Suchergebnisse

Рассмотрен боек уникального боевого топора (№ 3788), хранящийся в фондах Омского государственного историко-краеведческого музея (далее ОГИКМ). Ранее данный экземпляр ударно-рубящего оружия не становился объектом специального научного исследования. Типологический анализ позволил атрибутировать рассматриваемый образец как секиру и соотнести с комплексом вооружения тюркских кочевников Центральной Азии Нового времени. Рост популярности секир среди номадов региона (начиная со второй половины XVIII в.) был обусловлен постепенным вытеснением из широкого военного обихода металлического защитного вооружения. Рубяще-режущий удар секиры не только дробил кости, но и разрезал кожный покров, оставляя длинные раны, приводившие к обильной кровопотере. Секиры с изогнутым С-образным лезвием (казахск. «айбалта», т. е. «лунный топор») были исключительно опасны для бездоспешных воинов противника, что и стало важнейшим фактором распространения данной разновидности ударно-рубящего оружия среди казахов, киргизов, узбеков и туркмен второй половины XVIII XIX в. Отличительными особенностями рассматриваемой секиры является П-образный в сечении оттянутый вниз обух и широкий трапециевидный клинок с месяцевидным лезвием, концы которого отогнуты в стороны топорища. Проух бойка заклепан сверху специальной железной пластиной, снабженной двумя сквозными отверстиями, в которые вбивались гвозди, соединявшие боек и топорище. Клинок секиры украшен гравированными серебряными накладками, а «щечки» насада серебряной насечкой. Сотрудники ОГИКМ датировали секиру концом XVIII началом XIX в. Анализ конструкции, системы оформления, а также надписи на поверхности бойка позволили нам уточнить время его изготовления. Серебряная насечка была выполнена в 1876 г. Время изготовления самой секиры можно локализовать серединой 70-х гг. XIX в. Особенности конструкции и системы оформления секиры указывают на то, что она была выкована казахскими оружейниками. Наличие точной датировки позволяет считать рассматриваемый экземпляр ударно-рубящего оружия, в качестве эталонного образца при датировке и атрибуции секир кочевников региона. ; The article deals with the battle ax striker (№ 3788) stored in the collection of Omsk State History Museum (OSHM). Purpose. We provide a scientific description of the battle ax (pole-axe) from YUKOIKM describing its design system, as well as identifying dates and the type of the weapon. Results. The most prominent structural element of the battle ax striker is a massive blade 13,3 cm long with a C-shaped blade, the ends of which are bent towards the ax, with the blade 13,5 cm wide. The lower end of the blade is cut at the right angle. The blade gradually narrows to the neck of the convex (2,7 cm wide) and merges into a fitting with a flat down-drawn butt (2,9 cm wide) and «cheeks» of a roughly A-line form. The lower part of the butt is forged as a U-shaped (in cross-section) metal band, which ensured fastening between the striker and the ax handle and protected the handle from enemy weapon chops. The lower end of the band was found broken with the preserved part 3,5 cm long. A roughly triangular-shaped band was riveted on the upper side of the special iron plate with two through holes and served for attaching the striker to the wooden ax handle with nails. Of considerable interest is the ax decoration. Most of the blade (except for a band along the blade) is covered with a thin silver plate decorated with engraved floral and geometric designs. The cervix of the striker is not ornamented, but the «cheeks» are covered with a pattern made in the technique of silver metal notches. It is done as a cartouche in the form of a saw-back belt with an inscription in Arabic in the center. The inscription on the right-hand side of the striker is preserved fragmentarily, while on the left-hand side of the axe it is quite clear. The typological analysis has allowed us to identify this sample as an ax and to refer it to the complex weapons of Turkic nomads of Central Asia typical for the Modern period. Axes enjoyed rise in popularity among the nomads of the region after the second half of the XVIII century due to gradual displacement of metal protective arms in military practices. Cut-and-cutting blows of such an ax not only crushed bones, but also cut the skin leaving long deep traces, which lead to vast blood loss. Axes with curved C-shaped blades, which the Kazakhs named «Aybalta», i.e. a «moon ax», were extremely dangerous for armourless enemy soldiers, this being the most important factor in the spread of such a type of shock slashing weapons among the Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks and Turkmens in the second half of the XVIII-XIX century. Employees of the Museum dated the ax by late XVIII early XIX century. Our analysis of the ax structure, its system design and the inscriptions on the striker surface has allowed us to specify the time of its manufacturing more accurately. With the silver incision done in 1876, the time of the ax manufacturing can be dated as the mid 70-s of the XIX century. The design features of the axe indicate that it was forged by Kazakh armourers. Conclusion. The axe stored in OSHM is a bright example of Kazakh battle axes with C-shaped blades used in the middle and second half of the XIX century. It can act as a reference model for dating and defining the type of shock slashing weapons of Kazakh nomads in the given historical period.

Рассмотрен железный шлем (ЮКОМ КП 187), хранящийся в фондах Южно-Казахстанского областного историко-краеведческого музея (г. Чимкент, Республика Казахстан). Несмотря на яркое оригинальное оформление, ранее он не становился объектом специального научного исследования. Наголовье представляет собой низкий цельнокованый шишак сфероконической формы, к лицевой части которого приклепан двухчастный «коробчатый» козырек, состоящий из горизонтальной «полки» и вертикального «щитка». Поверхность «щитка» украшена мелкими «гнездами» для драгоценных камней и орнаментом, выполненным в технике гравировки. Вдоль нижнего края тульи приклепан узкий орнаментированный обруч. Навершие шлема не сохранилось. На основании анализа конструкции и системы оформления установлено, что шлем совмещает в себе элементы, характерные для изделий как западно-, так и центральноазиатских оружейников. Например, низкая сфероконическая тулья шлема традиционна для боевых наголовий воинов мусульманских стран Западной, Средней и Южной Азии XV-XVIII вв. «Коробчатый» козырек данного образца, напротив, типичен для шлемов монгольских и тюркских кочевников Центральной Азии XVI-XVIII вв. Украшение в виде группы мелких гнезд, в которые вставлялись кусочки кораллов и бирюзы, наиболее часто встречается на оружии, изготовленном ремесленниками Мавераннахра. Наконец, рисунок на козырьке и обруче шлема представляет собой стилизованное изображение буддийских символов «Ваджра». Типологический анализ позволяет датировать шлем из ЮКОИКМ XVII-XVIII вв. и соотнести с комплексом вооружения воинов Центральноазиатского региона. Сочетание западно-азиатских технологий с конструктивными элементами центральноазиатского образца и буддийской символикой позволяет предположить, что шлем был изготовлен среднеазиатскими мастерами для знатного джунгарского воина во второй половине XVII середине XVIII в. Впоследствии шлем мог применяться казахскими батырами вплоть до первой половины XIX в. включительно. ; Purpose. The article describes the iron helmet (UCOM KP 187) stored in the collections of the South Kazakhstan Oblast History Museum (YUKOIKM, Shymkent, Kazakhstan). We describe its design and the system of decoration and identify its dating and attribution. Results. The helmet is a low piece forged «Shishak» of a spheroconical form with the height of 18cm and the diameter of 21cm. Its front surface features a two-part «box» shield riveted to it, which consists of a horizontal «shelf» and a vertical «shield». The surface of the «shield» is decorated with small «nests» for precious stones and ornaments in the technique of engraving. Along the lower edge of the crown there is an ornamented narrow hoop riveted. The pommel of the helmet has not survived. Some openings visible in the top part of the helmet indicate that the helmet had a hemispherical pommel or a conical base plate and a plume tube. Based on our analysis and the design of the system of decoration, we found out that the helmet combines some elements typical for the products of both Muslim and Mongolian masters. For example, the low spheroconical crown of the helmet is traditional for combat soldiers of Muslim countries in Western, Central and South Asia in the XV-XVIII centuries. The «box» visor in our case, in contrast, is typical of the helmets of the Mongol and Turkic nomads of Central Asia in the XVI-XVIII centuries. The decoration in the form of a group of small «nests» designed for pieces of coral and turquoise is most often on the arms manufactured by Muslim artisans in Maverannahr. Finally, the drawing on the visor of the helmet and the hoop is a stylized image of the Buddhist symbols «Vajra». The combination of West Asian technology, structural elements of the Central Asian type and Buddhist symbolism suggests that the helmet was made by some Central Asian masters for a noble Oirat (Jungar) Warrior in the second half of the XVII the middle of the XVIII centuries. Throughout this period, the Mongol Oirats (Dzungars), who practiced Buddhism, controlled vast territories of modern South and South-East Kazakhstan, where the helmet belongs, and maintained close political and economic ties with the Muslim states of Central Asia. In the second half of the XVII the first half of the XVIII century, samples of Kazakh, Uzbek and Tajik artisans production came to Jungaria as war booty and tribute, with numerous Muslim gunsmith working on the territory of the Oirats' state. At the end of the first half of the XVIII century, armor, guns, swords and ammunition were massively imported to Jungaria from the Muslim cities of Maurya with work of Turkish and Tajik artisans controlled by special Oirat masters who arrived in the region. These findings suggest that although weapons for the army were manufactured by Central Asian artisans, they were decorated according to the tastes of the customers and prospective owners. It accounts for the combination of West Asian technological solutions, e.g. a piece-forged dome, a typical «box-like» visor of the Central Asian type and stylized Buddhist symbolism found in the helmet YUKOIM. Conclusion. Typological analysis allows us to date the helmet of YUKOIKM back to the XVIIXVIII centuries and relate it to the complex of weapons worn by the warriors of the Central Asian region. The helmet is most likely to have been made by Muslim craftsmen in Central Asia for a noble Oirat (Jungar) Warrior in the second half of the XVII middle XVIII centuries.

The use of nitrite (NaNO2) in the manufacture of salted (cured) meat products has a long tradition in the industry, dating back to the early twentieth century. Nitrite serves several technological purposes, primarily by the formation of a stable red colour in the meat and the inhibition of the growth of Clostridium botulinum. According to an assessment report by the European Food Safety Authority (The EFSA Journal, 14, p. 1-134, 2003) all evidence points to that it is the added amount of nitrite rather than the residual amount of nitrite in the product which exerts the antimicrobial effect. Nitrite also has a desirable anti-oxidant activity and contributes to the formation of pleasant flavours. A systematic literature review on the function and use of nitrite in meat leads to a tentative first conclusion that if the level of nitrite added to meat products is sufficient to protect against possible toxin formation from C. botulinum, then the other technological reasons for using nitrite can be accomplished within the range of 50-100 mg/kg added nitrite, as is recommended by European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), see the reference above. A similar conclusion was earlier reached after a large number of experiments were conducted in Denmark in collaboration with the Danish meat manufacturing industry in 1981-1983. Wiltshire bacon and certain canned products largely for export were not investigated in this study, however. The adverse effects of nitrite can mainly be ascribed to the risk of forming nitrosamines from secondary amines and nitrite when curing meat products, in particular when they are heated to high temperatures, typically during frying. This issue is well described in the literature and is not pursued further, as it is not part of the assignment for the report. In the present report the existing EU legislation on the use of nitrite is reviewed and critically compared with Danish legislation. For heat sterilised products the EU limit of 100 mg/kg on added nitrite is identical to the level specified in Danish legislation. This is the only group of products where there is complete agreement between EU and Danish legislation with respect to the use of nitrite in meat. For bacon the EU limit of 175 mg/kg on residual nitrite is obviously higher than the DK limit of 150 mg/kg on added nitrite. The issue of limits for nitrite in bacon is important, because bacon is usually fried and is therefore a product prone to expose consumers to nitrosamines. For cured, raw ham ("spegeskinker") the EU limit for Rohschinken of 50 mg/kg on residual nitrite may be comparable to the DK limit of 150 mg/kg on added nitrite, considering that most of the added nitrite is decomposed during the curing process. However, a strictly quantitative conversion from added to residual amount of nitrite is not possible. For raw fermented sausages, the EU limit of 180 mg/kg on added nitrite for a number of specified Central European sausages is obviously higher than the DK limit of 100 mg/kg on added nitrite for fermented sausages. Arguments for maintaining this high level are lacking in the available literature, and on the basis of what can be deduced with respect to the manufacturing processes for these products, it is hard to conceive of substantial arguments for the high level of 180 mg/kg. For other heat-treated, but not sterilised meat products, the EU limit of 50 mg/kg on residual nitrite in the British speciality, jellied veal and brisket, is roughly comparable with a range of Danish products, where Danish legislation specifies from 60 to 150 mg/kg added nitrite. Denmark has specifically exempted the addition of nitrite in liver paste and meat balls, thus specifying a limit of 0 mg/kg for these particular, common products in Danish cuisine. A major reason for the discrepancies between the EU and DK legislation is that Directive 2006/52/EC in many cases specifies residual amounts, while Denmark specifies added amounts of nitrite. Denmark's position is in accordance with the recommendations by EFSA. However, it should be adduced that assessments of the added amount of nitrite are difficult to state for certain traditional curing processes, such as dry cured hams and traditional immersion curing of whole meat in a vat. The particularities of the production methods make such a quantification rather uncertain. Furthermore, some dry cured products from South Europe are made with nitrate, which slowly and only partly is converted to nitrite and further to NO during the curing process. The Danish limitations on the use of nitrate are identical to those of Directive 2006/52/EC. In conclusion, most of the Danish product categories comply with EFSA's recommended ingoing (added) nitrite level of 50-100 mg/kg. However, there is an issue regarding bacon and some unspecified products where Danish legislation allows 150 mg/kg. With regard to in particular dry cured products there is also an issue on how to specify limits on the use of nitrite in a meaningful way.

This thesis consists of six chapters. The first chapter is devoted to the introduction to explore how the income distribution within the countries has become a prominent issue in policy making over time. In the second chapter, the related literature on income distribution, GDP and the relationship between these two variables is reviewed. The methodology used for dating the business cycles is extensively explained in the third chapter. The remaining chapters constitute three self-contained essays. The investigation of a possible relationship between the degree of income equality within the countries, and the severity of recession and expansion phase of business cycles, is examined using two different methods. To carry out the investigation reported in chapters four, five and six we use data collected for 40 years on Gini index values and the GDPs of 36 selected countries. The main goal in the first essay is to determine how the deepness and duration of cycles of GDP is correlated with the Gini index values of countries and whether this relationship is mainly sourced from consumption or investment. Likewise, an investigation is carried out to determine if the number of cycles in consumption, investment and GDP of countries could be associated with the level of income inequality in those countries. The results of the correlation and the t-test analysis indicates that income inequality leads to a deeper and longer decline of GDP, which causes a greater cumulative income loss of GDP during a recession period, and a somewhat faster speed of recovery during an expansion period. In addition, the result of a correlation between Gini index values and the number of cycles in consumption, investment and GDP indicate that income inequality is associated with a greater number of cycles in consumption and GDP and a lower number of cycles in investment. In the second essay, the relationship between income equality and the recession is theoretically examined. Models are presented to show how the movement of four components of GDP as consumption, investment, government spending and net export takes place during a recession period for the countries with different level of income distribution. This shows that the countries with a more equality of income distribution would experience a less costly recession. For empirical analysis the instrumental variable is employed in which the findings of empirical analysis support the theoretical arguments. In the third essay, an instrumental variable analysis is employed to find a possible relationship between income inequality and the intensity of expansionary phase of cycles. Although the signs of the coefficients indicate that a more equal income distribution is associated with a somewhat faster recovery, the results are not statistically significant. Keywords: Income Distribution, Business Cycle, Recession, Expansion, Instrumental Variable, Cumulative Loss and Amplitude ; Öz: Bu tez altı üniteden oluşmaktadır. Ülkeler içinde gelir dağılımının zamanla politika geliştirmede nasıl öne çıkan bir mesele olduğunu araştırmak için birinci bölüm girişe ayrılmıştır. İrdelenecek problemi tanımlamak ve analizimize sağlam bir temel oluşturmak için ikinci bölümde gelir dağılımı, gayri safi yurtiçi hasıla (GSYİH) ve bu iki değişken arası ilişki üzerine ilgili literatür (alanyazın) taranmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde iktisadi dalgalanmaları belirlemek için kullanılan metodoloji kapsamlı bir şekilde açıklanmıştır. Geri kalan dört, beş ve altıncı bölümler bağımsız üç makaleden oluşmaktadır. İki farklı yöntem kullanarak bir yanda ülkeler içinde gelir eşitliği diğer yanda iktisadi dalgalanmaların resesyon (durgunluk) ve büyüme safhalarının şiddeti arasındaki olası ilişki incelenmiştir. Bölüm dört, beş ve altıda açıklanan incelemeyi yürütmek için seçilmiş 36 ülkenin Gini katsayıları ve GSYİH"ları üzerine toplanan 40 yıllık veri kullanılmıştır. Birinci makalede esas amaç GSYİH dalgalanmalarının derinliği ve süresinin ülkelerin Gini katsayıları ile nasıl ilişkili olduğunu ve bu ilişkinin esas olarak tüketimden ya da yatırımdan kaynaklandığını belirlemektir. Aynı şekilde, ülkelerin tüketim, yatırım ve GSYİH"larındaki dalgalanma sayısının bu ülkelerdeki gelir eşitsizliği düzeyi ile bağlantılı olup olmadığını belirlemek için bir araştırma yürütülmüştür. Korelasyon ve t-testi analiz sonuçları göstermektedir ki gelir eşitsizliği GSYİH"nın daha derin ve uzun süreliğine düşmesine neden olmaktadır, ki bu da GSYİH"da daha büyük bir resesyon süresince kümülatif gelir kaybına (CTS), ve kısmen daha yüksek bir büyüme süresince iyileşme hızına (ETS) sebep olmaktadır. Ek olarak, Gini katsayıları ve tüketim, yatırım ve GSYİH dalgalanma sayısı arasındaki bir ilişki sonucu göstermektedir ki gelir eşitsizliği tüketim ve GSYİH"da daha büyük bir dalgalanma sayısı ve yatırımda daha düşük bir dalgalanma sayısı ile ilişkilidir. İkinci makalede gelir eşitsizliği ile resesyon arasındaki ilişki teorik olarak incelenmiştir. GSYİH"nın dört unsuru olan tüketim, yatırım, devlet harcamaları ve net ihracat hareketinin farklı gelir dağılımı olan ülkelerde resesyon süresince nasıl yer aldığını gösteren modeller sunulmuştur. Bu göstermektedir ki gelir dağılımının daha eşit olduğu ülkeler daha düşük maliyetli bir resesyon yaşayacaklardır. Bir enstrümantal değişken analizi yapılmıştır. Ampirik analiz sonuçları teorik tartışmalarla gelir eşitsizliği ve resesyon şiddeti arasındaki ilişkiyi konu alan birinci makalenin sonuçlarını desteklemektedir. Son olarak, üçüncü makalede gelir eşitsizliği ve genişlemeci dalgalanma safhasının yoğunluğu arasındaki olası bir ilişkiyi bulmak için bir enstrümantal değişken analizi kullanılmıştır. Katsayıların işaretleri daha eşit bir gelir dağılımının kısmen daha hızlı bir iyileşme ile ilişkili olduğunu göstermesine rağmen, sonuçlar istatistiksel olarak anlamlı değildir ; Doctor of Philosophy in Economics. Thesis (Ph.D.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of Economics, 2014. Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Mehmet Balcılar.

This paper presents data on the problems of location of the road communication in the south of the province of Dalmatia from the station Diluntum to the intersection Ad Zizio. The opinions of researchers about the location of these stations are different. The road from Narona went to the stations Diluntum-Pardua-Ad-Zizio where it forked off in two different directions. One branch went along the sea coast, and the other through the interior of the province of Dalmatia. Both branches were again connected into one road communication at the Scobre station. In preparation of the paper on the ancient road communications and stations in southern Dalmatia, we relied on the written original material and the remains in the field. We took into consideration all the various opinions in the modern historiography concerning the location of the stations Pardua, Ad Zizio and Asamo. We believe that these different opinions arose from the uneven interpretation of cartographic representations and lack of knowledge on the road section in the field. Different road tracking of the routing communication Narona-Epidaurus have led to differences in locating the road stations Pardua, Ad Zizio and Asamo. At the initiative of the antiques patrons from Ljubinje, we conducted a research of the road communication Narona- Ad Zizio. The research was conducted from the city of Stolac to the village of Mosko (it is located east of the road Pardua station) because of the new findings that were found in the villages of Gradac and Ubosko. Based on site visits to Bitunja, Zabrđe, Poljice, Ubosko, Ljubinje, Gradac, Ljubomir and Mosko, and based on insights in the field, as well as data from Peutingeriana and Antonine Itinerary, we believe that the station of Pardua can be located in Gradac, and Ad Zizio in Ljubomir field. During our research, we particularly paid attention to the natural elements i.e. geophysical properties of the soil and the existing situation that determined the direction of the road. The direction of the road communication in the field was determined by a number of milestones previously found in some parts of the communication and the remains of settlements. In conclusion to this study, we believe that the route communication Narona-Ad Zizio, proposed by D. Sergejevski and I. Bojanovski, generally cannot be put in doubt. However, changes are possible only on some sections, as indicated by the facts from the field. In the vicinity of the place of the findings of milestones in the southwestern part of Ubosko polje, there is a road passing along the southern rim from west to east, so it is possible that the Roman road went along this edge where a milestone with the implant was found in situ. This route runs along the southern edge of the field, 300 m more to the south of the road line suggested by I. Bojanovski. An alternative route passed some tens of meters in front of the remnants of the settlements on the location of the Križava tilth field and Grebuša which are located on the southwestern edge of the field. At this location there is a number of buildings with fragments of Roman pottery everywhere. Slightly to the east at distance of about 200 m from the first milestone, we found, with the help of the antiques patrons, another milestone on this section of the road, near the medieval inscriptions dedicated to the deceased Dabiživ Radovanović. The fragment of the milestone is 110 cm long with a diameter of about 40 cm, and it is located on the left side of the Ubosko-Hrđusi road at exiting the Ubosko polje. It is possible that the remains of these buildings suggest that they were the ancient complex, the so-called villa rustica. However, nothing more precise could be said about the perceived remains of these buildings foundations without detailed research. This section is a part of the Salona-Dyrrhachium-via Egnatia road and it was probably built during the Dolabella's Regency of the province of Dalmatia (years 16 to 20). Aggravating circumstance is that there are no inscriptions found that could confirm it. In support of its dating, two Dolabella's inscriptions from Cavtat and the milestone inscription from Kosijerevo could be given (years 79 to 84). Based on the foregoing, the building could be dated to the first half of the 1st century, and it could be said that this is the most important route of the Roman road in southern Dalmatia. In the area of the village of Gradac we visited the sites Crkvina, Kruškice and Kučina Prodo. At these sites, we found the remains of milestones, the necropolis, a large well, the Roman coin of the emperor Elagabalus. Throughout the area of the village of Gradac there are numerous foundation walls of buildings, cut stone, Roman brick products and other movable findings such as a copper clasp and a few tips of spears. Judging by the distance in Roman miles found in written sources and material remains in the village of Gradac, it is necessary to search for a bigger center in which D. Sergejevski and I. Bojanovski locate the station Pardua. Although a significant number of findings support the thesis that the ancient Pardua can be located in today's Gradac, it still remains to carry out systematic research in this area in order to confirm or reject the am thesis.

U probnim istraživanjima nalazišta Batina–Sredno potvrđene su pretpostavke koje počivaju na rezultatima terenskog pregleda o postojanju prapovijesnog i rimskog groblja smještenih južno od naselja na Gracu. Razdoblju prapovijesti pripadaju ostaci ravnog paljevinskog groblja daljske grupe s kraja brončanog i početka željeznog doba. U grobovima su zabilježeni brojni keramički, metalni i stakleni nalazi koji potvrđuju pretpostavke o iznimnoj važnosti Batine kao istaknutog južnopanonskog centra smještenog na važnoj komunikaciji koja je slijedila tok Dunava. Posebno je važno otkriće danas izravnanih tumula s grobovima smještenim uz njihove rubove od kojih se neki izdvajaju veličinom te brojem i vrstama nalaza. Razdoblju antike pripada otkriće paljevinskih i kosturnih grobova na južnoj nekropoli utvrde Ad Militare i pripadajućeg civilnog naselja. Zabilježeni su i karakteristični jarci V-presjeka koji se povezuju s djelovanjem rimske vojske. Rezultati probnih istraživanja na Srednom potvrdili su iznimno značenje ovog nalazišta za hrvatsku, ali i europsku arheološku baštinu. ; After two years of field surveying in north-eastern Baranja with the aim of finding new archaeological sites and documenting registered ones, trial excavations in Batina conduced. The trial excavations were conduced at the Sredno site, situated in the north-eastern part of Bansko Brdo. The excavations were conduced with the aim of examining the assumed existence of a prehistoric and Roman cemetery. The assumption was based on the results of a 2008 field survey. In the excavations, four trenches were dug, three in the central part of the site, and the fourth in its northern part, closest to the settlement at Gradac (Fig. 1). The trenches were dug in mild elevations that had been significantly lowered in the course of soil cultivation (Fig. 2). A total of 61 graves were excavated: 47 prehistoric and 14 Roman. In the trenches, a relatively large number of ditches were found, varying in width and depth. In the course of the excavations, a flat incineration cemetery of the Dalj Group was found, which represented the newer stage of the Late Bronze Age and the initial phase of the Early Iron Age. Along the northern margin of the cemetery in Sredno, tumuli were identified, the remains of which were suggested by irregular elevations also situated in other parts of the site. All the graves contained cremation remains, laid in ceramic vessels (Fig. 5) or in organic envelopes (Fig. 3). Most frequently, various forms of pots were used as urns, and in most cases they were covered by a bowl. The majority of finds comprise ceramic vessels that contained food and beverages for the final journey (Fig. 3). The most common finds are various forms of pots, bowls, kantharoi, beakers and cups, and exceptionally dual vessels and stands. Among metal grave goods, attire accessories (fibulae, needles) and ornaments (armlets, torques, pendants) were recorded. These often show signs of having been incinerated in a funeral pyre with the deceased. The number of metal attire accessories and ornaments is larger in women's graves, where glass beads and ceramic spindlewhorls also appear. Relatively small iron knives with a gently curved blade and a short tang are typical in the graves of both sexes. In men's graves, the parts of attire also include bronze needles. Whetstones and iron beads were also recorded. Grave 12 stands out with its finds of weapons and attire accessories, which also included a large ceramic symposial set. It was partly cut by grave 3, in which bronze items forming part of a horse harness were unearthed. According to the characteristics of the pottery and metal finds, the graves can provisionally be classified in two burial horizons: an older horizon from the end of the Late Bronze Age (9th century BC), and a newer one from the beginning of the Early Iron Age (8th century to the first half of the 7th century BC). The graves have direct analogies with Dalj Group finds from Batina, which are preserved in numerous European museum collections. In Sredno, 14 Roman incineration and skeleton graves were found. These belong to the southern necropolis located along the road leading from the Ad Militare fort to the Ad Novas fort. Incineration burials in urns, of the bustum type, were unearthed (Fig. 6), as well as those with scattered cremation remains in a grave pits. Skeleton graves with finds of coins were also recorded (Fig. 7). In the fills of cremation graves, ceramic vessel and lamp shards were found, as well as iron nails, wedges and rivets, and bronze mounts. On the basis of their finds, the oldest burials were dated to the 1st century, while graves of the bustum type suggest a more recent dating, probably the 2nd century or the beginning of the 3rd century at the latest. Skeletal graves are more recent and originate from the 3rd century. A relatively large number of wide and deeply sunk ditches were found that possibly represent the remains of ditches which might have been constructed along roads. Two ditches with a characteristic V-shaped cross-section deserve special mention, as they are typical defensive ditches (fossa) of Roman military camps.

В. Н. Залесская останавливается на двух положениях Е. С. Галкиной, а именно на важности булгарских миграций для различных регионов Европы и на полиэтничном характере булгар. Автор отмечает, что последний тезис важен для вопроса о том, какое влияние данный конгломерат этнических групп оказал на материальную культуру и искусство Юго-Восточной Европы. З. Н. Львова считает важным то, что Е. С. Галкина локализует Великую Булгарию Кубрата в Поднепровье и смежных территориях. Автор счsитает совершенно правильным представленное в статье видение политической истории Поднепровья. Отмечая, что Е. С. Галкиной удалось привлечь внимание к возможности более ранней датировки формирования булгарского племенного союза в Северном Причерноморье, С. Б. Сорочан соглашается с тезисом Е. С. Галкиной, что тюрки и авары не господствовали в данном регионе в первой половине VII в. Особое внимание уделено автором проблеме раннесредневековой Нотиции Готской епархии, в которой упоминается епископия оногуров. В. С. Флеров отмечает, что проблематика пастырской керамики представлена в рассматриваемой статье некорректно. Автор заключает, что современное состояние праболгаристики уже не позволяет одному автору в равной степени ориентироваться в проблематике таких дисциплин, как источниковедение, история, археология, археологическая хронология, лингвистика и т. д. А. В. Комар уделяет особое внимание критике тезиса о том, что влияние Тюркского каганата в Северном Причерноморье было кратковременным. Доказывая обратное, автор обращается к информации китайского источника «Суй-шу», содержащего перечень подчиненных Тон-ябгу-кагану племен, который был представлен тюрками китайскому двору в 619 или 622 г. Рассматривая археологическую часть работы Е. С. Галкиной, А. В. Комар подчеркивает, что «днепровские» фибулы относятся к финальной стадии существования пальчатых фибул, то есть к середине VII-началу VIII вв. и не могут иметь отношения к «постгуннским миграциям», описываемым Е. С. Галкиной. Автор отмечает, что Е. С. Галкина права, когда замечает, что физический тип и культура дунайских и волжских булгар сильно отличаются друг от друга, что не позволяет считать их частями одной и той же популяции. Однако, давая обзор антропологических исследований последних десятилетий, автор критикует идею связывать эти физические различия с предполагаемым присутствием сарматов среди булгар. И. О. Гавритухин отмечает, что Е. С. Галкиной некорректно употребляется термин «сарматы», не соответствуют современному уровню источниковедения ее суждения о фибулах, как и представления о хронологии, ареалах, атрибуции ряда групп археологических памятников, опираясь на которые Е. С. Галкина строит доказательство своих положений. Поэтому, по мнению автора, представленный к обсуждению текст не является существенным для решения проблемы Великой Булгарии. ; Zalesskaya dwells on two statements of Galkina, namely, of the importance of the Bulgars' migrations to various regions of Europe and of multi-ethnic character of the Bulgars. The author notes that the latter thesis is important for the question of how this conglomerate of ethnic groups influenced material culture and art in Southeast Europe. L'vova considers it important that Galkina places Kubrat's Great Bulgaria in the Dnieper region and adjacent territories. The author considers Galkina's vision of political history of the Dnieper region to be absolutely correct. While noting that Galkina managed to draw attention to the opportunity of the earlier dating of the formation of the Bulgar tribal confederation in the Black Sea Coast, Sorochan agrees with Galkina that Türks and Avars did not dominate in this region in the first half of the 7th century. The author pays special attention to the early medieval Notitia of Gothic diocese in which the bishopric of Onoguron is mentioned. Flyorov notes that the problem of the Pastyrske hillfort pottery is incorrectly presented in the article under discussion. The author concludes that the development of modern Proto-Bulgarian studies does not allow one author come to know equally the particulars of problems and methods of such different disciplines as source studies, history, archeology and archeological chronology, linguistics, etc. Komar pays special attention to the criticism of the thesis that influence of the Türks in Northern Black Sea Coast was short-term. The author refers to the information of the Chinese source «Suishu » (629-636) which contains a list of tribes subjected to Tung-yabghu-qagan presented by the Türks to the Chinese court in 619 or 622. While discussing the archeological part of Galkina's work, Komar concludes that «Dnieper» fibulae belong to the final stage of the existence of bow fibulae, namely to the middle 7th to the beginning of the 8th centuries, and cannot have the relation to any «post-Hunnic migrations» discussed by Galkina. Komar notes that Galkina is correct when noticing that the physical type and culture of the Danube and Volga Bulgars differ greatly from each other and it doesn't allow us to treat them as parts of the same population. However, while giving a survey of anthropological studies of the last several decades, the author criticizes the idea of linking this physical difference with the suggested presence of the Sarmatians among the Bulgars. Gavritukhin admits that in Galkina's article the term «Sarmatians» is used incorrectly, and the theses on fibulae, as well as the notion of the chronology and attribution of some groups of archaeological monuments presented in the article as the basis for the author's conclusions, do not correspond to the current level of source criticism. Therefore, the author does not consider the text offered to discussion to be essential for the decision of the problem of Great Bulgaria.

Die Mittelgebirge Deutschlands gelten aufgrund ihrer mittelalterlichen Besiedlung und Landnutzung als Jungsiedelland. Wenig bekannt ist bisher über die Auswirkungen der Landnutzung auf die Geomorphodynamik in einem hohen Mittelgebirge wie dem Schwarzwald. Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich daher mit den Fragen, wann die Sieldungs- und Landnutzungsgeschichte im Mittleren Schwarzwald tatsächlich beginnt und wie sich die mannigfaltigen Eingriffe des Menschen auf die Reliefformung ausgewirkt haben. Aus wissenschaftlicher Sicht ist sie daher der geographischen Teildisziplin der "Anthropogenen Geomorphologie" zuzuordnen. Das Gebiet der europäischen Hauptwasserscheide im Mittleren Schwarzwald bietet sich als Untersuchungsraum besonders zur Beantwortung der Fragestellungen an, da in ihm verschiedene Relief- und Entwässerungssysteme (danubisch und rhenanisch) aufeinander treffen, die eine vergleichende und umfassende Beurteilung der anthropogenen Reliefformung ermöglichen. Die Arbeit beruht im Wesentlichen auf geomorphologischen Untersuchungen, die jedoch durch zahlreiche weitere Methoden und Herangehensweisen ergänzt werden. Dazu gehören geophysikalische Methoden, aber auch innerhalb des Graduiertenkollegs "Gegenwartsbezogene Landschaftsgenese" angewandte Methoden wie die Holzkohlenkunde und die Pollenanalyse. Neben den Bio- und Geoarchiven wurden auch historische Archive hinsichtlich der Landnutzungsgeschichte im Untersuchungsraum ausgewertet. Eine zentrale Rolle bei der Interpretation der Ergebnisse spielt neben den geomorphologischen Labormethoden die geochronologische Einordnung der Sedimente mittels Radiokarbondatierungen besonders an Holzkohle. Die Ergebnisse der Datierungen untermauern insbesondere die stratigraphische Einordnung von Substraten zu Schichten und machen eine zuverlässige Zuordnung der Sedimente zu Landnutzungsphasen erst möglich. Die vorliegenden umfassenden Ergebnisse zu den Beziehungen und Wechselwirkungen zwischen Landnutzung und Reliefformung im Mittleren Schwarzwald belegen, dass sich die durchgeführte interdisziplinäre Herangehensweise bewährt hat. Ein erster anthropogener Eingriff kann demnach für die Nachlimeszeit festgestellt werden. Er ist allerdings ohne flächenhafte und nachhaltige Wirkung für die Reliefformung im Untersuchungsraum. Ab dem Früh- und Hochmittelalter – und damit früher als bisher von Historikern belegt, die von einer Besiedlung im Zuge der Klostergründung St. Georgen 1084 sprechen – kann sowohl in den Geoarchiven als auch in den pollenanalytisch untersuchten Niedermoortorfen eine erste systematische Urbarmachung verbunden mit einer umfassenden Nutzung des Raumes festgestellt werden. Ausdruck dieser ersten Landnutzungsphase ist auch die Errichtung einer Motte im Gewann Vogte. Die anhaltende intensive landwirt-schaftliche Nutzung an den Hängen führt zu starken Bodenerosionsprozessen, die sich einerseits in der weiteren Ausräumung der periglaziären Sedimente an den Hängen (Kappung der Fließerden) und im Taltiefenbereich (Erosion der Nieder-terrassenschotter) auswirken und andererseits zur Akkumulation von mächtigen Kolluvien und Auensedimenten führen. Heute existieren die periglaziären Fließ-erden flächenhaft lediglich aus Basislagen, die Mittel- und Hauptlagen wurden im Untersuchungsraum großflächig erodiert. Auch in den nachfolgenden Jahrhunderten bis ins 19. Jh. hinein erreichte die Bodenerosion verursacht durch Landnutzungsformen wie der Reutbergwirtschaft immer wieder extreme Ausmaße, die sich ebenfalls in Kolluvien und Auen-sedimenten /-lehmen äußern. Neben dem Hochmittelalter ist das 18./19. Jh. aus geomorphodynamischer Sicht als besonders aktive Phase zu bewerten. Letztere geht einher mit einer in den historischen Karten dokumentierten starken Land-nutzung. So sank der Anteil der Waldfläche um 1800 auf 17% der Gesamtfläche. In den Zwischenzeiten sind Phasen geomorphodynamischer Ruhe festzustellen. Sie stimmen mit den Ruhephasen der Landnutzung im ausgehenden Spätmittelalter und während und nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg überein. Auch in den letzten beiden Jahrhunderten kam und kommt es zu einer anthropogenen Reliefgestaltung, wie das Kerbenreißen im Hexenloch der letzten 50 Jahre ein-drucksvoll belegt. Zukünftig könnte es durch die prognostizierte Zunahme der Starkregenereignisse im Schwarzwald im Zuge der globalen Klimaveränderungen zu einer Destabilisierung der großflächig auftretenden Lockersedimentdecken im Schwarzwald kommen. Wie die Beispiele der Rutschung im Rohrbachtal und des Kerbenreißens im Hexenloch zeigen, können relativ kleine Eingriffe des Menschen in die Landschaft starke Auswirkungen auf die Reliefgestaltung haben. ; In the Black Forest the onset of continuous settlement and agricultural activities only started during medieval times. In the last millennium human influence let to various changes of the landscape, but the triggered geomorphodynamical processes in the higher areas of the Black Forest are rarely studied so far. The aim of the research project was to investigate the relief shaping due to human activity and to compile an environmental and land use history of the middle Black Forest. The research project was conducted as part of the DFG Postgraduate Research Group "Formation and Development of Present-Day Landscapes" at the University of Freiburg, Germany. The study area is located at the main European watershed and comprises the very different relief and drainage pattern of the Danube and Rhine rivers, which enables a comparison and comprehensive evaluation of anthropogenic influence on the relief. Different geo- and bioarchives were investigated using geomorphological and geophysical methods, complemented by pollenanalysis and anthracological (charcoal) studies. By radiocarbon dating stratigraphic units were further allocated and sediments correlated with different phases of land use. Besides the study of environmental archives historical maps and old aerial photographs were evaluated to document landscape changes. The results of the research project document the great benefit of this multidisciplinary approach. The earliest detected human impact in the study area dates back to the late Roman period (after the abandonment of the limes), but had had little neither lasting nor extensive effect on the relief. For the Early and High Middle Ages the geoarchives as well as the mires show a first systematic land cultivation and colonisation of the area – earlier than assumed by historians. The intense land use caused geomorphic processes with erosion of periglacial sediments from the slopes and incision of streams at the valley grounds on the one hand and accumulation of colluvial sediments and flood loams on the other hand. Today only the lowermost part of the solifluction layers can still be found extensively in the study area while the two upper layers are missing widely. In the following centuries until the 19th century, soil erosion due to agricultural techniques still remained intense and resulted in further colluvial sediments and flood loams. Especially the High Middle Ages and the 18/19th century AD can be regarded as main periods of geomorphodynamic activity. The later period is associated with vast woodland clearings with a remaining overall woodland area of only 17 %, as documented by historical maps. Besides there were periods of relative geomorphological tranquillity, which go along with phases of lower land-use intensity like the Late Middle Ages or the time while and after the Thirty Years' War. Even though the woodland widely recovered in the last two centuries, minor anthropogenic impacts are still causing severe relief changes, as documented by the development of a gully at the study side "Hexenloch" and by the land slide in the "Rohrbachtal". In regard to the predicted rise of intense rainfall events in the Black Forest due to global climate change a destabilisation of the widespread loose sediments may occur.

U članku se objavljuju rezultati istraživanja provedenih na lopudskom Kneževu dvoru. Donose se podaci o njegovim tipološkim obilježjima i načinu gradnje, o prostornoj organizaciji cjeline i kuće, o funkciji pojedinih prostorija i infrastrukturi 15. stoljeća. Tlocrtno rješenje i arhitektonska dekoracija unutrašnjosti i vanjštine pokazuju karakteristike i gotičkog i renesansnog stila. ; Research carried out in 2005 in the Rector's Palace on the island of Lopud resulted in two kinds of finds. One clarified the function and appearance of the rooms of this monument in the second half of the 15th century and proved to be important for the renovation. The second set of finds, however, can be considered completely unexpected, relating to the manner of construction, the preparation of the ground and the way the rooms are equipped technologically. Here it is not the stone furniture or installations that are meant. Almost nothing of these finds can be renovated and restored to its function, but is of great importance for knowledge of the conditions of housing at that time. By referring to the notes in little known fragments from the writings of the greatest treatise writers of the time it has been shown that the camino and necessario together with all the outlet ducts (chimneys and channels) are topics that they found engrossing. The typological particularity of the Lopud Rector's Palace derives from the combination of the two essentially different functions – residential and public. However, of all the seats of government in the extra-urban area of Dubrovnik, this is the best example of the creation of a grand building for public use by the adoption of the typological and architectural features of country villa architecture. The characteristic L-shaped ground plan created by a two storey house and wing with terrace, the disposition of the developed parts within the fenced plot and the division of the fenced garden into two parts (including the courtyard), the link of the hall with the terrace in front of the façade and with the garden behind are all marks of many of the Dubrovnik villas. But while the villas, almost without exception, have a standard floor plan on both ground floor and first floor – a central hall and two rooms on each side, in the Lopud Rector's Palace there was a deviation from this kind of plan. In the ground floor the deployment of the rooms and their apertures in shape and size is subordinated to function. But on the first floor it is very different: in that part of the façade that is visible in the full height, the fenestration is symmetrical, irrespective of the asymmetrical arrangement of the rooms. Here prevailed, clearly, the aspiration to mark the piano nobile by the regular distribution of windows. On the façade, then, the apertures of the ground floor and the upstairs do not correspond along the vertical axes. This prompts the conclusion that some of the elements in the organisation of the space and the fenestration – in spite of the stylistic forms of architectural decoration – reveal a stronger connection with Gothic than with Renaissance architecture. The interweaving of Gothic and Renaissance elements can be followed in the Lopud palace in the spatial division, in the distribution of apertures on the facades, and also in the parallel appearance of windows in both one and the other style. What is more, here it is shown that in spite of the increasingly marked penetration of Renaissance forms, the traditional Gothic shapes were still preferred, and considered a mark of refinement, particularly where the exterior is concerned. For this reason on the front elevation, which can be seen from a distance and from all around, there are only Gothic apertures, while the Renaissance windows are placed on the subsidiary lateral elevations visible only from the garden. The time of the creation of the Rector's Palace on Lopud was determined by some characteristics of the architecture and some stylistically formed elements of its stone furnishing. And while on the fireplace and all the wall wardrobes in the rooms, in the private areas, that is, Renaissance forms prevail, in the grandest public room in the hall on the top floor the most important decorative element, the large wall wash basin, the Gothic type of framework remains, decorated with Renaissance motifs. Irrespective of such combinations of two styles corresponding to a fairly broad time span, it is certain that a decision to build the Rector's Palace on Lopud could have occurred only after 1447; the upper limit for the building can be placed in the 1470s. Proof of this kind of dating can be found in Lopud itself. In its own Lopud surrounds, the Rector's Palace remained a supreme achievement. The example would be followed in various ways, but it would have been hard for the forms of the two styles to be so logically and properly combined at all levels anywhere else. In the quality of its architecture the Rector's Palace on Lopud should call to mind numerous still unexplored and undiscovered houses, palaces and mansions that with the loss of their original function are gradually disappearing, while at the same time, outside this country, increasing attention is being devoted to the history of residential architecture.

OBJECTIVES: Designing and proposing alternative models for municipal and Departmental malaria control programmes based on evidence obtained concerning the process of malaria on the Colombian Pacific Coast and regarding key problems in the malaria control programme before and following health system reform in 1993.METHODS: An evaluative study was carried out, comparing the situation before and following the 1993 reform; model design was also compared. Control programme is understood as being the institution, the human group and administration in charge of control activities. The study was carried out in 2002 and 2003, in the Departments along the Colombian Pacific Coast; the four departmental capitals, 28 malarial and 5 control municipalities were included primary and secondary information was obtained by means of surveys and semi-structured interviews, community meetings and reviewing documentation in the secretariats of health, the Vector-borne disease control programme-VBDC, the Expanded Immunisation Programme-EIP, Health Promoting Entities-HPE, Subsidised Regime Administrators-SRA and Service-Providing Entities-SPE.RESULTS: The following results were obtained: 1. Illustrating and analysing malarial tendencies in the country and on the Pacific Coast, and the corresponding institutional transformations in the programme; 2. Characterising the control programme which existed before 1993; 3. Characterising departmental modes of decentralising the programme; 4. Identifying the effects of reforming the system and characterising control programme problems; 5. Comparing the programme with the Expanded Immunisation Programme (EIP); 6. Comparative analysis of the programme and identifying current gaps in management capability; 7. Actors' perceptions regarding the control programme; 8. Values and challenges for an innovative control programme; and 9. Designing a model for up-dating/adapting the control programme.DISCUSSION: Malaria control programmes' problems and weaknesses are frequently and inarticulately attributed to the lack of knowledge and management skill of personnel working in such programmes, the lack of an information and communication system or weaknesses in the municipalities or personnel. These factors may well have had an effect; however, a global and institutional approach leads to locating the programmes within a social, political and cultural context. This allows interpreting control programmes' current problems, amidst decentralisation and reform processes, and linking this interpretation to modelling and opening a space for innovation in such programmes. The study's main limitations spring from particularities regarding Pacific Coast control programmes and weakness in health information systems. ; OBJETIVOS: Diseñar y proponer modelos alternativos para los programas municipales y Departamentales de control de la malaria, con base en evidencias obtenidas sobre el proceso de la malaria en la Costa Pacífica de Colombia y sobre las problemáticas claves del programa de control de la malaria antes y después de la reforma del sistema de salud de 1993.MÉTODOS: Se realizó un estudio evaluativo, de comparación antes y después de la reforma de 1993, y de diseño de modelos. Por programa de control se entendió la institución, el grupo humano y la administración que están a cargo de las actividades de control. El estudio se llevó a cabo durante el año 2002 y 2003, en los Departamentos de la Costa Pacífica colombiana. Se incluyeron las cuatro capitales departamentales, 28 municipios maláricos y 5 de control. Se obtuvo información primaria y secundaria, por medio de encuestas y entrevistas semiestructuradas, reuniones comunitarias y revisión documental en secretarías de salud, programa de Enfermedades Transmitidas por Vectores-ETV, Programa Ampliado de Inmunizaciones-PAI, Empresas Promotoras de Salud-EPS, Administradoras del Régimen Subsidiado-ARS e Instituciones Prestadoras de Servicios-IPS.RESULTADOS: Se obtuvieron los siguientes resultados: 1. Ilustración y análisis de las tendencias de la malaria en el país y la Costa Pacífica, y las correspondientes transformaciones institucionales del programa. 2. Caracterización del programa de control antes de 1993. 3. Modalidades departamentales de la descentralización del programa. 4. Identificación de los efectos de la reforma del sistema y caracterización de las problemáticas del programa de control. 5. Comparación con el programa PAI6. Análisis comparado del programa e identificación de brechas actuales en la capacidad de manejo. 7. Percepción de los actores sobre el programa de control. 8. Valores y retos de un programa de control innovador. 9. Diseño de un modelo para adecuación del programa de control.DISCUSIÓN: Las problemáticas y debilidades de los programas de control de la malaria se atribuyen con frecuencia, y de manera desarticulada, a la falta de conocimiento y habilidades gerenciales del personal que labora en el programa, a la carencia de un sistema de información y comunicación, a la debilidad de los municipios o del personal. Si bien estos factores han incidido, una aproximación más global e institucional permite ubicar los programas en un contexto social, político y cultural. De esta manera es posible interpretar las problemáticas actuales de los programas de control, en medio de los procesos de descentralización y reforma, y enlazar esta interpretación a un ejercicio de modelamiento que abra espacio a la innovación en tales programas. Las principales limitaciones del estudio se desprenden de las particularidades de los programas de control de la Costa Pacífica y de la debilidad de los sistemas de información en salud.

This article presents the virtualization project of the Motilla del Azuer archaeological site in Daimiel (Ciudad Real, Spain). This project is using new and unique tools for the research, documentation, interpretation and dissemination of this important prehistoric site. The incorporation of advanced technological tools in the field of archaeological and cultural heritage, such as digital documentation and virtual reality (VR), are creating new avenues for managing cultural legacies. Modern advances in 3D digitization and VR allow the application of these techniques on a wide range of cultural assets with different characteristics and chronologies, opening a broad spectrum of new possibilities in research, education, and public outreach. This is an expanding area of heritage management as it creates a positive impact on the economic, cultural and social activities of local communities and regions. Because of these positive impacts, more and more stakeholders such as institutions, administrations, and heritage organisations are taking an active interest in this sector of technological development. In the case of the Motilla del Azuer archaeological site, the digitization and virtualization work undertaken, along with other dissemination activities, have provided critical products for the presentation, interpretation, and promotion of this monument.La Motilla del Azuer is one of the most unique archaeological sites in Spain. Dating from the Bronze Age, it is a fortification with a central plan, formed by three lines of concentric walls distributed around a central tower (Fig. 2). Inside, the labyrinthine shape of the access systems is remarkable, made up of narrow corridors, stairs, ramps. This defensive enclosure allowed the protection and control of essential products for the people of the Bronze Age. Its true uniqueness is that it encloses monumental water well more than 15 m deep.La Motilla del Azuer is open to the public and receives thousands of visitors each year. But for conservation reasons, the number of people who can access the site is highly controlled. Likewise, due to its defensive nature and its age, it is a space through which it is difficult to circulate, which makes it impossible for people with reduced mobility to visit. For these and other reasons, the Daimiel City Council in collaboration with the US non-profit entity Global Digital Heritage and the Spanish company Myou Software, has developed a project to digitize the archaeological site and make it accessible through an installed VR system, located permanently in the Daimiel Museum, the interpretation centre for the site (Fig. 10). This facility is designed to be used both by people in wheelchairs or with reduced mobility, as well as all visitors to the museum, and provides a realistic virtual tour of the site. To achieve this level of realism, a detailed 3D digitization of the site using photogrammetry, laser scanning, and 3D spherical photography was undertaken, and a VR installation based on the use of an HTC Vive Pro device that has motion controllers for hands (HTC Vive controllers) and feet (HTC Vive Trackers) was developed. The primary software is called Myou Engine, an open-source 3D engine compatible with XR, developed by the Myou Software company. In order to increase the immersiveness as much as possible, the Myou Software company has also developed a control system called Natural Locomotion that works by moving the arms and legs (Fig. 11).The final result of the project has allowed the implementation of an innovative VR space that increases accessibility to the archaeological site, represents a new tourist attraction for the town, and promotes new ways of managing and enjoying archaeological heritage. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar el proyecto de virtualización del yacimiento arqueológico de la Motilla del Azuer, en la localidad de Daimiel (Ciudad Real, España). En líneas generales, esta actividad está posibilitando obtener unos beneficios interesantes en torno a la investigación, documentación, interpretación y divulgación de este enclave prehistórico. La incorporación de herramientas tecnológicas en el campo del patrimonio arqueológico y cultural, como la documentación digital y la realidad virtual (RV), están constituyendo un impulso relevante para favorecer la gestión de este legado. Los avances experimentados en áreas como la digitalización 3D y la RV permiten desarrollar estas técnicas sobre una amplia tipología de bienes culturales, de diferentes características y cronologías, abriendo un considerable abanico de posibilidades. En este sentido, las valoraciones que está ofreciendo la aplicación de estos instrumentos, en virtud de los resultados alcanzados en diversos lugares, están significando una experiencia positiva para cualquier territorio; útil para aproximarse a su pasado y atractivo desde el punto de vista económico, cultural y social. Es por ello que cada vez son más las instituciones y entidades interesadas en este sector. En el caso del yacimiento arqueológico de la Motilla del Azuer, las labores de digitalización y virtualización emprendidas, junto con otras actividades de difusión, han generado productos de gran utilidad para el conocimiento y promoción de este monumento. Como se expone en las siguientes páginas, la correcta combinación de la digitalización 3D y la RV está suponiendo una dinamización de sus contenidos, un estímulo para disfrutar plenamente de la riqueza de sus vestigios y una mayor accesibilidad hacia los mismos.Destacados:• Este artículo presenta un proyecto que está permitiendo avanzar en la interpretación y difusión del yacimiento arqueológico de la Motilla del Azuer.• Apuesta por la incorporación de las nuevas tecnologías en la gestión del patrimonio arqueológico y cultural• Desarrollo de una experiencia provechosa para favorecer la accesibilidad al patrimonio e impulsar la democratización cultural a través de su proyección.

ABSTRAK: Permasalahan dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) Bagaimana bentuk-bentuk peranan keluarga dalam menanamkan nilai-nilai karakter pada anak perempuan di Desa Kasaka Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna?; (2) Bagaimana perubahan peranan pendidikan keluarga pada anak perempuan di Desa Kasaka Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna (1970-2000)?; dan (3) Apa saja nilai-nilai karakter yang ditanamkan dalam pendidikan keluarga pada anak perempuan di Desa Kasaka Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah, dengan tahapan-tahapan sebagai berikut: 1) pemilihan topik dan penetapan judul, 2) heuristik, 3) kritik sumber, 4) interpretasi, dan 5) historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini, yaitu: 1) Bentuk-bentuk peranan keluarga dalam menanamkan nilai-nilai karakter pada anak perempuan di Desa Kasaka Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dilakukan sesuai dengan perubahan fisik dan kejiwaan manuasia yaitu: (a) saat ibu sedang mengandung anak pertama (umur 7 bulan-kelahiran) melalui pranata pendidikan kasambu, dengan diberi pembelajaran seperti mempersiapkan kelahiran serta persiapan merawat bayi sekaligus sebagai isyarat kasat mata pada janin bahwa ia bersiap memasuki alam baru yaitu alam dunia, (b) setelah kelahiran (umur 0-44 hari) melalui pranata pendidikan diazankan dan diiqamahkan, (c) pada saat penanggalan plasenta (umur 44 hari-1 tahun) melalui pranata pedindikan kampua atau aqiqah, (d) pada saat permulaan tumbuh gigi (umur 1-7 tahun) melalui pranata pendidikan sariga, (e) pada saat penanggalan (pencabutan) gigi pertama (umur 7-10 tahun) melalui pranata pendidikan kangkilo (sunatan) dan katoba (pengislaman), dan (f) saat mulai haid bagi anak perempuan (umur 15 tahun ke atas) melalui pranata pendidikan karia (pingitan); 2) Perubahan peranan pendidikan keluarga pada anak perempuan di Desa Kasaka (1970-2000) terbagi tiga periode, yaitu: (a) periode tahun 1970-1980 di Desa Kasaka masih kental sekali, mulai dari awal sampai akhir proses pelaksanaan suatu tradisi yang dijalankan masih sangat lengkap dan memenuhi fungsinya sebagai adat istiadat sekaligus penanaman nilai-nilai karakter, (b) periode 1980-1990 di Desa Kasaka pada masa ini adalah masa dimana tradisi dan budaya mulai terpengaruh dunia luar seperti terpengaruhnya perilaku dalam melaksanakan ajaran agama dan kepercayaan serta menurunnya sikap perilaku sopan santun dan kejujuran, (c) periode 1990-2000 di Desa Kasaka pada masa ini tradisi sangat jauh berbeda dengan tahun sebelumnya, dimana sebagian tradisi dan budaya sudah tidak dilakukan lagi dan sebagiannya dianggap hanya formalitas dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat; 3) Nilai-nilai karakter yang ditanamkan dalam pendidikan keluarga pada anak perempuan di Desa Kasaka yaitu nilai religius (agama), kejujuran, disiplin, kerja keras, kreatif, mandiri, demokratis, rasa ingin tahu, semangat kebangsaan, cinta tanah air, menghargai prestasi, bersahabat atau komunikatif, cinta damai, gemar membaca, peduli lingkungan, peduli sosial, dan tanggung jawab. Kata Kunci: Pendidikan, Bentuk-Bentuk, Peran, Nilai ABSTRACT: The problems in this study are: (1) What are the forms of family roles in instilling character values in girls in Kasaka Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency ?; (2) How is the change in the role of family education for girls in Kasaka Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency (1970-2000) ?; and (3) What are the character values instilled in family education in girls in Kasaka Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency? The method used in this research is the historical the stages are as follows: 1) topic selection and title determination, 2) heuristics, 3) source criticism, 4) interpretation, and 5) historiography. The results of this study are: 1) The forms of family roles in instilling character values in girls in Kasaka Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are carried out in accordance with the physical and psychological changes of humans, namely: (a) when the mother is pregnant with the first child (age 7 months of birth) through kasambu educational institutions, by being given lessons such as preparing for birth and preparing to care for the baby as well as a visible signal to the fetus that it is ready to enter a new realm, namely the world, (b) after birth (age 0-44 days) through educational institutions are practiced and adhered to, (c) at the time of placental calendation (age 44 days-1 year) through the Kampua pededic system or aqiqah, (d) at the beginning of teething (aged 1-7 years) through sariga education institutions, (e ) at the time of dating (extraction) of the first tooth (age 7-10 years) through kangkilo (circumcision) and katoba (pengislaman) educational institutions, and (f) the start of menstruation for girls uan (aged 15 years and over) through karia education institutions (pingitan); 2) Changes in the role of family education in girls in Kasaka Village (1970-2000) are divided into three periods, namely: (a) the period 1970-1980 in Kasaka Village is still very strong, starting from the beginning to the end of the process of implementing a tradition that is still being carried out. is very complete and fulfills its function as customs as well as instilling character values, (b) the 1980-1990 period in Kasaka Village at this time was a time when traditions and culture began to be influenced by the outside world, such as the influence of behavior in implementing religious teachings and beliefs and decreased attitudes. the behavior of courtesy and honesty, (c) the period 1990-2000 in Kasaka Village at this time the tradition was very different from the previous year, where some traditions and cultures were no longer practiced and some were considered only formality in social life; 3) Character values instilled in family education in girls in Kasaka Village are religious values (religion), honesty, discipline, hard work, creative, independent, democratic, curiosity, national spirit, love for the country, respect for achievement. friendly or communicative, peace-loving, fond of reading, caring for the environment, social care, and responsibility. Keywords: Education, Forms, Roles, Values

From the pottery unearthed in the Iron Age settlements - which all are of hill fort type - it may be inferred that the central part of western Serbia made part of the proto-Triballian or early Triballian territory from the 13th-12th centuries to the end of the 8th century BC. Indicative of that is the fact that all the proto-Triballian settlements in the region are also of hill fort type, which makes a significant difference from the concurrent mostly plain-type settlements, in other parts of the proto-Triballian territory. It is obvious that all factors conditioning the building of hill fort settlements were manifest in the region from the very beginning of the proto-Triballian period, first of all the hostile attitude of an alien ethno-cultural community, in this case of a population whose culture is very similar to that of the Glasinac plateau. The development of settlements in the westernmost part of the region was interrupted by the end of the proto-Triballian period, most likely in the 9th century BC, and of those in the east - in the course the early Triballian period, in the late 8th or early 7th century BC, which indicates that the Triballi were gradually yielding up their westernmost domain to a population invading from the west. The further ethnic and cultural development of the region was included into that of the Glasinac culture, the protagonists of which are likely to have been the Autariatae. The spread of the Glasinac culture protagonists into the central part of western Serbia resulted in the adequate response by the Triballi: observable in the topography of settlements (hill forts) in the proto-Triballian period, the reaction culminated in the early Triballian period in the building of defense systems, based upon a specific grouping of hill forts. It is possible that it was this incursion of the Illyrians into a part of the Morava basin, or a sign of some other danger, that precipitated the building of defense systems in the early Triballian territory, such as discovered in the Morava basin, on Fruška gora or Titel plateau. By conquering the upper Western Morava basin (upstream from the Ovčar-Kablar Gorge) the Illyrians reached the most important central Balkan communication branching out into all the directions - the Morava basin. In the 6th century, two routes crossed in the borderland between the two peoples: the one (most likely, the Ibar basin) that connected this region, deep in the interior of the Balkan Peninsula, with the Greek world and the Mediterranean, and the road a section of which followed the Western Morava valley. Amber routes from the Adriatic and Ionian Seas were also passing through this part of the Morava basin. Owing to these communications roads and, undoubtedly, due to the need of both the borderland communities to build up their military potentials and demonstrate their power, a mass purchase began of the best weapons of the period either from the Greek world (spears, knives, swords helmets, knemidae) or from the Scythians (arrowheads, war and parade chariots), but also of luxury objects made of precious metals, bronze, glass amber and bone from various sources (Greek world, Etruria, Egypt, perhaps Phoenicia). The tremendous acquisition is indica - live of the abruptly increased 'purchasing' power of the leading social strata, first of all of the military and theocratic classes, responsible for the defense both of the territory and of the ethno-cultural and spiritual identity of their respective communities. That the contacts with the civilized world were not limited to trade, but were considerably more complex, is confirmed by the realm of cult, as suggested by the appearance of the sanctuaries at Atenica and Mrčajevci, shaped after Greek or Mediterranean models. The Triballian and Autariataean communities in the border zone were under a considerable influence of the Mediterranean culture, at the period corresponding to the last decades of Archaic Greece. Intensive contacts with the Scythians were also maintained, as evidenced by the weapons, chariots and decorative objects discovered in the area - after the unsuccessful war that Persia had waged against this powerful people. In the light of all those facts, it comes as no wonder that the first, indirect mention of the Triballi ('Triballian plain') in the written sources, dating from the late 6th century BC, refers to the Morava basin. In the course of the 5th century BC. the region under consideration and most of the Morava basin lost out their precedence to other Triballian and Autariataean regions; the roads in the upper part of the Western Morava basin, which in the previous period had given such an impetus to the development of the Triballi and Autariatae, fell out of use. In the 4th century BC the precedence was taken by the Triballian regions closest to Paeonia and Macedonia (upper Southern Morava basin, the ravines of Kumanovo and Skopje), and to the most powerful Thracian peoples (Odrysians) and the Scythians - the region between the Isker and Timok rivers. Such a situation in the Triballian territory shows to what extent their development depended on the contacts with the leading barbarian communities and, most of all, with the Greek world. ; Na osnovu keramike iz naselja gvozdenog doba u užičkom kraju analizirane su etno-kulturne veze zapadnog dela centralne Srbije sa susednim oblastima u razdoblju prelaznog perioda iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba i starijeg gvozdenog doba. Konstatovano je da je oblast zapadne Srbije u razdoblju od XIII-XII do kraja VIII veka pre n.e. sačinjavala etno-kulturnu celinu sa Pomoravljem, dok se od VII veka pre n.e. etno-kulturni razvoj ove oblasti odvijao u sklopu glasinačke kulturne grupe.

Notre problématique centrale concerne le défi éthico-discursif d'une communication qui soit appropriée aux sociétés démocratiques, sur la base de la distinction entre argumentation légitime (persuasion/appropriation) et manipulation (abus/violence). Dans un monde compris comme « globalisé », un tel défi rencontre le problème cognitiviste de traiter les dichotomies entre universel/contextuel, objectif/subjective, public/privé (etc.) dans notre vivre-ensemble, lequel se trouve maintenant largement médiatisé par les technologies numériques. Il faut noter également que tout ce qui vaut pour des actions, en général, vaut également pour la discussion en tant qu'action fondamentale et constitutive des sociétés humaines, où les interlocuteurs sont supposés s'exprimer ouvertement, ainsi que tenir bien compte de leurs points de vue réciproques afin d'arriver, d'une façon simultanément raisonnable et critique, à un accord en suivant une discussion critique (Habermas 1992). La communication légitime aurait ce pouvoir, malgré le défi du « paradoxe de l'argumentation » tel que souligné par Philippe Breton (2008), de dépasser les points de vue individuels des interlocuteurs, afin d'arriver à un résultat partagé qui consisterait en une intégration dans un tout universalisable (consensus – Apel 1994). (Ex.: la constitution d'un pays, les lois internationales comme la Carte des Droits Fondamentaux de l'Homme et qui sait, par la suite, une Magna Carta pour l'Internet.) Ces éléments, posés dans la première partie du texte, viennent nous préparer pour la seconde partie, consacrée à une éthique pour les médias numériques. Notre objectif est donc de lier une préoccupation d'éthique et de philosophie politique, incluant une préoccupation centrale pour l'argumentation, avec celle de la question des mécanismes dont nous disposons, ou devrions disposer, sur la question complexe et difficile de ce qu'on peut appeler l'éthique de la protection de la vie privée de la personne sur internet. Les premiers points sont traités dans la partie A, pour en venir à l'éthique des médias numériques dans la partie B. Conclusions :  Le paradigme proposé par l'éthique discursive offre une approche possible de la communication afin de la comprendre de façon moins réductionniste (c.-à-d., plus holistique), ce qui est mieux approprié à un monde qui se comprend de plus en plus comme « globalisé ».  La synthèse du modèle triadique « composé », selon Peirce-Mead-Grize-Breton, se présente comme un outil éclairant pour cette prise en compte, dans la mesure où elle fournir un cadre interprétatif et critique.  Selon ce cadre théorique on analyse les régulations au Canada et au Brésil, en utilisant le model triangulaire adapté du triangle argumentatif de Breton.  Une Magna Carta « universalisable » pour l'Internet devient une piste envisagée, en soulignant ces trois principes centraux: - neutralité de la toile; - protection de la liberté d'expression; - protection des données personnelles, liée au droit de la vie privée (« privacy »). ; Abstract : We confront the tension between legitimacy vs. manipulation in persuasive discourse: the old tricky aporia of argumentation, dating back to the ancient Greeks when they first founded democracy. This has been more recently highlighted by Philippe Breton (2008) as the subtle "paradox of argumentation," which concerns the dynamics of human language as a valuable hermeneutical enterprise, one susceptible to (mis) interpretations as well as to phenomena of critical dissent and controversies. Our main questions subsequently turn around the central concern of how we may promote democratic participation and discussion, in the era of the Internet, in ways that can work to motivate the improvement of our inter-subjective communicative performances in healthy and legitimate manners, instead of facilitating corruption via blunt censorship or other manipulative tricks. As we consider dialogue and argumentation to be the most crucial traits of the democratic enterprise, we also discuss the role played by American pragmatism to the nourishment of such democratic ideal. Particularly, we focus on the theoretical approaches proposed by Peirce and Mead concerning autonomy and reflexivity, not without mentioning its champion on education, John Dewey, whose works have all been preoccupied with the maintenance and development of the main axes for good functioning democratic societies, namely: education, science, and communication. To better reflect about this, we integrate into Breton's triangle a Peirce-Mead semiotic "triadic" approach that supports autonomy, so as to propose a compounded model that is able to both encompass the rich possibilities of communication and, on the other hand, delimit as much as possible the range of interactive dialogism, peculiar to human language, so as to foster ethical (legitimate) exchanges. All these elements considered in Part A prepare the terrain for the subsequent considerations developed in Part B, regarding an ethics for digital media. Conclusions: • The paradigm proposed by Discourse Ethics, under the light of a semiotic approach on autonomy, reflexivity and the self, is suggested as a reliable theoretical framework of departure. • This has led us to a compounded 'triadic' model that incorporates the most relevant aspects from the views of Peirce, Mead, Grize and Breton. • Then, in Part B, concerning the challenges brought by Digital Media to contemporary societies, we conclude that the more of one's privacy an individual is required to relinquish for governments and/or companies (no matter the reasons involved), the more transparency by those handling one's sensitive information should be required to be provided, in return. • All this in order to prevent manipulation and abuses of power as much as possible, so as to keep a balanced 'communicative triangle' among interlocutors (according to the proposed triangular model), essential for democracies to be maintained and thrive, so as to rend possible the adoption of a Magna Carta for the Internet that would be globally acceptable and focused on the three main principles of: - net neutrality; - freedom of expression; - privacy protection.

Paraguay es quizá el país menos conocido en el escenario latinoamericano. Este pequeño país, ubicado en el centro de América del Sur llegó a ser un país muy próspero y sin deuda externa. Dos grandes guerras -La Triple Alianza y la Guerra del Chaco- desdibujaron su geografía y diezmaron su población. Otras tantas revueltas y una larga dictadura de más de tres décadas terminaron de poner el sello distintivo del subdesarrollo endémico que soporta el país y su población, con uno de los IDH más bajos del continente y los índices de corrupción más altos. La caída de la dictadura y el ingreso del país al MERCOSUR, marcaron nuevos rumbos políticos y económicos, dentro del patrón de la globalización. En ese entonces, se creía firmemente que la única vía para el desarrollo era el crecimiento a través de las exportaciones. Más de veinte años después, los datos señalan una excesiva dependencia de los países más grandes del bloque, Argentina y Brasil. Esto deja la economía del país condicionada a la suerte de sus vecinos. La economía paraguaya se basa principalmente en la venta de commodities con poco valor o ningún valor agregado y dependiente de la agricultura extensiva, como la soja. Otro de los problemas importantes del país es el reparto y uso de la tierra, con una verdadera reforma agraria siempre postergada. En este escenario conviven grandes productores y exportadores, con pequeños agricultores rurales, generalmente carentes de atención técnica y crediticia y de políticas gubernamentales. Uno de esos sectores es el fresero, que aunque la producción data de la década de 1920, su desarrollo no ha sido fomentado desde instancias gubernamentales, ni existen estudios publicados sobre el mismo. El presente trabajo de investigación es un acercamiento a parte de este subsector, situado mayoritariamente en la Cuenca del Lago Ypacarai, donde cientos de familias realizan el cultivo de fresas, actividad económica que pasa de generación en generación, como una tradición familiar. A través de un acercamiento desde tres perspectivas teórico-metodológicas complementarias -la Teoría del Desarrollo local, Teoría de las Representaciones Sociales y la Planificación Estratégica- se ha realizado un estudio del sector identificando Fortalezas, Debilidades, Oportunidades y Amenazas. Seguidamente se han esbozado unas líneas generales de actuación dentro de un modelo sistemático y sistèmico de abajo-arriba apuntando hacia el desarrollo económico local. El estudio de las representaciones sociales ha detectado la inviabilidad de aplicar un desarrollo del subsector basado en el cooperativismo, tal como el realizado en Huelva, la zona de mayor producción de fresas de Europa. La investigación concluye con un modelo de actuación para facilitar el desarrollo económico basado en la acción participativa, la movilización del capital social y la cohesión del subsector, en vistas a lograr el mejoramiento del nivel de vida de las familias de agricultores, la sostenibilidad ambiental del cultivo y así garantizar un mejor futuro para las siguientes generaciones de productores freseros. ; Paraguay is perhaps the least known country in the Latin American scene. This small country, located in the center of South America became a prosperous country without foreign debt. Two great wars -The Triple Alliance and the Chaco War- blurred its geography and its population decimated. Many turns and a long dictatorship ended more than three decades put the hallmark of endemic underdevelopment for the country and its population, with one of the lowest HDI of the continent and the highest rates of corruption. The fall of the dictatorship and the country's entry into MERCOSUR set new political and economic directions in a globalization pattern. Then, it is strongly believed that the only way for the development was the growth through exports. More than twenty years later, the data indicate an excessive dependence of the largest bloc countries, Argentina and Brazil. This leaves the economy tied to the fate of their neighboring country. The country's economy is based primarily on the sale of commodities of little value or no value added and dependent on extensive farming, such as soybeans. Another of the major problems the country is the sharing and use of land, with a real agrarian reform always postponed. In this scenario major producers and exporters coexist with small, often lacking technical and financial care and government policies rural farmers. One of these sectors is the strawberry, which although this culture dating from the 1920s, its development has not been promoted from government entities nor are there published studies on it. This research is part of an approach to this subsector, mainly located in the basin of Ypacarai Lake, where hundreds of families make the cultivation of strawberries that passes from generation to generation, like a family tradition. The study of this sector was conducted within three complementary theoretical and methodological perspectives -Local Economic Development, Social Representation Theory and Strategic Planning- identifying strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. Then they have outlined some general guidelines within a systematic and systemic model of bottom-up local development pointing. The study of social representations has detected the impossibility of implementing a development based on the cooperative subsector, such as the one conducted in Huelva, the area of greatest strawberry production in Europe. The study concludes with a role model to facilitate economic development based on participatory action, the mobilization of social capital and cohesion of the subsector, with a view to achieve the improvement of living standards of the families of farmers, environmental sustainability cultivation and guarantee a better future for next generations of strawberry farmers.