HE ARGUES THAT LACK OF INCENTIVES FOR LOCAL OFFICIALS AND RESIDENTS, COMBINED WITH THE WEAK ARTICULATION OF LATENT SOURCES OF SUPPORT FOR OPEN HOUSING, TEND TO PRECLUDE SIGNMIFICANT POLICY CHANGE FROM WITHIN SUBURBS.

The political scientist and the politician of our day both tend to be skeptical of international law. The political scientist, who is interested in studying the distribution of power, sees in the classic rules of international law neither an adequate description of the conduct of states nor an effective prescription for ordering national conduct. The politician, who is interested in the exercise of power, finds it difficult to realize what he considers vital national interests within the traditional legal framework. Both scholars and practitioners apparently feel that the older rhetoric of international law—nonintervention, peaceful settlement of disputes, the law of war—is to a great extent irrelevant to a world in turmoil. Bombings without declaration of war, illegal reprisals, campaigns of political assassination, and military intervention to crush internal revolt are accepted as part of the backdrop of world conflict. It seems increasingly clear that the classic rules of international law and the basic political and moral principles on which they rest are now used less and less by the great powers even as points of reference. Nothing sounds more old-fashioned than Secretary Stimson's remarks of less than forty years ago, in advising against the establishment of a national intelligence service, that "gentlemen don't read each other's mail."

This article deals with the dimensions of politics in the Czech Republic since the state's establishment in 1993 until 2017. It utilizes MPs' votes by roll call in the Chamber of Deputies, which is the polity's centre of gravity. The analysis suggests that two principal drivers shape Czech politics – an ideological (socio-economic left vs right) dimension and an institutional (government vs opposition) division. Due to the changing forms of the ruling cabinets, the dimensionality oscillates between unidimensional and two-dimensional (with a specific phase of as many as three relevant dimensions between 1998–2002). Periods of right-oriented majority cabinets result in a unidimensional competition composed of a merged ideological dimension and an institutional division. Stages of left-oriented majority cabinets ideologically split the opposition camp and highlight the unique role of the socio-economic dimension separated from the still dominant institutional division. During the rule of both left- and right-oriented minority cabinets, political competition is mainly driven by the ideological cleavage since the conventional institutional patterns diminish.

Local government and politics in Turkey have been under the tutelary control of the central state. Contrary to the Western republican tradition of autonomous local self-government, local politics in Turkey were created by and for the central state. More recently, however, a municipal movement with a social democratic coloring emerged to put an end to central governmental tutelage. This movement was followed by the rise of a new conservative perspective in the 1980s. A peculiar synthesis of technical reason and traditional nationalism was the main characteristic of Turkish new conservatism, which identified local political problems with technical problems of urban management. This approach has been adopted by the party of political Islam, now controlling major metropolitan areas and most smaller towns in central and eastern Turkey; this party tries to resynthesize technical reason and Islamic traditions. Whether Turkey will walk on the path toward more decentralized and participatory political organization or jump into a new and stronger authoritarianism depends on the respective political capabilities of these three trends.

Presents a genealogy of Eurocentric responses to the question of representation in art & culture to indicate how the new cultural politics of difference is currently building on prior positions on this issue. Both Matthew Arnold & T. S. Eliot sought to construct a Highbrow culture that might act as a higher authority by which to establish standards of cultural representation. US dominance of the cultural market in the post-WWII period signaled a challenge to the white elite's embrace of an eroding highbrow European culture. The decolonization of the Third World produced another significant blow to Arnold's & Eliot's projects. The black diaspora inaugurated by decolonization cast the issue of cultural representation into sharp relief. Issues of hybridity & identity have traversed long-standing catgories of race, class, & gender to create a crisis in representational practices. The cultural workers of the new politics of difference are encouraged to develop strategies that at once explode dominant cultural identities & offer new terms by which people may come together. D. M. Smith

This paper explores the ways in which the local politics of race have been shaped by national concerns and priorities. It argues that the centre-periphery relationship has been a central theme of the liberal settlement that underpins the British tradition of 'race policy'. The settlement offered to remove race from national political debate and relegate it to the supposedly non-political world of local politics. How ever, it was at the local level perforce that racial conflicts were at their sharpest both prior to, and irrespective of, the push to introduce liberalising reforms in the 1960s. The strategy was ultimately flawed since it was based on a series of ill-conceived assumptions, namely that (a) the issue could be taken out of the political realm; (b) the local context offered the best hope of achieving its depolitkisation; and (c) the local authoddes were better suited- or indeed at all suited-to 'manage' race issues than the centre.

Eleven years after the start of an insurgent war, Peru's military appears no closer to defeating the two insurgencies that have plagued the country since 1980. The promise of greater political stability and a reduced role for the military in politics, which the the return to civilian rule held out, have largely been dashed. The war has meant a new active role for the military in politics which, under emergency decrees, directly rules over half of the country and maintains an influential voice in national policymaking. Under the previous two elected governments and the current Fujimori administration, the military institution has largely designed and implemented counter-insurgency strategy, leaving civilian policymakers aside in the decision-making process. What is more important, military officials have remained largely unaccountable for their decisions due to the lack of any civilian oversight capacity or alternative strategies. More than a decade after the start of the war, civilians have yet to devise methods that can increase military accountability.

Preliminary Material /Christoffer C. Eriksen and Marius Emberland -- Introduction Polycentric Decision-making Structures and Fragmented Spheres of Law: /Ivar Alvik , Marius Emberland and Christoffer C. Eriksen -- New International Law and Its Doctrine Thinking Outside the "Westphalian Box": /Stéphane Beaulac -- Jurisdictional Competition between International Courts and Tribunals: /Nikolaos Lavranos -- International Relations and New International Law Piercing the Tattered Veil: /Antoine Buyse -- The Power of Administration: /Ole Jacob Sending -- Investment and Property The Hybrid Nature of Investment Treaty Arbitration – Straddling the National/International Divide /Ivar Alvik -- Competing Notions of Property Rights: /Ingunn Ikdahl -- Human Rights and Humanitarian Law International Human Rights Law and International Humanitarian Law: /Natasha Balendra -- Rapprochement and Misrecognition: /Kristin Bergtora Sandvik -- On the History of New International Law A Non-territorial Ethnic Network and the Making of Human Rights Law: /Moria Paz -- Internationalization of Criminal Law What's in the ICC for States? /Jo Stigen -- International Security and War 'Securitizing' Development: /Aristotle Constantinides -- Constitutional Underpinnings for Conscientious Objection in Allegiance to International Public Law Norms pertaining to War /Cecilia M. Bailliet -- Environmental Regulation Sustainable Development in Practice: /Christina Voigt -- What May Be the New International Environmental Law? /Nicolai Nyland.