Suchergebnisse

Aquest article se centra en la transformació en curs dels magatzems de Antrepo construïts en els molls a Salipazari Harbor, en el seu efecte sobre el domini públic, i en la protesta dels veïns contra l'ús d'intervencions artístiques utilitzades amb fins purament comercials, la qual cosa resulta en un procés de gentrificació. Planejats i dissenyats per Sedad Eldem, un dels pioners del moviment modern a Turquia a finals de 1950, Salipazari Harbor funciona com el principal port internacional d'Istanbul. A més del fet que els magatzems del moll van ser allotjats anteriorment en Tophane, Salipazari té una immensa importància històrica i cultural; se situa enfront de la península històrica, es troba pròxim al museu obert d'arquitectura otomana que data del segle XVII, i és un lloc d'art contemporani. La zona del port està formada per set magatzems que van funcionar fins a l'any 1990. Des de llavors, tres dels magatzems han estat renovats pera convertir-se, respectivament, en la galeria d'art modern d'Istanbul, en una galeria d'exposicions d'art, i en el lloc de la Biennal d'Art de Istanbul. Des d'inicis de la dècada de 1990, aquesta zona ha estat sota la gran amenaça del projecte "Galataport", que té com a objectiu transformar l'actual port, en un port de creuers amb instal·lacions residencials i comercials, reduint d'aquesta manera l'accés públic a la zona del port històric i transformant-la en un territori de gentrificació. Aquest pla per a l'adaptació i la reutilització dels magatzems va generar una gran oposició per part delpúblic. En aquest article, per tant, examina l'estatut de l'art utilitzat com una eina per generar capital i aconseguir la gentrificació contra els ciutadans, les vides van a ser afectats pels canvis proposats. S'ocupa de com s'avalua l'art des de diferents perspectives en la transformació urbana, sobre la base dels interessos socials i polítics, prenent l'exemple el port de Salipazari. ; This article focuses on the ongoing transformation of Antrepo buildings (warehouses) built on the piers in Salıpazarı Harbor, its effect on the public domain, and the outcry of the residents against using venues of art used for purely commercial purposes, resulting in gentrification. Planned and designed by Sedat Hakkı Eldem, one of the pioneers of the Modern Movement in Turkey in the late 1950s, Salıpazarı Harbor functions as the main international port of İstanbul. Besides the fact that the warehouses of the pier were housed in Tophane earlier, Salıpazarı has immense historical and cultural importance; it faces the Historical Peninsula, is adjacent to the open museum of Ottoman architecture dating to the seventeenth century, and is a contemporary art venue.The harbor area consists of seven warehouses that were functional until 1990. Since then, three of the warehouses have been renovated to become, respectively, the İstanbul Modern art gallery, an art exhibition gallery, and the İstanbul art biennial venue. Beginning with the 1990s, this area has come under great threat with the announcement of the "Galataport" project, which aims to transform the harbor into a cruise port with residential and trade facilities, thereby reducing public access to the historical waterfront area and becoming another site of gentrification. This plan for the adaptation and reuse of the warehouses drew a great deal of opposition from the public.This article, therefore, examines the status of art used as a tool to generate capital and bring about gentrification versus the public, whose lives are going to be affected by these proposed changes. It addresses how art is evaluated from different perspectives in urban transformation, based on social and political interests, taking the example of the Salıpazarı Harbor. ; Este artículo se centra en la transformación en curso de los almacenes de Antrepo construidos en los muelles en Salipazari Harbor, en su efecto sobre el dominio público, y en la protesta de los vecinos contra el uso de intervenciones artísticas utilizadas con fines puramente comerciales, lo que resulta en un proceso de gentrificación. Planeados y diseñados por Sedad Eldem, uno de los pioneros del movimiento moderno en Turquía a finales de 1950, Salipazari Harbor funciona como el principal puerto internacional de Estambul. Además del hecho de que los almacenes del muelle fueron alojados anteriormente en Tophane, Salipazari tiene una inmensa importancia histórica y cultural; se sitúa frente a la península histórica, se encuentra próximo al museo abierto de arquitectura otomana que data del siglo XVII, y es un lugar de arte contemporáneo.La zona del puerto está formada por siete almacenes que funcionaron hasta el año 1990. Desde entonces, tres de los almacenes han sido renovados para convertirse, respectivamente, en la galería de arte moderno de Estambul, en una galería de exposiciones de arte, y el lugar de la Bienal de Arte de Estambul. Desde inicios de la década de 1990, esta zona ha estado bajo la gran amenaza del proyecto "Galataport", que tiene como objetivo transformar el actual puerto, en un puerto de cruceros con instalaciones residenciales y comerciales, reduciendo de este modo el acceso público a la zona del puerto histórico y transformándola en un territorio de gentrificación. Este plan para la adaptación y la reutilización de los almacenes generó una gran oposición por parte del público.En este artículo, por lo tanto, examina el estatuto del arte utilizado como una herramienta para generar capital y lograr la gentrificación contra los ciudadanos, cuyas vidas van a ser afectados por los cambios propuestos. Se ocupa de cómo se evalúa el arte desde diferentes perspectivas en la transformación urbana, sobre la base de los intereses sociales y políticos, tomando el ejemplo el puerto de Salipazari.

The Wave (or, alternatively, the Four Waves) theory authored by Professor David Rapoport is among most widely cited theories giving «whys» and «hows» on complex problem of the root causes and transformation of terrorism. According to this theory, since the 1880s «modern terrorism» has moved through four consequent stages (waves) all of them being of global scale and each one being informed by the influence of a certain political and/or ideological impulse: anarchist wave; anti-colonial wave; «New Left» wave; and religious wave. All waves, Rapoport argues, last approximately forty years; all of them display internal homogeneity of political or ideological principles, strategy and tactics. According to Rapoport, even those terrorist organizations that emerge in the context alien to a dominating impulse are at least partially transformed by it (e. g., turning to tactical methods that appear with the arrival of a new wave of terrorist violence).Rapoport's theory may seem to be thorough and well-grounded theoretical construction, and it is understandable why it has gained wide recognition in academic circles. However, as one discovers after a critical in-depth analysis, this initial favorable impression is mistaken for the most part. To start with, highly objectionable is the very idea of universal political impulses (by definition external to the absolute majority of local political conflicts) being capable of somehow «overriding» solid inner logic and dynamics even of those local conflicts that do not belong to a current wave. Introducing the idea of a wave-forming world impulse and ignoring the key role of local political factors in the genesis and/or transformation of terrorist organizations Rapoport, one might say, lapses into something that can be called «political mysticism». Rapoport also does not give any convincing evidence of direct connection between particular political (ideological) impulses and specific terrorist tactics which further undermines his assertions of terrorist violence taking form of clear-cut uniform waves.The author has already published an article (from which some of aforementioned positions were borrowed) containing general critical observations on basic tenets of the Four Waves theory. The goal of the present article is to «narrow the focus» and test the Rapoportean theory against the particular case of so called homegrown jihadism (i. e. Islamic terrorism perpetrated mostly on the European soil by those Muslims who either were born in Europe or have been living there for a long time). Rapoport proposed his theory early in the 2000s, before European jihadism became clearly visible and highly dangerous phenomenon, and homegrown jihadists are never mentioned in Rapoportean writings. While it leaves the door open for the doubts about prognostic potential of the Four Waves theory, it is not this author's main intention to criticize Rapoport for his failing to see a new danger coming. As it is demonstrated in the article, testing Rapoport's suggestions against the case of homegrown jihadism first of all points at the already established fundamental weakness of the Four Waves theory. This weakness is in its inability to convincingly explain why and how different historic types of terrorism emerge and what forces behind particular cases of terrorist violence are. Even if Rapoport's theory included European jihadists, it still would be impossible to trace the genealogical link (except the trivial everything-is-connected-to-everything domino effect) between homegrown jihad (which by definition falls within the framework of the fourth, or religious, wave of terrorism) and those events Rapoport cites as the impulse driving this wave. In other words, it is one more example of «political mysticism» to argue that extremist ideas and terrorist actions of the 21st century Muslim youths in Britain or Netherlands could be sufficiently explained by connecting them to the events of the Iranian revolution or the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (both dating back to1979). What else, except such «mysticism», could explain how that 1979 impulse retained its power to inform somebody's actions after 35 years and completely outside the original historical and geographical context? Yet, if we were to accept Rapoport's arguments, we should have favor these very explanations while ignoring such factors as political marginalization of the significant share of European Muslims and the growth of xenophobia on the part of non-Muslim Europeans, cultural alienation of young European Muslims and – to name some foreign impulses – not chronologically and psychologically distant events of the late 1970s but the U. S. invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s, the Arab Spring and the Syrian civil war. ; На материале т. н. европейского «доморощенного джихадизма» в статье подвергается критике известная волновая теория трансформации терроризма, выдвинутая Д. Рапопортом. Автор исходит из того, что в том случае, если волновая теория работает, она должна убедительно объяснять феномен европейского джихадизма, представляющего собой, согласно логике Рапопорта, часть четвертой – религиозной – волны терроризма (последнего на данный момент всплеска террористического насилия). Однако проведенный анализ показывает, что волновая теория не способна этого сделать, что она лишена методологической глубины и является в лучшем случае схематичным – причем нередко искаженным – описанием сложных процессов генезиса и трансформации терроризма. ; На матеріалі т. зв. європейського «доморощеного джихадизму» у статті критикується відома хвильова теорія трансформації тероризму, висунута Д. Рапопортом. Автор виходить із того, що в тому разі, якщо хвильова теорія працює, вона повинна переконливо пояснювати феномен європейського джихадизму, який являє собою, згідно з логікою Рапопорта, частину четвертої – релігійної – хвилі тероризму (наразі останнього сплеску терористичного насильства). Однак проведений аналіз показує, що вона не здатна цього зробити, що їй бракує методологічної глибини і що вона в кращому випадку є схематичним – до того ж нерідко спотвореним – описом складних процесів ґенези та трансформації тероризму.

[spa]Para la correcta valoración del acervo documental del epistolario de Quinto Aurelio Símaco resulta fundamental el análisis de las cronologías de las misivas conservadas, así como la detección de cartas perdidas: documentos que, por distintas razones, no han llegado hasta nosotros. Esta revisión en profundidad de dichos parámetros, así como un nuevo enfoque en la interpretación de los textos, son los pilares básicos de esta tesis doctoral. A partir de esta premisa, la necesidad de acotar ha requerido la selección de un elenco de documentos a partir de dos volúmenes del epistolario simaquiano, los libros III y IV, cuyo contenido comprende un total de 165 epístolas que hemos sometido a un exhaustivo análisis para precisar su cronología. A partir de estos parámetros, el estudio consta de tres partes fundamentales. En primer lugar, una introducción breve a la trayectoria y la carrera política de Símaco, así como a su producción literaria. La segunda parte del estudio analiza el corpus epistolar y constituye la parte central y de mayor extensión de la investigación. Un tercer bloque, compuesto por índices y tablas, tiene como objetivo clarificar el contenido y facilitar la consulta de los datos plasmados. Las epístolas analizadas mantienen la división por corresponsales pero su orden es alterado para ofrecer una sucesión cronológica, tanto de las conservadas, como de las que no han llegado hasta nosotros. Se otorga a cada una de ellas una numeración propia para dotar al corpus de una coherencia interna y facilitar la remisión de los documentos. En el análisis de cada misiva, se toman en consideración el estudio cronológico, la reconstrucción del contenido de las epístolas perdidas, la modalidad de envío, así como los lugares de origen y destino de cada misiva, el estatus político de los corresponsales y los nombres que aparecen en las epístolas. El desarrollo de esta metodología permite sentar las bases para revisar la datación, la sucesión y, finalmente, la reinterpretación de los documentos analizados: se han modificado (o precisado) las fechas de 72 de las cartas conservadas. A partir del análisis de estas fuentes, también ha sido posible detectar un gran número de epístolas perdidas: 80 en total, cuya existencia se constata a partir de los textos conservados, así como cuatro grupos de documentos que no han llegado hasta nuestros días, compuestos por cartas cuyo número resulta imposible de precisar. Este trabajo ha permitido establecer una sucesión diacrónica de envíos de epístolas, así como de sus respuestas. Esta concatenación, no obstante, es fragmentada e incompleta, hasta el punto que demuestra la desaparición de una gran parte de la información que contenía la obra simaquiana. Esta conclusión se fundamenta en cuatro hechos: la constatación de la existencia segura de 12 cartas perdidas escritas por el propio Símaco, así como cuatro grupos de cartas desaparecidas, los cuales también incluían misivas del orador; la ausencia mayoritaria de una carta introductoria, o de presentación, que sirva como inicio del establecimiento de una relación epistolar; la presencia de importantes interrupciones en la relación epistolar del orador con los diversos corresponsales; y las irregularidades que se observan en la sucesión de las epístolas en función de su temática. Finalmente, la tesis central del trabajo ha permitido también reinterpretar la lectura de muchos de los documentos conservados y las relaciones del orador con sus corresponsales, así como establecer importantes apuntes en aspectos distintos a la cronología, a nivel prosopográfico, a nivel geográfico e incluso al respecto de la publicación original de las misivas. ; [eng] For a proper assessment of the Quintus Aurelius Symmachus' epistolary, both an analysis of the chronology of the preserved letters and the detection of lost letters are required. The review of these parameters and a new approach to the interpretation of texts are the cornerstones of this doctoral thesis. The need to establish limits has required the selection of documents from two volumes of Symmachus' correspondence, books III and IV, which contain 165 letters. The study consists of three main parts. The first one is a brief introduction to Symmachus' life, his political career and his literary production. The second and most extensive part of the research, analyzes the corpus of the letters. The third part of the content includes indexes and tables. The succession of letters is changed in order to provide a chronological sequence of both the conserved and the lost documents. The study takes into consideration a chronological revision of each letter, a content reconstruction of lost epistles, the delivery method of all letters, the political status of their correspondents, and the names as they appear in the text. The development of this methodology provides the basis for reviewing the dating, the progress and the reinterpretation of the documents analyzed. The study changes (or clarifies) the chronology of 72 preserved letters. The analysis of these sources has made possible the detection of a large number of lost letters: 80 in total, and four sets of documents that have not survived, consisting of an undetermined number of letters. This work has established a diachronic succession of epistle shipments and their answers. However, this concatenation is fragmented and incomplete. Finally, the central thesis of the work has also allowed the reinterpretation of many preserved documents and Symmachus' relationships with his correspondents, the establishment of important notes on different aspects, and the prosopography, geography and even original publication of the letters.

Eine der Grundfragen der Kulturwissenschaften ist, ob und in welcher Dimension kultureller Wandel durch bevölkerungsbiologischen Wandel bedingt oder begleitet wird. Diese Frage ist anhand der verfügbaren Quellen der Archäologie nicht endgültig entscheidbar. Die physische Anthropologie verfügt über analytische Werkzeuge, die den Zugang zu dem einzigen Archiv ermöglichen, das Informationen über die biologische Zusammensetzung einer Bevölkerung enthält: den Menschen. Durch die Aufnahme von ancientDNA Analysen in die anthropologischen Arbeitsmethoden sind diachrone Vergleiche genetischer Bevölkerungsstrukturen und die Klärung der verwandtschaftlichen Beziehungen unter prähistorischen Populationen möglich. Die Einbettung dieser Arbeit in den wissenschaftlichen Rahmen des BMBF-Verbundprojektes: Nasca: Entwicklung und Adaptation archäometrischer Techniken zur Erforschung der Kulturgeschichte ermöglicht es darüber hinaus auf eine Vielzahl kultur- und naturwissenschaftlicher Daten zuzugreifen und die gewonnen Erkenntnisse so im transdisziplinären Dialog in Kulturgeschichte zu übersetzen. Die Palpa-Region an der Südküste Perus ist eine kulturell dynamische Siedlungskammer, in der in einem Zeitraum von ca. 6000 Jahren die Sesshaftwerdung menschlicher Gruppen bis hin zur Entwicklung und dem Untergang komplexer frühstaatlicher Gesellschaften zu beobachten ist. Ziel dieser Studie war es, durch die Untersuchung mitochondrialer genetischer Marker an menschlichen Skelettelementen die diachrone Entwicklung der matrilinearen Populationsdynamik im Untersuchungsgebiet zu rekonstruieren. Darüber hinaus sollte, durch den Vergleich mit genetischen Daten von präkolumbischen und rezenten indigenen südamerikanischen Populationen, die Bevölkerungsgeschichte der Palpa-Region mit der kontinentalen Kolonisationsgeschichte und Bevölkerungsentwicklung Südamerikas kontextualisiert werden. Unter Verwendung der genetischen, archäologischen und umweltgeschichtlichen Daten erfolgte die kulturanthropologische Interpretation und Rekonstruktion der wirkenden Migrationsmechanismen und Auswirkungen auf die gesellschaftlichen Strukturen. Für die Untersuchungen wurden Knochen- und Zahn-Proben von 216 präkolumbischen Individuen aus der Palpa-Region akquiriert. Die Individuen stammen von mehreren, mit präkolumbischen Siedlungen assoziierten Nekropolen, die in verschiedene Zeitstufen datieren. Die DNA-Typisierung erfolgte mit selbst generierten Analysesystemen, für die mitochondriale HVRI und verschiedene SNPs in der codierenden Region, des mitochondrialen Genoms. Darüber hinaus wurden auch Analysesysteme für Y-chromosomale und autosomale Marker entwickelt und angewendet. Die aus den präkolumbischen Individuen erwirtschafteten mitochondrialen Daten wurden genutzt, um populationsgenetische Berechnungen durchzuführen und wurden mit aus der Literatur gesammelten genetischen Daten verglichen. Die Ergebnisse der aDNA-Untersuchungen erlauben eine Rekonstruktion der Bevölkerungsgeschichte des südlichen Perus. Es konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass die Paracas-Kultur an der südperuanischen Küste eine bevölkerungsbiologische Einheit bildete und nicht, wie von einigen Archäologen postuliert, eine Ansammlung unabhängiger lokaler Gruppen war. Die Nasca-Kultur entwickelte sich bei bevölkerungsbiologischer Kontinuität in der Region. Es lassen sich keine signifikanten allochthonen Bevölkerungseinflüsse, wie z.B. durch Kolonisations- oder Invasionsprozesse nachweisen. Der Vergleich mit anderen genetischen Daten zeigt, dass die Bewohner der präkolumbischen Küste eine homogene Bevölkerung bildeten, die sich genetisch eindeutig vom angrenzenden andinen Hochland unterschied. Mit dem Wandel von einer reinen Subsistenzwirtschaft zu einer komplexeren Wirtschaftsform und der Ausbildung autarker regionaler (urbaner) Zentren in der Nasca-Zeit kommt es zu einem vermehrten genetischen Einfluss von außen, der sich durch die Ansiedlung von Spezialisten, Populationszuwachs und der verstärkte Handel mit anderen Kulturgruppen erklären lässt. Die heute in Peru angetroffene mitochondriale genetische Struktur unterscheidet sich maßgeblich von der, die in der präkolumbischen Palpa-Region nachgewiesen werden konnte. Dieser Unterschied ist durch Expansionen und politische Prozesse späterer andiner Hochkulturen, vor allem der Inka-Kultur, zu erklären, die zu einer genetischen Überprägung weiter Bereiche des westlichen Südamerikas führten. Anhand der in dieser Studie ermittelten genetischen Daten und dem Vergleich mit rezenten Verteilungen kann ein erneuertes Szenario der initialen Kolonisation Südamerikas entworfen werden. Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass anhand der Untersuchung alter DNA die Erstellung eines differenzierteren Bildes von Bevölkerungsentwicklungen und prähistorischen Migrationen möglich ist als durch die Analyse rezenter genetischer Daten. ; One of the elementary questions of the cultural sciences is whether and in which dimension cultural change is due to, or accompanied by population-biological change. This question is not finally decidable on the basis of the available sources of archaeology. The physical anthropology uses analytic tools, which allow access to the only archive containing information about the biological composition of a population: man itself. By the admission of ancient DNA analyses into the canon of anthropological methods, diachronic comparisons of genetic population structures and the clarification of relations under prehistoric populations become possible. The embedment of this study into the scientific framework of the BMBF-Project: Entwicklung und Adaptation archäometrischer Techniken zur Erforschung der Kulturgeschichte allows the transcription of the genetic data into cultural history by the transdiciplinary dialog with the participating sciences. The Palpa region located at the south coast of Peru is a culturally dynamic settlement chamber. In a period of approx. 6000 years the establishment of the first permanent settlements and also the rise and fall of complex societies can be observed. Aim of this study was to reconstruct the diachronic development of the matrilinear population dynamics in the investigation area by the analysis of mitochondrial genetic markers from ancient DNA. Beyond that the development of the Palpa area should be contextualized with the continental population development and colonization history by the comparison with genetic data from other pre-Columbian and recent indigenous South American populations. The genetic, archaeological and environmental data formed the basis for the anthropologic interpretation and reconstruction of the operating migration mechanisms and their influences on the past societies. For the investigations bone and teeth samples of 216 pre-Columbian individuals were acquired. The individuals came from several burial sites associated with settlements, dating into different archaeological periods. The DNA-analysis of the mitochondrial HVRI and different SNPs in the coding region of the mitochondrial genome was accomplished with newly generated analysis systems. Beyond that also analysis systems for Y-chromosomal and autosomal markers were developed and used. The obtained data was used for population genetic calculations and compared with datasets from the literature. The results of the aDNA investigations permit a reconstruction to the population history of southern Peru. It could be proven that the Paracas culture at the south Peruvian coast formed a population-biological unit and was not an accumulation of independent local groups as postulated before. The Nasca culture developed with population-biological continuity in the region. The comparison with other genetic data shows that the inhabitants of the pre-Columbian coast formed a homogeneous population differing genetically from the populations of the adjacent Andean highlands. With the change to a more complex economy and the development of self-sufficient regional (urban) centers in the Nasca time it comes to an increased allochthonous genetic influence, which can be explained by the immigration of specialists, population increase and the intensified trade with other cultural groups. The mitochondrial genetic structure of the recent Peruvian population differs significantly from that found in the pre-Columbian Palpa region. This difference can be best explained by the expansions of following Andean civilizations, particularly the Inca, which led to a genetic superimposition in large parts of western South America. On basis of the genetic data determined in this study and the comparison with recent genetic distribution patterns a more differentiated scenario for the initial colonization of South America could be developed. The present study shows that the investigation of ancient DNA provides a more differentiated picture of population development and prehistoric migration processes as possible by the analysis of modern genetic data alone.

This text deals with circumstances of the finding as well as with the art and iconographic characteristics of an interesting relief accidentally dug out in 1947, north-east from Visoko, in Central Bosnia. Field examination that followed afterwards determined that the relief once was a part of itinerary and interior decoration of a smaller building. Supposedly, this was a medieval tomb construction based on the fact that in a nearby environment there were several other unornamented tombstones as well as after the Cyrillic inscription which was probably carved on the relief afterwards. The afore mentioned inscription was, more frequently than the relief itself, an object of interest for researchers because it mentions two historical personalities, Nespina kaznac the Great and his kaznac sister Bjeloka. Naïve nature of the carving is a highly stressed feature of the relief (210 cm long, 106 cm high and 7-10 cm thick) which is especially noticeable on the displayed human form. Its body, apart from the protectivebelt wrapped around right arm and sharp tipped shoes, has no other clothing items displayed. The body is placed in a semi-profile while the head is shown en face. Its hands are of uneven length with its fists displayed on external sides so one gets an impression of a hunter with two left hands. This form of naïve display of human figure is the characteristic of theearly medieval period. Similarly, on a miniature from 9th century showing the transport of relics, a front porter in the scene has an awkward display of "two right hands" of uneven length. Generally, this primitive stone-carving method of the relief from Visoko can also be recognized on the relief displaying Palm Sunday from Venice, on the marble panel from San Saba church in Rome and on the relief from Žrnovnica in Dalmatia. All of these examples we used to compare with, originate from 8th century.Due to its looks and contents of the carved motif including hunting scene, the relief from Malo Čajno was frequently identified with similar motifs on stećci. However, it is different from stećci, not only in its details but also in its complete artistic creation. The human form and the animals, displayed next to it, are carved with numerous details that do not exist on similardisplays on stećci. Hairy animals have their big grinned teeth stressed, dogs have leather collars and the hunter has a head with a precise display of hair and beard, facial details and a hairy neck. The entire composition is not as rigid as it is the case on stećci but rather very dynamic. The hunter is standing aside with his spear high up in the air, expecting an attackfrom the boar surrounded by three dogs. The wild beast already overpowered and threw under its feet one of the dogs, the another dog is charging energetically,while the third one is running away looking back to prevent being grabbed by the boar from the back. There is also some perspective in the whole performance because the running dog, carved in the secondplain above the hunter's hands, is a bit smaller than the others. J. Kovačević is the only one who discussed art, iconographyand chronology of this relief. According to his opinion, this relief is created under the influence of the early Romanesque art of the western Europe, particularly following the monuments from eastern Adriatic coast where stylistically very similar reliefs,in the way they display the human form, can be found. This implicitly suggests the dating of this relief into 11th century. He also stated that the medieval panel from Malo Čajno is a chronological link between Late Antique displays and those that will numerously show up afterwards on late medieval stećci. Through the interpretation of iconographic content of the relief,he assumed that this is a very frequent ancient mythological and narrative motif whose interpretatio christiana lies in the early Christian and afterwards in the early Romanesque art. Symbolically, the hunter killing a boar is actually killing the devil or evil spirit which, according to gospels of Luke and Matthew, Christ forced into a body of a pig, staying there untilits disappearance through submerging in water. After J. Kovačević there were no more texts addressing this relief with more attention. In the past literature, it was the most frequently mentioned topic in the papers dealing with the art of the Bosnian Medieval tombstones and stećci. Afterwards, M. Wenzel mentioned it first and later it was used several timesby Š. Bešlagić who found the standpoint for his opinion in the hunting scene and the shape of the spear that hunter holds in his hands. According to my opinion the stone panel with hunting scene relief from the vicinity of Visoko, dueto its complexity in art form and the specific carving processing, cannot be linked to a single similar ornament on medieval and Late Medieval Bosnian tombstones. Those who tried to make a connection warn us that among numerous hunting displays onstećci, deer hunting scenes are prevalent, while boar hunting scenes are displayed eleven times. In that process dual analogies are stated because in all those reliefs from the Late Medieval period, the animals were carved in a schematic way which makes a boar recognizable only with a lot of imagination. However, on a stećak from Donja Zgošća near Kakanj, which israther impressive by its dimensions and ornaments,one hunting scene can be interpreted precisely like that, making it, in my opinion, a single such display made on stećci. The second indicator that was used to equalize the scene from the relief nearby Visoko with displays on stećci is a large spear that the hunter is holding in his hands. It is presumably a hunting spear that was in use during 14th and 15th century in Bosnia. Several similar spears were displayed on tombstones as well, but those items were significantly different from the one carved on our relief. It truly resembles the Early Medieval, Frankish spear with wings that was used inthe second half of the 8th and throughout the 9th century. Several pieces of weapons like that were found in Dalmatian outback, in Hercegovina and in southwestern Bosnia. Its shape and function are clearly indicated by tiny images in Carolingian church book sand reliefs from Europe of the period. Of special importance for our issue is an analogy to the relief from Žrnovnica nearby Split showing a horseman attacking a bear with almost identical spear. Until recently this monument was considered as an early Romanesque stone-carving, but thanks to further detailed art andiconographic analysis it was shown that it belongs to pre-Romanesque period; most likely second half of the 8th century. The displayed heads of the animals, the head of the boar especially, being very robust with semi-open jaws with long sharp teeth, could be used for chronological dating of the relief from Malo Čajno. Thanks to such outlook, in comparison to their bodies, they mostly resemble the augmented animal heads carved on the specimen of the early medieval stone furniture found in churches in cities in Dalmatia, Istria and northern Italy. The very motif of boar hunting, as previously noted, is taken from the repertoire of the ancient art. The sarcophagus with mythological theme of Meleager hunting a Calydonian boar from Solin (today in Archeological museum in Split) is one of the best displays of such a motif from prestigious Attic workshops. Several items from the Late Antiquity exemplify the use of this motif also in the early Christian period as previously mentioned by J. Kovačević.A relief with a narrative display of boar hunting from the portico of a cathedral in Civita Castellana is a very good early medieval analogy to the scene on the relief from vicinity of Visoko. On the monument from Lazio, the hunt is taking place in the forest and horsemen and infantry are participating. The boar surrounded by dogs is being attacked by one horseman with a spear with a small wings, the other one with a spear in his hand and a horn in his mouth is pursuingit, while two more infantry men, equipped in a similar fashion, are also taking part in the hunt. Those infantrymen are very similar to the hunter from Visokoincluding the presence of the naïve carving. Their legs are presented in profile, while torso and the heads areen face. Apart from that, they are carved in a similar fashion to the hunter from the relief in Bosnia withtheir thick triangular beards and long hair which in broad highlights is combed towards scalp. Display of perspective in superposition is also an interesting artanalogy which is present on both of the monuments. The relief from Cività Castellana is considered to beLangobardian legacy and is usually dated back to 8th century.The relief with the added Nespina kaznac's inscription is specific for its carving method which is dominated by the use of serrated tools. Their use is not common in the Medieval Period and especially not on tombstones from the Late Medieval period including stećci, where there are no traces of it as well, as far as I know. On the other hand, such final processing of the stone surface is common in Roman period so we can assume that its use on our monument should be understood as antique and late antique tradition. Such carving technique was also applied to some other monuments in the area of today's Bosnia. It involves bear head protomes which used to be arrangedin a sequence ornamenting the outer wall of apse of a palace within curtis in Breza, but also ram's or moufflon's head probably as a part of a capital from the same site. Clear marks of the serrated chisel and hammer indicate that these monuments should assumedlybe placed into approximately the same period. The building in Breza is differently dated and functionally explained. In my opinion it is not an old Christian church but a palace within early medieval land property. Almost all fragments that used to decorate the interior and exterior of the building in Breza are not the characteristic of the Christian iconography.This is especially reflected in the displays of animals like bear, moufflon or ram which would be more acceptable for more secular buildings like a palace or hunting lodge as a part of nobility residence of the Early Middle Ages. Earlier in the text we have tried to show that according to its artistic qualities and carving procedures the relief from Malo Čajno is verysimilar to the sculptures from Breza. Therefore, if we add its contents (narrative boar hunting scene) to those indicators, an assumption that it used to be a part of the same ambience does not seem too daring. Such an opinion is more justified if we know that those two localities are only few kilometers apart. Hence, I consider the relief with boar hunting scene from MaloČajno to be carved in the Early Middle Ages, roughly in the second half of the 8th century. I assume that it was once a part of ambience decoration in the interior of the palace or hunting lodge in Breza. Afterwards, in the following centuries of the Medieval Period, it was taken from there to the new position in Malo Čajno. At that moment it also got its new, funeral functionwhich is shown through successively carved Cyrillic inscription originating from 12th or 13th century. Such re-use of some early medieval monument was not uncommon because in medieval Bosnia, similar thing happened to the famous Kulin ban's panelwhich was found nearby, in Biskupići.

This rough circular-shaped lead seal possesses a white-cream color. The upper half of the seal features the bust of St. Demetrios, off-center to the left. St. Demetrios was a military saint and is the patron saint of Thessaloniki, as this was the place of his martyrdom. He was also later credited in miracle stories with protecting Thessaloniki from the threat of invaders. The medieval Greek inscription on the left and right of the saint's torso reads "Theotokos, help." This is asking for the Mother of God's protection and blessing. A decorative wreath encircles the perimeter, resembling the style of other seals dating back to the seventh century. On the back of the seal, the decorative wreath continues to follow the outer edges. The inscription identifies the owner and his status: "George apo eparchon and archon." Apo eparchon is an honorific title reserved for public officers who supervise state workshops, toll collection, or notaries. Moreover, the usage of the title apo eparchon was most prevalent in the 7th century, which could indicate that the seal originated from this time period. George also held the title of archon, which signifies the high position of governor. People of all walks of life in the Byzantine Empire utilized seals to spread information through letters. These seals identified the sender and ensured that the letter had not been tampered with. A lead seal was made by threading a string through an open channel in a blank round lead disc then pressing that disc in a die that was inscribed with the user's name. The result was a stamped seal, secured to a string that was connected to a document. Byzantine society used lead seals as another way to convey social strata based upon the images, iconography, and inscriptions present. The portrayal of St. Demetrios is relevant to George's position in government, due to the saint's military and protective status. Furthermore, the saint's cult popularity in the 7th century, and close ties to Thessaloniki, may suggest George's location. The seal of Peter, archbishop of Thessaloniki, at Dumbarton Oaks (BZS.1951.31.5.1307), also features St. Demetrios. Both George and Peter's usage of St. Demetrios on their seal may indicate the saint's popularity with people in positions of power, and its unique relation to Thessaloniki. The seal of Peter also represents what a religious seal would look like in Byzantine society. The monogram at the center is reminiscent of a cross and another clue of his high social status, religious position, and devotion. The seal of Markellia at Dumbarton Oaks (BZS.1955.1.4533) is also a religious seal that possesses a monogram. It manages to simultaneously incorporate both her identity as a woman and her successful religious career. The front of the seal portrays the Virgin Hodegetria which means "she who shows the way" and is a Byzantine name for a ceremonial image of the Virgin and the Christ Child. A halo circles the Virgin's head and in her left arm, she cradles the infant Son of God. Christ is also adorned by a halo. The monogram reads "hegoumena of the monastery of Theodore", which indicates her authoritative position in the monastery. Overall, the more power one obtains, the more the design of the seal begins to deviate, as the use of monograms indicates higher status. A seal for a butcher named Anastasios, also at Dumbarton Oaks (BZS.1951.31.5.2555), provides an example of a working-class Byzantine. The seal focuses on the mere essentials, as it simply states his identity, and asks for a very commonplace prayer of protection. Anastasios's lead seal, in its simplicity and lack of stylistic or iconographic elements, represents his lack of high-ranking social status. The highest power in the Byzantine hierarchy is the Emperor, and the presentation of his seal at Dumbarton Oaks (BZS.1951.31.5.1640) represents that power and influence. Constantine IV depicts his ultimate authority through his lead seal. The front features a bust of himself with his head slightly angled. He wears his hair in a long curled style. The Emperor is pictured wearing a cuirass and chlamys. In his right hand, he holds a spear behind his head, while a shield decorated with a horse lays on his left shoulder. He intentionally paints himself as heroic through his youthful, military imagery. On the back, he replaces the typical iconography of the Virgin with the cross potent. The cross serves as a victory motif and symbolizes Christ's triumph over death. Constantine IV could also be attempting to emphasize his connection with earlier well-regarded Emperors like Constantine the Great, who started the trend of associating the cross with victory after the famous Battle of Milvian Bridge. Constantine IV uses his imperial power to portray himself as a charismatic and heroic emperor, attempting to imitate the greatness of the original Constantine. By drawing out these similarities between the two rulers he hopes to convey and cement his legitimacy and adequacy to rule. Additionally, another indication of his influence and power is that, unlike all the other seals, he does not need to identify who he is for people to be aware. As a whole, lead seals paint an insightful picture of the social identity and positions their owners held. Sources Consulted Dumbarton Oaks, Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals, https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals. Alexander P. Kazhdan, ed, Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). Asen Kirin, ed. Sacred Art, Secular Context: Objects of Art from the Byzantine Collection of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC (Athens, GA: Georgia Museum of Art, 2005). Nicolas Oikonomides, Byzantine Lead Seals (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1985). Gary Vikan and John Nesbitt, Security in Byzantium: Locking, Sealing, and Weighing (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1980). Maya Virdell ('24) for ARHS 110 Introduction to Western Art (Spring 2021). ; https://digital.kenyon.edu/arthistorystudycollection/1683/thumbnail.jpg

Horizon Environmental Services, Inc. (Horizon) was selected by Burditt Consultants, LLC on behalf of the City of Hutto, to conduct an intensive cultural resources inventory and assessment for the Houston Youth Soccer Association (HYSA) Texans at Riverwalk Parking Lot Project. The HYSA Texans at Riverwalk Park is an existing soccer field located northeast of the intersection of Farm-to-Market Road (FM) 685 and Riverwalk Drive in Hutto, Williamson County, Texas. The City of Hutto is proposing to purchase the soccer park from its current owners. No improvements are proposed to the soccer field itself, though the city is proposing to construct a parking lot on an approximately 1.3-hectare (3.3-acre) lot located off the northern side of Riverwalk Drive adjacent to the eastern side of the soccer field. As such, for purposes of the cultural resources survey, the project area is assumed to consist of the proposed parking lot tract, which covers an area of approximately 1.3 hectares (3.3 acres). The proposed undertaking is being sponsored by the City of Hutto, a political subdivision of the state of Texas, and would utilize grant funding provided by the Texas Parks & Wildlife Department (TPWD). As both the city of Hutto and TPWD are political subdivisions of the state of Texas, the project would fall under the jurisdiction of the Antiquities Code of Texas (Natural Resources Code, Title 9, Chapter 191). At this time, no federal permits, licenses, or funds have been identified for the project. As the project represents a publicly sponsored undertaking, the project sponsor is required to provide the Texas Historical Commission (THC), which serves as the State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO) for the state of Texas, with an opportunity to review and comment on the project's potential to adversely affect historic properties considered eligible for designation as State Antiquities Landmarks (SAL). On May 7, 2019, Horizon archeologists Emily McCurdy and Rachel Naasz conducted an intensive cultural resources survey of the project area. The survey was conducted under the overall direction of Jeffrey D. Owens, Principal Investigator, under Texas Antiquities Permit no. 8997. The purpose of the survey was to locate any significant cultural resources that potentially would be impacted by the proposed undertaking. Horizon's archeologists traversed the park and thoroughly inspected the modern ground surface for aboriginal and historic-age cultural resources. The project area is located on the upper terraces of Brushy Creek and exhibited signs of prior disturbances from grading, landscaping, periodic vegetation clear-cutting, and construction of a gravel driveway that provides access to the back side of the adjacent soccer field to the west. The field where the parking lot would be constructed appears to already be in use as an informal parking lot for games at the adjacent park. Vegetation within the southern portion of the project area consists of manicured grasses, though the northern portion of the project area adjacent to Brushy Creek was densely overgrown in tall grasses and weeds and a line of deciduous trees lining the creek bank. The largely level, high terrace landform drops off sharply toward the creek, and no lower terraces are evident in this area. Visibility of the modern ground surface was generally poor due to vegetative ground cover (<20%). In addition to pedestrian walkover, the Texas State Minimum Archeological Survey Standards (TSMASS) require a minimum of two shovel tests per 0.4 hectare (1.0 acre) for project areas between 1.2 and 4.0 hectares (3.0 and 10.0 acres) in size. As such, a minimum of seven shovel tests would be required within the 1.3-hectare (3.3-acre) project area. Horizon excavated a total of 14 shovel tests during the survey, thereby exceeding the TSMASS for a project area of this size. Shovel testing typically revealed dense grayish-brown to gray silty loam overlying dense grayish-brown clay loam or black clay at depths ranging from 45.0 to 75.0 centimeters (17.7 to 29.5 inches) below surface. Sediments on the tract exhibited extensive signs of prior disturbance and compaction. It is Horizon's opinion that sediments with the potential to contain subsurface archeological deposits were fully penetrated and that the project area was adequately assessed for cultural resources. One aboriginal expedient tool, a utilized chert flake, was observed in one shovel test at a depth of 30.0 centimeters (11.8 inches) below surface. Additional delineation shovel tests were excavated surrounding this initial positive shovel test, though no more cultural resources were observed. This lithic flake tool has been classified as an isolated artifact occurrence and was not recorded as an archeological site. While the presence of an aboriginal lithic artifact is broadly indicative of prehistoric activity dating to an undermined prehistoric timeframe within the project area, the artifact also may have been redeposited from somewhere nearby during prior construction activities on the tract. No further investigations are warranted in connection with this single artifact. No artifacts were collected during the survey. Following completion of the project, project records will be permanently curated at the Texas Archeological Research Laboratory (TARL). Based on the results of the survey-level investigations documented in this report, no potentially significant cultural resources would be affected by the proposed undertaking. In accordance with 36 CFR 800.4, Horizon has made a reasonable and good-faith effort to identify historic properties within the project area. No cultural resources were identified within the project area that meet the criteria for designation as State Antiquities Landmarks (SAL) according to 13 TAC 26 or for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) under 36 CFR 60.4. Horizon recommends a finding of "no historic properties affected," and no further archeological work is recommended in connection with the proposed undertaking. However, human burials, both prehistoric and historic, are protected under the Texas Health and Safety Code. In the event that any human remains or burial objects are inadvertently discovered at any point during construction, use, or ongoing maintenance in the project area, even in previously surveyed areas, all work should cease immediately in the vicinity of the inadvertent discovery, and the Texas Historical Commission (THC) should be notified immediately.

La energía ha estado presente en el seno de la Unión Europea (UE) desde sus orígenes - con la firma del Tratado CECA en 1951 se comunitarizó el carbón, entonces principal fuente de energía, y en 1957, con la creación de Euratom, entró en el escenario la energía nuclear. A lo largo del tiempo la energía se ha ido convirtiendo en una de las principales preocupaciones, pero también en uno de los principales ámbitos de actuación y en una de las prioridades comunitarias. Y es que la situación energética a la que hacemos frente actualmente, es preocupante - el consumo de energía está en niveles muy altos, la producción autóctona de fuentes de energía fósiles es mínima, las importaciones energéticas y la consiguiente dependencia energética exterior están en aumento, y el uso de los combustibles fósiles genera emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. El camino recorrido fue largo y difícil, pero finalmente, con la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa en 2009, se creó la Política Energética Europea (art. 194 TFUE), se definió la energía como una de las competencias compartidas (art. 4 TFUE), y se elaboró una legislación energética sólida. Todo esto con tres objetivos principales: competitividad (liberalización e integración del mercado energético), seguridad (suministro ininterrumpido y a precios razonables) y sostenibilidad (protección del medioambiente). Para conseguir dichos objetivos y para poder disfrutar del actual nivel de vida también en el futuro, se han fijado unas metas energéticas y medioambientales ambiciosas, relativas a la eficiencia energética, al uso de las energías renovables y a la reducción de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. En 2015 se ha creado la Unión de la Energía y Clima - una estrategia marco cohesiva que une todas las iniciativas y que pone en marcha una auténtica transición energética europea. La energía, entonces, cobra un especial protagonismo en nuestra sociedad - sin ella es difícil de imaginarnos la vida al día de hoy. Dado que se considera como un bien extremadamente necesario, se ha creado una regulación europea (y nacional) que establece las reglas para su explotación y uso, con el fin de asegurar a los consumidores un suministro seguro, sostenible y a precios más bajos posibles. Se considera que, para lograr dichos objetivos, es necesario instaurar un mercado interior energético al nivel de la UE e introducir una competencia efectiva en dicho mercado. La creación del mercado interior del carbón es un hecho que data de los años 50, pero la puesta en marcha del mercado interior de la electricidad y del gas natural resultó ser bastante más complicada. Para su instauración se han adoptado tres paquetes sucesivos de medidas liberalizadoras, que comprenden una serie de Directivas y Reglamentos. La aplicación de dichas normas, junto con la observancia de la normativa europea de competencia, debe garantizar el correcto funcionamiento del mercado interior energético en la UE. La finalidad última de estos esfuerzos, es la de asegurar a los consumidores europeos una energía asequible, segura y limpia - ahora y en el futuro. ; The energy has been present in the European Union (EU) since its inception - with the signing of the ECSC Treaty in 1951, coal, which was the main source of energy, was communitarized, and in 1957, with the creation of Euratom, the nuclear power entered the scenario. Over time, energy has become one of the main concerns, but also one of the main areas of action and one of the Community priorities. The thing is that the energy situation we are currently facing is worrisome - the energy consumption is at very high levels, the autochthonous production of fossil energy sources is minimal, the energy imports and the consequent Energy Import Dependency are increasing and the use of fossil fuels generates emissions of greenhouse gases. The way was long and difficult, but finally, with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the European Energy Policy has been created (Article 194 TFEU), the energy has been defined as one of the shared competences (Article 4 TFEU), and sound energy legislation has been elaborated. All of this with three main objectives: competitiveness (liberalization and integration of the energy market), security (uninterrupted supply at reasonable prices) and sustainability (environmental protection). In order to achieve these objectives and to enjoy the current standards of living also in the future, ambitious energy and environmental targets have been set, relating to the energy efficiency, to the use of renewable energies and to the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. In 2015 the Energy Union and Climate has been created - a cohesive framework strategy that unites all the initiatives and sets in motion a real European energy transition. The energy, therefore, takes on a special importance in our society - without it is difficult to imagine the life nowadays. Given that it is considered to be an extremely necessary commodity, a European (and national) regulation that sets out the rules for its exploitation and use has been established, in order to ensure to the consumers a supply which is safe, sustainable and at lowest possible prices. To achieve these objectives, it is considered necessary to establish an internal energy market at EU level and to introduce an effective competition in this market. The creation of the internal market for coal is a fact dating back to the 1950s, but the start-up of the internal market for electricity and natural gas turned to be much more complicated. Three successive packages of liberalizing measures have been adopted to implement the electricity and natural gas internal market, including a number of Directives and Regulations. The application of these rules, together with the observance of European competition law, is to guarantee the proper functioning of the internal energy market in the EU. The ultimate aim of these efforts is to ensure that European consumers have affordable, safe and clean energy - now and in the future.

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX-XX secolo) ; Alcune biografie di giornalisti, risalenti alla stagione di studi a cavallo tra gli anni '70 e '80, sono ormai accreditate come lavori di chiara valenza storica. Tra le analisi più significative si annoverano quelle sulle figure di Luigi Abertini, Alfredo Frassati e Alberto Bergamini. In questo filone vuole inserirsi il presente studio, che ha come scopo di fornire uno sguardo di insieme sulle esperienza di vita, professionali e personali, di un giornalista finora poco conosciuto, Mario Borsa. Formatosi sin da giovane negli ambienti del giornalismo milanese di matrice socialista e radicale, Borsa fu per 14 anni il corrispondente estero del "Secolo", che era considerto allora il giornale di riferimento della democrazia cittadina e nazionale. Entrata in crisi la popolarità della testata, nel 1911 egli venne richiamato in Italia per rinnovarla secondo i metodi anglosassoni e se ne assunse di fatto la responsabilità fino al 1918 quando passò a seguire i lavori della Conferenza di Versailles. Sotto la sua guida il giornale si oppose coraggiosamente alla guerra di Libia, fu tra i principali fautori dell'ingresso dell'Italia nella Prima guerra mondiale a fianco dell'Intesa e si spese attivamente per il raggiungimento di una pace giusta e durevole. Nel dopoguerra, come la maggior parte delle testate italiane, anche "Il Secolo" subì la lenta penetrazione delle forze capitalistiche e la seguente fascistizzazione. Borsa venne esautorato e costretto a dimettersi, ma potè testimoniare, i momenti cruciali dell'instaurazione della dittatura, attraverso le colonne del "Times", di cui divenne corrispondente da Milano. Antifascista della prima ora, in Italia prese parte a tutte le maggiori iniziative dell'opposizione liberale e democratica senza abbandonare mai, per quanto pericolosi, i contatti con l'antifascismo di ispirazione giellista e azionista. Continuò perciò a rappresentare per tutto il Ventennio una spina del fianco del Regime, tanto che, dopo essere stato diffidato e ammonito, venne internato nel 1940 per le sue idee, che lo rendevano un "Italiano pericoloso". All'indomani della Liberazione, il prestigio e l'integrità accumulati nel corso della lunga carriera, fecero di Borsa il candidato ideale alla direzione del "Corriere della sera". La sua conduzione del giornale di via Solferino, per quanto breve e sottoposta a diverse influenze, ebbe una grandissima importanza: si caratterizzò soprattutto per aver contribuito a ristabilire un clima di ordine e di fiducia costruttiva e per aver saputo sfatare le paure alimentate dalla propaganda monarchica favorendo la vittoria della Repubblica al referendum istituzionale del 2 giugno; un risultato che il direttore pagò nuovamente di persona, con l'allontamento. Queste sono solo alcune delle molteplici battaglie che Borsa intraprese, con coerenza personale e integrità professionale costanti, che lo fanno ricordare come un difensore intransigente della libertà di stampa, uno dei maggiori esponenti del democratismo, un personaggio che andrebbe giustamente inserito tra gli interpreti di quella che viene indicata come "l'età d'oro" della stampa, in cui i giornalisti italiani non furono solo osservatori, bensì protagonisti della storia politica e sociale del Paese. ; Some biographies of journalists, dating back to the series of studies spanning the '70s and '80s, are now accredited as works of clear historical importance. Among the most significant analysis, those about Luigi Abertini, Alfredo Frassati and Alberto Bergamini. In this line wants to enter this study, which aims to provide an overall look on the professional and personal life experience of a little-known journalist, Mario Borsa. Trained from his youth in the areas of radical and socialist journalism of Milan, for 14 years Mario Borsa was foreign correspondent for "Il Secolo", which was considered as a reference for democracy in the city and the all nation. Fallen the newspaper into a crisis of popularity, Borsa was recalled to Italy to renew it according to Anglo-Saxon's methods and to assume also its editorial responsibility in the crucial years between 1911 and 1918. Under his guidance the newspaper courageously opposed the war in Libya, was a major proponent of Italy's entry into the First World War alongside the Entente and worked actively to achieve a just and lasting peace. After the war, like most of Italian newspapers, "Il Secolo" had the slow penetration of capitalist forces first and of fascists then. Mario Borsa was ousted and forced to resign, but he could testify, the moments of the establishment of the dictatorship, through the columns of the"Times", for wich he became correspondent for Milan. Staunch antifascist, in Italy he tooks part in all the major initiatives of the opposition Democratic-Liberal and never left, even if dangerous, his connections with the Lombard antifascists of "Giustizia e libertà" or of "Partito d'azione". Therefore he always continued to represent a thorn in the side for the Fascist regime, so, after being warned, was interned in 1940 for his ideas, that made him a "dangerous Italian". After the Liberation, the prestige and integrity built up over the long career, made of Mario Borsa the ideal candidate to the direction of the "Corriere della Sera".His management of the newspaper of "Via Solferino", however brief and subjected to different influences, had a great importance because it has been characterized for having helped to restore a climate of order and confidence and for having favored the victory of the Republic to the institutional referendum; a result that the responsable paid again in person, by moving away. These are just some of the battles that Mario struggled with constant personal and professional integrity. For these reasons he should be remember as an uncompromising defender of press freedom, one of the greatest exponents of democratism, and a personality who should be rightly placed between the interpreters of what is referred as "the golden age" of the press, in which Italian journalists were not only observers, but protagonists of the political and social history of the country.

Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit befasst sich mit dem dynamisch-strategischen Aufbau europäisch- japanischer Diplomatie nach dem Ende der Ära des Kalten Kriegs im Zeitraum der Jahre 1991 bis 2006. Erforscht wurden die ersten fünfzehn Jahre sicherheitspolitischer Interaktion der aufstrebenden Partner Europäische Union (EU) und Japan mit Hilfe herausgearbeiteter "drei Dimensionen". Die erste Dimension deckt seit 1991 den rein bilateralen Auf- und Ausbau institutioneller Strukturen mittels aktiver Gipfeldiplomatie auf höchster, nämlich der Ebene der Staats- und Regierungschefs ("Institutionelle Dimension") ab. In der zweiten Dimension wird die sich seit 1996 herauskristallisierende europäisch-ostasiatische interregionale Sicherheitskooperation ("Regionale Dimension") dargestellt, in deren Kontext wechselseitigem multilateralen Krisen- und Aufbauengagements Nippon sich als einer der größten Geber auf dem Westbalkan (Europas damals "brennender Hinterhof"), und im Gegenzug die EU sich als nicht minder gewichtiger Stabilitätsakteur in Nordkorea und Ost Timor (inklusive Aceh/Indonesien, Japans zu jener Zeit "bedrohlicher Krisenbogen") im Rahmen des "Cross Regional Support" bewährte. Die dritte Dimension etablierte sich seit der Millenniumswende im globalen multilateralen Kontext ("Globale Dimension"). Im Zuge des "Managing Global Order" wurde diesbezüglich u.a. in den geostrategisch wichtigen Krisenherden Sri Lanka und Afghanistan (Friedens- und Wiederaufbaudiplomatie) sowie sektoralen Zukuftsfeldern wie (vorlaufend) bei der Bewältigung der Asienfinanzkrise (globale Finanzstabilitätsdiplomatie), der Etablierung des Kernfusionsversuchsreaktors "ITER" (Diplomatie für künftige Energiesicherheit), der Umsetzung des Kyoto Protokolls (Weltklimadiplomatie) und des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs (Diplomatie für Weltstrafgerichtsbarkeit und Menschenrechte) maßgeblich kooperiert, wenn nötig sogar ohne den beiderseitigen trilateralen Sicherheitsgaranten USA. Die Arbeit ist überdies eingebettet in einen historischen Kontext (1543-1945/90) europäisch- japanischem Werte- und Kulturaustauschs, dessen Fortsetzung im Ausblick der Arbeit mit Blick auf mögliche Varianten fortgeführter, mittel- bis langfristig ausgerichteter sicherheitsstrategischer Fundamentalkooperation (Stichwort "Vista-Verschiebung von Europa nach Ostasien" - Aufbauend auf Nippons direkter, maßgeblicher und nachhaltiger Föderung europäischer regionaler Integration im Zeiraum 1991 bis 2006 durch "Fittrimmen" des Balkans -wie auch anderer im Jahr 2004 beigetretener Staaten des einstigen Warschauer Pakts und des Baltikums- für einen künftigen EU-Beitritt: Welche Rollen für Japan und die EU bei der Schaffung einer Ostasiatischen Gemeinschaft ab 2006/11 im wirtschaftlich boomenden, sicherheitspolitisch jedoch stets auch fragilen Fernost?) anskizziert wurde. ; European Union - Japan. The strategic build-up of political relations in three dimensions : Studia Diplomatica 1991-2006: A review with outlook in a historical context The given German language PhD-thesis, supervised by Prof. Dr. Ludger Kuehnhardt (Head of the Center for European Integration Studies "ZEI", University of Bonn), co-supervised by Prof. Dr. Michael Reiterer (Head of the European Union Delegation to Switzerland and Liechtenstein, University of Innsbruck) and sponsored by the Canon Foundation in Europe (Amstelveen, the Netherlands), was thoroughly being dealt with from mid 2006 onward, officially submitted end of 2009 and -after successful oral examinations in mid 2010- published online end of 2010. The research covers European Union (EU) - Japan security diplomacy between 1991 and 2006, i.e. the era in international relations following suit the "cold war". Whilst focusing these initial 15 years on "forward, upward, onward together" striving for political interaction between Brussels and Tokyo, with help of "three dimensions" discovered, verifiable evidence was to finally be delivered that the given process had been a deliberate product of a mutually pursued systematic and strategic approach. Whereas the first dimension, focusing the uppermost top level of summit meetings of the heads of state and government, scrutinized the establishment and expansion of purely bilateral institutional structures ("Institutional Dimension") since 1991, within the second dimension a special focus had been placed on multilateral European-East Asian interregional cooperation ("Regional Dimension") shaping out since 1996 the interplay of crisis prevention- and development commitment by Japan as the world`s third biggest peace building donor in the Western Balkans (Europe`s these days burning backyard) and -in return- of the EU as a by no means less counting stability actor in North Korea and particularly in East Timor (including also successful peace diplomacy for Aceh/Indonesia: East Asia`s then most destabilizing crisis spots) within the frame of "Cross Regional Support". With the millennium turn and also propelled by the September 2001 terrorist attacks in the USA, the third dimension was born offering the stage for the meanwhile grown up security actors Brussels and Tokyo to proactively strive for roles of wider global stability and peace. In five researched upon significant fields of multilateral global cooperation ("Global Dimension"), both new strategic partners closely cooperated and remarkably succeeded inter alia in delicate areas and subjects of crisis within the framework of "Managing Global Order". Often, but not always (!) in accordance with both side`s trilateral security guarantor Washington, these were taking place in Sri Lanka and Afghanistan (geopolitical peace diplomacy) and also covered concerted and massive efforts to master security challenges such as tackling the Asian Financial Crisis 1997/98 (world financial stability diplomacy), establishing the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor "ITER" in France (future energy security diplomacy) and the International Criminal Court in the Netherlands (global criminal jurisdiction diplomacy), and finally pushed crucially for implementing the Kyoto-Protocol to help save the world´s climate (counter-global warming diplomacy). Framed in a historical context dating back some 400 to 450 years (1543-1945/90) linked with an outlook covering options for continued exchange of stability values between "East and West" (such as parliamentary democracy, balance of powers, rule of law, human and civil rights, market economy, free media and citizens` principles) in the future (shifting the security focus from Europe towards East-Asia, and centering from the year 2011 onward around the potential mid to long term build-up of an East-Asian Community with debatable roles of Tokyo and -community building experienced- Brussels as a lively and expected response to Nippon`s proactive Western Balkan peace building activities 1991-2006, which for its part had aimed to essentially and strongly help the "black sheep" of Europe to get -meanwhile each by each- mentally prepared and physically fit to join successfully the rules -and interests- based peace project and actor EU one day, like Nippon`s beforehand offered generous and strategic economic aid mainly to the former Warsaw Pact -and to some extent also Baltic- states promoting their final EU-accession in 2004), the PhD-thesis further attempted to answer the following key questions: 1) Who was the holder of ownership, the "driving force" behind the strategic build-up of political relations?, 2) have political dialogue and cooperation up to the year 2006 made the EU and Japan (starting out 1991 and labeled "nobody") finally arrive as credible political-security actors (individually as well as in partnership) on the stage of international relations?, 3) what was the proper share of the USA?, and 4) what were the results delivered by the continuous interplay of mutual perceptions displaying the grand lines of European-East Asian intercultural divides and conflict?

ABSTRAK Tesis ini membahas tentang Pelaksanaan Pemberian Ganti Rugi Terhadap Anak Korban Tindak Pidana Berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana (Studi Di Kejaksaan Negeri Pontianak). Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Penelitian Hukum Normatif. Dari hasil penelitian tesis ini diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa Dari apa yang telah diuraikan di Bab sebelumnya maka pada Bab ini peneliti mencoba menarik beberapa kesimpulan sebagai berikut :1.Pelaksanaan pemberian ganti rugi (Restitusi) terhadap anak korban tindak pidana berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana yaitu dengan pengajuan permohonan restitusi yang mengacu pada Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana. Permohonan Restitusi sebagaimana dimaksud, diajukan secara tertulis dalam Bahasa Indonesia di atas kertas bermaterai kepada pengadilan, yang diajukan sebelum putusan pengadilan, melalui tahap: a. Penyidikan; atau b. Penuntutan. Selain melalui tahap penyidikan atau penuntutan sebagaimana dimaksud, permohonan Restitusi dapat diajukan melalui Lembaga Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban (LPSK) sesuai dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan. Adapun permohonan restitusi yang diajukan setelah putusan pengadilan yang telah memperoleh kekuatan hukum tetap, juga dapat diajukan melalui LPSK sesuai dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan. 2.Akibat hukum apabila pelaku menolak atau tidak mau membayar ganti rugi (restitusi) terhadap anak yang menjadi korban tindak pidana. Banyak cara bagi pelaku tindak pidana untuk menolak membayar restitusi pada kasus pelaku pidana diminta membayar restitusi, korban harus menyertakan bukti-bukti atau dokumen aset mereka yang rusak atau hilang kepada penuntut umum. Bukti itulah yang dijadikan penuntut umum untuk meminta pengadilan menghukum pelaku membayar restitusi. Bahwa sampai sekarang ini belum pernah ada yang mengajukan restitusi. Selama ini pelaku tindak pidana di putus dengan pidana penjara maupun kurungan beserta pembayaran denda. 3. Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana telah mengatur pelaksanaan pemberian hak restitusi bagi anak korban tindak pidana, namun, pengaturan dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana masih dapat menimbulkan beberapa persoalan hukum yaitu : Pertama. Pengaturan dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana belum memuat solusi apabila restitusi tidak dibayarkan. Persoalan hukum kedua, rumitnya prosedur pengajuan restitusi dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana, dengan demikian diperlukannya pengaturan restitusi bagi anak yang menjadi korban tindak pidana untuk masa yang akan dating. Pada hakikatnya, pembaharuan hukum pidana harus ditempuh dengan pendekatan yang berorientasi pada kebijakan (policy-oriented approach) dan sekaligus pendekatan yang berorientasi pada nilai (value-oriented approach) karena ia hanya merupakan bagian dari suatu langkah kebijakan atau policy (yaitu bagian dari politik hukum/penegakan hukum, politik hukum pidana, politik kriminal, dan politik sosial). Khususnya pada pengaturan restitusi bagi anak yang menjadi korban tindak pidana untuk masa yang akan datang. Kata Kunci: Pelaksanaan, Ganti Rugi, Anak, Korban dan Tindak Pidana ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the Implementation of Compensation for Children Victims of Crimes Based on Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who are Victims of Crimes (Study at the Pontianak District Attorney). The method used in this research is normative law research. From the results of this thesis research, it can be concluded that from what has been described in the previous chapter, in this chapter the researcher tries to draw some conclusions as follows: 1. The implementation of the provision of compensation (restitution) to child victims of crime based on Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime, namely by submitting a request for restitution which refers to Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime.The application for restitution as intended, is submitted in writing in Indonesian on paper stamped to the court, which is submitted before the court's decision, through the following stages: a. Investigation; or b. Prosecution. In addition to going through the investigation or prosecution stage as intended, a request for restitution can be submitted through the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK) in accordance with the provisions of the legislation. The request for restitution submitted after a court decision that has obtained permanent legal force can also be submitted through the LPSK in accordance with the provisions of the legislation. 2. Legal consequences if the perpetrator refuses or does not want to pay compensation (restitution) to the child who is the victim of a crime. There are many ways for criminals to refuse to pay restitution in cases where criminals are asked to pay restitution, victims must submit evidence or documents of their damaged or lost assets to the public prosecutor. This evidence is used by the public prosecutor to ask the court to punish the perpetrators to pay restitution. That until now no one has ever applied for restitution.So far, the perpetrators of criminal acts have been sentenced to imprisonment or confinement along with the payment of a fine. 3. Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime has regulated the implementation of granting restitution rights for children who are victims of criminal acts, however, the regulation in Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning Implementation of Restitution for Children who are Victims of Crime can still cause some legal problems, namely: First. The regulation in Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime does not contain a solution if restitution is not paid. The second legal issue is the complexity of the procedure for applying for restitution in Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime, thus it is necessary to regulate restitution for children who are victims of criminal acts in the future. In essence, criminal law reform must be pursued with a policy-oriented approach and at the same time a value-oriented approach because it is only part of a policy or policy step (i.e. part of legal politics). / law enforcement, criminal law politics, criminal politics, and social politics). Especially in the regulation of restitution for children who are victims of criminal acts in the future.Keywords: Implementation, Compensation, Children, Victims and Crime

La jachère agroforestière améliorée consiste à planter des arbres, après une série de cultures, dans le but de rapidement restaurer la fertilité des sols. Cette pratique est encouragée car elle permettrait, entre autres, de raccourcir le temps des jachères; d'améliorer la fertilité des sols; d'augmenter les rendements des cultures. De plus, cette dernière aurait un bon potentiel d'adoption par les agriculteurs car sa pratique est proche de la jachère traditionnelle. En République Démocratique du Congo, un projet datant de la fin des années 90 a permis à plus de 300 agriculteurs de pratiquer des jachères agroforestières à Acacia auriculiformis afin d'améliorer le rendement des cultures de manioc – principal aliment de cette région. La présente thèse s'était fixée comme but d'étudier le potentiel des jachères agroforestières en approfondissant certains aspects de cette pratique notamment ceux liés aux effets que pourraient avoir l'âge des arbres sur les sols. Plus spécifiquement, les objectifs étaient de: i) évaluer et comparer les effets des jachères agroforestières à A. auriculiformis dont les classes d'âge étaient 1 à 3 ans, 3 à 5 ans et 5 à 7 ans ainsi que des jachères traditionnelles de 5 ans sur la fertilité et les stocks de carbone des sols ; ii) évaluer et comparer les rendements de manioc et les contenus en nutriments de leurs feuilles et farines; et iii) identifier les facteurs socio-économiques liés à la continuité de la pratique de la jachère agroforestière à A. auriculiformis par les agriculteurs. Les résultats obtenus permettent de conclure que les jachères successives à A. auriculiformis âgées de 1 à 7 ans après la première récolte d'une plantation mature d'acacias de 7 ans améliorent les propriétés physico-chimiques ainsi que les stocks de carbone des sols comparativement aux jachères traditionnelles de 5 ans. Les effets de l'âge de jachères sur les propriétés physico-chimiques et les stocks de carbone n'étaient pas significatifs. Des essais de culture de manioc ont également été réalisés sur des sols de jachères agroforestières de 1 à 3 ans ; 3 à 5 ans et 5 à 7 ans ainsi que sur des sols de jachères traditionnelles âgées de 5 ans. À l'issue de 11 mois de culture, les rendements obtenus sur les jachères agroforestières longues (5 à 7 ans) ont été supérieurs à ceux de toutes les autres jachères de cette étude et ces derniers étaient également associés à des niveaux élevés de potassium contenu dans les feuilles ainsi que les farines de manioc. Cette étude a également permis, à travers la combinaison de méthodes qualitative et quantitative, de connaître les avantages et contraintes perçus par les agriculteurs. L'augmentation du rendement des cultures ainsi que la récolte d'A. auriculiformis pour la fabrication de charbon de bois ont été citées comme les avantages les plus importants par les agriculteurs. Les enquêtes ont également permis de mettre en évidence le fait que la disponibilité de la main d'œuvre en ce qui concerne le nombre des membres du ménage travaillant dans les champs était la variable qui expliquait le mieux la continuité de la pratique de la jachère agroforestière. En définitive, les jachères agroforestières à A. auriculiformis, notamment celles âgées entre 5 et 7 ans, ont permis d'améliorer la fertilité et les stocks de carbone des sols ainsi que les rendements de manioc. C'est également à cet âge que les arbres peuvent être récoltés pour la fabrication de charbon de bois, ce qui rejoindrait les attentes des agriculteurs. -- Mots clés : jachère agroforestière, Acacia auriculiformis, propriétés physico-chimiques du sol, carbone du sol, rendements de manioc, adoption, Plateau des Batéké. ; Agroforestry improved fallow consists of planting trees after a series of crops in order to quickly restore soil fertility. This practice is encouraged because it would allow, among other things shorten the time of traditional fallows; improve soil fertility; and increase crop yields. In addition, the latter would have a good adoption potential because its practice is close to traditional fallow. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, a project dating back to the late 1990s enabled more than 300 farmers to practice agroforestry fallow of Acacia auriculiformis to improve the yield of cassava crops - the main food of this region. The aim of this thesis was to study the potential of agroforestry fallows with emphasis on certain aspects in connection with this practice, particularly those related to the effects that age of trees may have on soils. More specifically, the objectives were to: i) evaluate and compare the effects of A. auriculiformis agroforestry improved fallows with different class ages 1 to 3 years, 3 to 5 years, 5 to 7 years, as well as traditional fallows of 5 years on the soil fertility and carbon stocks; ii) evaluate and compare cassava yields and nutrient contents of cassava leaves and flours; and iii) identify the socio-economic factors linked to the continuity by farmers of this A. auriculiformis agroforestry improved fallow. The results of this study indicate that successive A. auriculiformis agroforestry improved fallows aged 1 to 7 years after the first harvesting of a 7-year old mature A. auriculiformis plantation, improve the soil physicochemical properties and soil carbon stocks compared to traditional 5-year traditional fallows. The effects of age on soil physico-chemical properties and carbon stocks were not significant. Cassava cultivation trials were conducted on 1 to 3, 3 to 5, and 5 to 7-year-old agroforestry fallow soils as well as on 5-year-old traditional fallow soils. After 11 months of cultivation, yields obtained on long agroforestry fallows (5 to 7 years) were higher than those of all other fallows in this study and these were also associated with high levels of potassium in the cassava leaves and flour. This study also made it possible, through the combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, to know the advantages and constraints perceived by farmers. Increased crop yield and the harvest of Acacia auriculiformis for charcoal production were cited as the most important benefits for farmers. The surveys also highlighted the fact that the availability of labor in terms of the number of household members working in the fields was the best explanatory variable for the continuity of the agroforestry fallow practice. In the end, A. auriculiformis agroforestry fallows, especially the ones between 5 and 7 yearold, can improve soil fertility and soil carbon stocks as well as cassava yields. It is also at this age class that trees can be harvested for charcoal making, which would meet farmers' expectations. Key words: agroforestry fallow, Acacia auriculiformis, soil physico-chemical properties, soil carbon, cassava yields, adoption, Batéké Plateau.

Die Lichtensteinhöhle ist eine Klufthöhle im Berg Lichtenstein in den Harzausläufern. Im anthropogenen Teil der Höhle wurden größere Mengen disoloziert vorliegender Menschenknochen gefunden. Über assoziierte archäologische Artefakte und 14C-Datierungen erfolgte eine Einordnung ins 10.–9. Jh. v. Chr. Aufgrund eines Überzuges mit Gipssinter und konstant niedriger Temperaturen war ein herausragend guter Erhaltungszustand der Knochen und der enthaltenen aDNA gegeben. Dies ermöglichte umfangreiche anthropologische Forschungsarbeiten an den menschlichen Überresten aus der Lichtensteinhöhle. Eine zentrale Fragestellung zu Beginn der Forschungsarbeiten war, ob es sich um eine Opferstätte oder einen Bestattungsplatz handelt. Es konnte für die zunächst identifizierten 40 Individuen ein ausgewogenes Geschlechterverhältnis und eine Altersverteilung über alle Altersklassen hinweg nachgewiesen werden. Zudem konnten mittels molekulargenetischer Methoden verwandtschaftliche Beziehungen zwischen den Individuen aufgedeckt werden. Die Verwandtschaftsrekonstruktion ergab den Stammbaum eines Familienclans. Damit lagen eindeutige Hinweise für eine Nutzung als Bestattungsplatz vor. Während molekulargenetischer Reihenuntersuchungen verschiedener Skelettelemente und morphologischer Zuordnungen von Skelettelementen zu Individuen wurde deutlich, dass Knochen von mehr Individuen als den 40 bislang identifizierten vorhanden waren. Zudem deutete sich an, dass für nahezu alle Individuen nicht alle Knochen in der Höhle aufgefunden worden waren. Das Fehlen von Skelettelementen warf die Frage auf, ob es sich bei der Lichtensteinhöhle nicht um einen Primär- sondern um einen Sekundärbestattungsplatz handeln könnte. Im aktuell durchgeführten Forschungsprojekt wurden, unter Verwendung morphologischer und molekulargenetischer Methoden, die Zuordnungen der dislozierten Knochen zu Individuen zu Ende geführt. Die rekonstruierten Individuen wurden umfassend morphologisch und molekulargenetisch untersucht, mit dem Ziel, die demografische Struktur der Population zu erschließen und die Verwandtschaftsrekonstruktion auszuweiten. Zudem wurde den Fragen der Nutzungsdauer und der genauen Nutzungsart der Höhle nachgegangen. Es konnten 60 Individuen identifiziert werden. Nur für zwei der Individuen wurden alle bei den Zuordnungen berücksichtigten Skelettelemente vorgefunden. An den Knochen zeigten sich nur wenige Fälle degenerativer Veränderungen. Dies ließ darauf schließen, dass die in der Lichtensteinhöhle bestatteten Menschen nicht übermäßig harter körperlicher Belastung ausgesetzt waren. Spuren massiver Gewalteinwirkung fehlten vollständig. Dies macht es unwahrscheinlich, dass die bestattete Population in kriegerische Auseinandersetzungen involviert war. Einige wenige verheilte Frakturen an Rippen oder Schlüsselbein lassen sich problemlos auf Alltagsunfälle zurückführen. Spuren von Mangel- oder Stressphasen waren nur in Einzelfällen nachweisbar. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass die Bestatteten zu Lebzeiten kontinuierlichen Zugang zu ausreichenden Nahrungsressourcen hatten. Das Geschlechterverhältnis war ausgewogen und die Altersverteilung entsprach in den Grundzügen der für eine historische Population zu erwartenden. Eine fesgestellte Unterrepräsentanz von Individuen der Altersklasse Infans I könnte als Hinweis darauf interpretiert werden, dass tatsächlich Sekundärbestattungen praktiziert wurden und die sehr kleinen, fragilen Knochen der Infans I Individuen zum Zeitpunkt der Umbettungen bereits vergangen waren. In begleitenden Arbeiten durchgeführte statistischen Analysen verschiedener Merkmale, wie z.B. Unterschiede im Grad der DNA-Degradierung, lieferten weitere Hinweise in die Richtung, dass es sich bei der Lichtensteinhöhle um einen Sekundärbestattungsplatz handeln dürfte. Für alle neu identifizierten Inividuen wurden mittels molekulargenetischer Analysen die genetischen Fingerabdrücke sowie die mitochondraialen und Y-chromosomalen Haplotypen bestimmt. Die anschließende Verwandtschaftsrekonstruktion ergab einen erweiterten Stammbaum, in dem für 47 der 60 Individuen entweder direkte Verwandtschaft oder aber Verwandtschaft in mütterlicher oder väterlicher Familienlinie belegt ist. Der Stammbaum umfasst insgesamt sechs Generationen. Dies entspricht – bei einer angenommenen Generationendauer von 20 Jahren – einer Nutzungsdauer von 120 Jahren und passt somit gut zum archäologisch ermittelten Nutzungszeitraum. Die Auswertung der Diversität der mitochondrialen und Y-chromosomalen Haplotypen ergab Hinweise auf eine patrilokale Gesellschaftsform. In begleitenden Arbeiten wurden weitere genetische Marker – z.B. für die Augen- und Haarpigmentierung, die immungenetische Ausstattung oder auch für den Laktosetoleranzstatus – analysiert. Insgesamt zeigte sich, dass sich in vielerlei Hinsicht die genetische Ausstattung heutiger Populationen im Vergleich zu der vor 3.000 Jahren nicht grundlegend unterscheidet. Lediglich für die Frequenz des Laktosetoleranz verursachenden Allels war eine deutliche Zunahme seit der Bronzezeit zu verzeichnen. ; The Lichtenstein Cave is a cleft cave in the Lichtenstein a mountain located in the Harz Mountains. Large numbers of human bones were found spread over the anthropogenic part of the cave. According to the associated archeological artifacts and radiocarbon dating the bones dated back to the 10th–9th century BC. Because of a cover with gypsum sinter and constantly low temperatures the bones were found in an exelent state of preservation as well as the DNA enclosed in them. This enabled extensive anthropological research on the human skeletal remains from the Lichtenstein Cave. One of the main questions at the beginning was, whether the cave was used as a sacrificial site or as a burial place. For the initially identified 40 individuals a balanced sex ratio and an age distribution over all age groups were determined. In addition, kinship relations between the individuals could be detected by molecular genetic analyses. The kinship reconstruction resulted in a family tree of a family clan. These were clear indications that the cave has been used as a burial place. During molecular genetic serial examinations of different skeletal elements and morphological assignments of bones to individuals it became obvious, that bones from more individuals than the 40 identified before were present. Furthermore, it appeared that for almost all individuals some bones had not been found in the cave. The absence of skeletal elements raised the question, whether the Lichtenstein Cave had been used as a primary burial place or as a secondary burial place. In the currently conducted research the assignments of bones to individuals using morphological and molecular genetic methods were completed. The reassembled individuals were analysed extensively using both morphological and molecular genetic methods with the aim to explore the demographic structure of the population and to expand the kinship reconstruction. Furthermore, the issues of time and manner of use of the Cave were persued. In total 60 individuals were identified. For only two individuals all observed skeletal elements could be assigned. Only few cases of degenerative alterations were found on the bones. This suggests that the people who were buried in the cave had not experienced pronounced physical stress. Signs of massive trauma were lacking completely. This makes it unlikely that the population experienced military conflicts. A few healed fractures at ribs or clavicles are easily ascribed to accidents. Osteological manifestations of periods of depletion or stress were only found as single cases. This indicates that the people had continuous access to sufficient food resources. The sex ratio was balanced and the age distribution met the expectations for a historic population in the main features. An observed under-representation of infans I individuals could be interpreted as indication that the context had indeed be used for secondary burials and the small and fragile infans I bones had already been completely degraded at the time of reburial. Statistical analyses of various features conducted in accompanying studies, e.g. differences in the degree of DNA degradation, provided more indications for a usage of the Lichtenstein Cave as a secondary burial place. For all newly identified individuals the genetic fingerprints as well as mitochondrial and Y-chromosomal haplotypes were determined by molecular genetic analyses. The following kinship reconstruction resulted in an extended family tree showing direct relations or relationship in maternal or paternal lineages for 47 of the 60 individuals. The family tree spans six generations. Assuming a generation time of 20 years this equates to a period of use of 120 years and thus matches the archeologically determined timespan well. Differential diversity patterns observed for mitochondrial and Y-chromosomal haplotypes indicated patrilocality. In addition to populationgenetics and the kinship reconstruction other genetic markers were analyzed, e.g. for eye and hair pigmentation, immunogenetics or the lactose tolerance status. Overall, these analyses showed that the genetic constitution nowadays seems to be the same as 3,000 years ago. Only the frequency of the lactose tolerance associated allele showed a clear increase since the Bronze Age.

El objetivo central de esta tesis doctoral es evaluar el grado de conocimientos, actitudes y conductas de la población universitaria sobre la dimensión sexual, previa a la implementación de dos actividades formativas y posterior a la misma, en tres momentos diferenciados. El programa formativo fue diseñado en con una modalidad presencial y otra virtual e implementado en un mismo período de tiempo, incluyéndose dentro del Catálogo de Libre Configuración de la Universidad de Huelva del curso 2013/14 y diferenciando los perfiles de acceso. El alumnado, siguiendo el procedimiento normativo, se matriculó de forma libre y voluntaria. Para detectar cambios significativos no sólo a nivel de conocimientos, sino también a nivel de actitudes la obtención de datos con un cuestionario online de 168 ítems conteniendo varias escalas, se realizó en tres momentos: previo a la docencia, después de finalizar ésta y la tercera, tres meses después del proceso formativo. La tesis doctoral está estructurado en dos partes: una fundamentación teórica articulada en los cinco primeros capítulos y un marco investigador compuesto de dos capítulos. En el primer capítulo se realiza una aproximación al concepto de la dimensión sexual, centrada en los términos sexología, sexualidad, género y sexo. Se analizan también la orientación sexual, así como la violencia de género en las primeras relaciones de noviazgo para terminar focalizando en estudios y literatura sobre la sexualidad en adolescentes y jóvenes y en sus conductas sexuales. El segundo se centra en la Educación Sexual comenzando por cómo se ha abordado históricamente y bajo qué modelos se ha realizado. Se exponen experiencias de otros países que contemplan la Educación Sexual en sus sistemas educativos, así como se explicitan algunas pautas sobre su intervención a nivel de centro educativo y de aula. En el capítulo tercero se realiza un recorrido por toda la legislación educativa española, de las enseñanzas no universitarias, con base en la educación sexual, género e igualdad, constructos totalmente insertos en la dimensión sexual. Se parte de la Ley Moyano y se detiene el periplo en la ley actualmente en vigor, Ley Orgánica para la Mejora de la Calidad Educativa (LOMCE). En el capítulo cuarto se realiza un estudio sobre la formación universitaria. Por un lado se realiza una revisión de todos los títulos de Posgrado actualmente vigentes en las universidades españolas, diferenciando entre Máster Oficial y Títulos Propios, realizándose también un análisis de posgrados no universitarios, organizados por entidades privadas. Por otro lado, se analizan todos los planes formativos de aquellas titulaciones de Grado que tienen un perfil, bien educativo o bien de clínica, afín a la Sexología. Se culmina este apartado con una referencia a la formación virtual en el ámbito universitario. El quinto capítulo se detiene en la formación del profesorado no universitario, cómo se establece y a través de qué entidad, así como los modelos formativos que imperan en dicha formación. Posteriormente se aborda la formación del profesorado en sexualidad y género y se analiza la formación en dichas temáticas ofertada por la Consejería de Educación de la Junta de Andalucía durante el curso 2014/15. En el capítulo sexto, dentro ya del marco investigador y con enfoque netamente cuantitativo, se describen de forma pormenorizada las hipótesis, la metodología aplicada y los resultados obtenidos en la investigación. Finalmente, en el capítulo séptimo, se recogen las conclusiones generales de esta investigación, así como sus aportaciones y limitaciones, proponiéndose una intervención educativa en sexualidad en el ámbito universitario. El presente estudio supone una aportación novedosa en un ámbito donde es escasa la literatura científica sobre el tema en el rango de edad universitaria ya que casi todas las investigaciones están focalizados en la adolescencia y dentro de la Enseñanza Secundaria. ; The core objective of this thesis was to evaluate the degree of knowledge, attitudes and behaviors of sexual education in university students. Students carried out two training sessions in three different moments. The training program was designed for attendance students and non-attendance (in a virtual mode) ones, and sessions were implemented in the course 2013/14 in the Catalog of Free Elective courses of the University of Huelva. Different profiles of students were acknowledged. Students enrolled voluntarily in the course following the standard procedures. To detect significant changes not only in terms of knowledge, but also in terms of attitudes, an online pre, post and after-post (three months later) questionnaire of 168 items was administered. The doctoral thesis is structured in two parts: a theoretical one, composed of the first five chapters, and a methodological one, composed of two chapters. In the first chapter an approach to the conceptualization of the sexual dimension has been made, including sexuality, gender and sex. Sexual orientation and gender violence in early dating relationships were also analyzed, and the chapter continues with literature focusing on adolescent sexuality and youth, and their sexual behavior. The second chapter focuses on sex education, with a chronological approach of sexual models. Also, experiences of other countries that provide sex education in their educational systems, as well as some guidelines for their intervention at school and classroom have been explained. The third chapter includes a study of the Spanish education legislation in pre-university education. It begins giving an account of Moyano's Law and it ends by considering the latest educational law: Organic Law for the Improvement of Educational Quality (LOMCE). In the fourth chapter a study on university education has been conducted. On the one hand, a review of all Spanish graduate degrees has been realised, including Official Master Degrees. On the other hand, a closer look has been done to those degrees that may be contain in their syllabuses contents of sexology. This section concludes with an account to virtual formation in university. The fifth chapter delves into the formation of pre-university teachers and other different aspects of the organizations. Then, sexual and gender education has been discussed and analyzed according to the offer available by the Ministry of Education of the Junta de Andalusia during the course 2014/15. In the sixth chapter, the quantitative research method has been described, including the hypothesis, the methodology and the results obtained in the investigation. Finally, in the seventh chapter, the general conclusions of this research and limitations have been listed, including an intervention proposal in sexual education at university level. To finish this summary, this thesis means an innovative contribution in an area in which most research has focused on other age levels, especially on adolescence or secondary education.

Rad je posvećen likovnim prikazima gladijatorskih borbi i drugih sličnih dešavanja iz amfiteatra i hipodroma sa teritorije Srbije. Autor ukazuje na karakter i značaj ovakvih scena na raznorodnim arheološkim nalazima: votivnim i utilitarnim predmetima, mozaicima i sitnoj figuralnoj plastici. Koncentracija ovakvih predmeta u najrazvijenijim rimskim civilnim i vojnim centrima (Sirmijum, Singidunum, Viminacijum) upućuje na moguća mesta održavanja igara (ludi, circenses, munera) u mestima susticanja političke i ekonomske moći u periodu od II do IV veka. ; Professor Aleksandar Jovanović paid attention in few of his works to representations of gladiators, athletes, circus competitions and other scenes from the amphitheater and hippodrome. I will try in this work following the signposts indicated in these texts to compile the finds of such scenes from the archaeological sites in Serbia. The archaeological finds with diverse scenes ascribed to the group of antique games (ludi, circenses, munera) are important as possible indicators of acceptance of the Roman way of life and customs but also as evidence of the character, organization and duration of games in the Roman provinces within the borders of modern Serbia. The investigations of distinct public buildings intended for gladiator combats or circus competitions like amphitheater in Viminacium and Late Roman hippodrome in Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium) confirm that games had been organized there in the Roman times. Besides occasional and late mentions, the historical and epigraphic sources mostly remain silent about gladiator combats and circus races in the Roman provinces in this region, so every trace, which shed more light on this important and very interesting subject, is rather significant. The summary of heterogeneous finds from the territory of Serbia with representations from amphitheaters and circuses indicates that without any doubt the games had been organized in this region. It should be emphasized that each distinctive group of archaeological finds has different importance in these studies. The imported pottery lamps (Pl. I, II) or bowls with relief representations of gladiators (Pl. III) are in fact just goods whose distribution mostly depended on traffic and market conditions, while drawings on bricks (Pl. IV) or votive objects with characteristic scenes (Pl. V, VII) suggest more direct interest of local population in the world of antique games. The almost complete absence of lamps with gladiators in the necropoles of Viminacium, which is hitherto only Roman city in Serbia with archaeologically confirmed amphitheater, suggests that quantity of such finds at distinct site could not be understood as confirmation for the organization of the games. The pottery vessels with game scenes are somewhat more frequent in Viminacium, so they together with other similar finds like figurines, pottery molds and drawings on bricks provide more comprehensible picture. In Sirmium, the oldest Roman city in Serbia, the amphitheater has not been archaeologically confirmed until these days. Nevertheless, there was encountered considerably amount of lamps and imported terra sigillata with the scenes from arena as well as the drawings of gladiators on tegulae. All this and importance of this civil settlement as political and economic center indicate that besides the hippodrome constructed in the beginning of the 4th century we could expect to find amphitheatre or theatre in the area of modern Sremska Mitrovica. Singidunum, castrum of the legion and large civil center at the confluence of the Sava and the Danube, could have also had an amphitheater but its remains have also not been discovered yet. We should however bore in mind the fact that amphitheaters are confirmed or supposed in Burnum and Tilurium, the original camps of two legions (IIII Flavia, VII Claudia) later transferred from Dalmatia to the Danube valley (in the end of the 1st century). This leaves room for the assumption that like in Viminacium the amphitheatre could have been constructed next to the castrum in Singidunum or in its vicinity. We could only assume whether Naissus as important strategic center in the time of Roman conquest of territory of present-day Serbia and later antique city with many magnificent buildings had its amphitheatre or hippodrome because we do not have conclusive evidence in the archaeological finds. There are certain assumptions that structure of horse-shoe shape (80 x 60 m) at the site Konjsko groblje around 1 km to the northwest of Niš could be the remains of the amphitheater. The earliest representations of diverse repertoire of the games appear on imported pottery, first of all on lamps from north Italic centers dating from the first decades of the 1st century and on south Gaulish terra sigillata from the end of the 1st century. These finds are concentrated at the sites of first Roman settlements, mostly in the Sava valley (Sirmium, Gomolava), i.e. along main communication routes in the Pannonia Inferior. More frequent appearance of merchandise with such representations in Moesia Superior starts from the 2nd century and continues in the 3rd century. The import of vessels from the workshops at Rheinzabern, Westendorf, Pfaffenhofen and Trier was most intensive after the Marcomannic wars and continued in the second half of the 3rd century. The period of the 2nd and 3rd century was the time of intensive social and first of all economic progress in the Roman provinces in the territory of modern Serbia. It was the time of rapid development of economy (mining, agriculture, trade, and craftsmanship), urban centers and immigration of the Romanized population. The examples from the neighboring Roman Thrace reveal that first gladiator combats and hunting performances (venations) in this area have been taking place already in the mid 2nd century and that construction of permanent amphitheaters was more frequent from the time of Severi until the beginning of Diocletian's reign. More frequent organizing of games could be expected in the territory of present-day Serbia during that period as it is confirmed in Viminacium. The organizers of these bloodthirsty performances could have been high-ranking officials and priests of imperial cult and gladiators were mostly of Hellenic origin, either from Greece or Asia Minor. The unreliable information from the historical sources and absence of epigraphic monuments mentioning the games, their patrons and particularly lack of funerary monuments of gladiators or other game participants in the territory of Serbia makes impossible for the time being studying in detail this interesting subject. We hope that there soon will be more possibilities for such investigations based on archaeological excavations, detailed anthropological analyses or the revisions of the museum collections.