Suchergebnisse

'International Human Rights' by Linda A. Malone is reviewed.

"Rechtspopulistische Parteien und Bewegungen drohen zu einem festen Bestandteil westlicher Demokratien zu werden. Beschränkten sich die Erfolge dieser Parteien anfangs nur auf Westeuropa, so breitet sich die rechtspopulistische Welle seit Anfang der neunziger Jahre auch darüber. hinaus zunehmend aus. Damit wird der Rechtspopulismus zu einem internationalen Phänomen. Dieser Beitrag gibt eine kurze Beschreibung des Aufstiegs rechtspopulistischer Parteien im internationalen Vergleich, um dann auf die rechtspopulistische Strategie und Programmatik einzugehen sowie ihre Erfolgsbedingungen zu erörtern. Dabei schält sich einmal mehr die zentrale Bedeutung von Ausländerfeindlichkeit und Parteienverdrossenheit für das Verständnis der gegenwärtigen Mobilisierungserfolge rechtspopulistischer Parteien heraus, die bei den Sympathisanten dieser Parteien besonders stark ausgeprägt sind. Dagegen sind weder neoliberale Wirtschaftsvorstellungen noch autoritäre Wertvorstellungen von nennenswerter Bedeutung. Was die Sympathisanten dieser Parteien jedoch besonders vom Rest der Wähler unterscheidet, ist ihre besonders stark entwickelte Sehnsucht nach einem 'starken Mann', der unter Umgehung parlamentarischer Prozeduren Entscheidungen trifft und schnell umsetzt. In der Förderung dieser latenten Demokratieverdrossenheit liegt die eigentliche Gefahr des Rechtspopulismus." (Autorenreferat)

Defence date: 17 June 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Piero Gottardi, EUI, Supervisor; Professor Paola Conconi, Université Libre de Bruxelles; Professor Bernard Hoekman, RSCAS; Professor Thierry Verdier, Paris School of Economics. ; This thesis tackles three topics in international trade: (i) the motives behind restrictions on Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) and the role of investment agreements, (ii) the determinants of services trade policies, and (iii) the role of domestic institutions in affecting trade flows and the gains from trade. Tariffs have almost completely disappeared but various barriers that restrict FDI still remain. Many trade agreements and Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) have been signed to lower tariffs and reduce the risks of expropriation whereas few agreements have been signed to lower entry barriers. The first chapter looks at the interaction between political and economic motives for protectionism. Lobbies give contributions to the governments to affect the policies. The repatriation of profits by foreign affiliates leads governments to restrict the entry of multinationals. Given these two motives, the cooperative outcome, which differs from the chosen policy, can be implemented through an agreement. However I highlight two reasons that can explain why such agreements might be unnecessary. First foreign lobbying counteracts domestic lobbying and, under certain conditions, can push the government to choose the cooperative outcome without signing an agreement. Second the presence of tax havens where firms shift their profits removes the gains from cooperation and makes an agreement unnecessary. The second chapter focuses on the determinants of services trade agreements. Most of the literature on trade policy and agreements has focused on goods, tariffs and trade agreements whereas, in this paper, we study services, foreign direct investment and services agreements. We provide a rationale for governments to commit to liberalize. The third chapter contributes to the debate on the role of various institutions in affecting economic exchanges. We focus here on the role of contract enforcement in shaping the optimal organization of firms and the allocation of entrepreneurs across sectors. Different institutional qualities are a source of comparative advantage and export specialization. We find that liberalization leads to asymmetric gains of trade in terms of productivity and reallocation of resources. The country with the poorest institutions benefits less from trade than the country with the best institutions.

On 16 March 2001 the International Court of Justice gave judgment in what was then its most longrunning case. It was in 1987 that Qatar and Bahrain had begun a process of attempting to agree upon the submission of their differences to the Court, but although they were able to agree upon the subject matter in dispute, they could not agree upon its legal characterization and the manner in which the dispute should be placed before the Court. That notwithstanding, and basing itself upon the agreed minutes of a meeting held at Doha in December 1990, Qatar unilaterally instituted proceedings against Bahrain on 8 July 1991. Bahrain raised preliminary objections to the jurisdiction of the Court and the admissibility of the case which were first addressed by the Court in its judgment of July 19941 and, following a reformulation of elements of the Qatari application in November 1994, the application was declared admissible in February 1995.2 During the course of the subsequent written pleadings a further dispute arose concerning the authenticity of 82 documents annexed to the Qatar Memorial and, following exchanges on the matter, Qatar announced that it would not rely on the disputed documents.3 Oral hearings were held in May 2000 and judgment given some ten months later. The two principal elements of the case concern, first, the disputed title to, and status of, a number of islands, maritime features and a portion of the Qatar peninsula and, secondly, the course of the maritime boundaries between them. The case was extremely complex, with disputed characterizations of the physical and legal

This book brings together the key scholars in the international practice debate to demonstrate its strengths as an innovative research perspective. The contributions show the benefit of practice theories in the study of phenomena in international security, international political economy and international organisation, by directing attention to concrete and observable everyday practices that shape international outcomes. The chapters exemplify the cross-overs and relations to other theoretical approaches, and thereby establish practice theories as a distinct IR perspective. Each chapter investigates a key concept that plays an important role in international relations theory, such as power, norms, knowledge, change or cognition. Taken together, the authors make a strong case that practice theories allow to ask new questions, direct attention to uncommon empirical material, and reach different conclusions about international relations phenomena. The book is a must read for anyone interested in recent international relations theory and the actual practices of doing global politics.

The 49th session of the General Conference of the International Labor Organization (ILO) was held at Geneva on June 2–23, 1965, and was attended by 204 government delegates, 100 employers' delegates, and 99 workers' delegates from 104 states. S. Hashim Raza (Pakistan) was elected President of the Conference

"Fully updated, the sixth edition of International Human Rights examines the ways in which states and other international actors have addressed human rights since the end of World War II. This unique textbook features substantial attention to theory, history, international and regional institutions, and the role of transnational actors in the protection and promotion of human rights. Its purpose is to explore the difficult and contentious politics of human rights, and how those political dimensions have been addressed at the national, regional, and especially international levels. Key features include: Substantially revised throughout, including new material on LGBTQ rights in Africa, Indigenous peoples' rights in Guatemala, the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, and a new chapter on human rights and development; In-text features such as discussion questions, suggested readings, case studies, and "problems" to promote classroom discussion and in-depth examination of topics; Concise yet clearly organised and comprehensive coverage of the topic. International Human Rights is essential reading for courses and modules in human rights, politics and international relations, law, criminal justice, sociology, social work, public administration, and international development"--

In this dissertation, I contribute to the thriving empirical literature in international trade by looking specifically at the international fragmentation of production and non-traditional trade costs. In chapter 1, using the new features of global input-output tables, I quantify the impact of the recent changes in foreign input use on the factor content of trade. I found that the changes in the factor content of trade are driven by each country position in the global supply chains. The chapter 2 analyzes the links between political relations and trade in light of the growing interdependency between countries. In this joint work with Julian Hinz, using a new proxy fora negative shock to political relations between countries, we show that the impact of such a negative shock is crucially heterogeneous across traded goods. Finally, in chapter 3 co-authored with Julian Hinz, we introduce a new measure for spoken languages based on Twitter data. We then use this measure to evaluate the effect of changes in language diversity on trade and real income in different locations in Europe. ; La présente thèse contribue au renouveau de la littérature empirique en commerce international en s'intéressant tout particulièrement à la fragmentation internationale de la production et aux coûts au commerce non-traditionnels. Dans le chapitre 1, je quantifie les conséquences de l'évolution de l'utilisation d'inputs étrangers sur le contenu factoriel du commerce en tirant profit des nouvelles caractéristiques des tableaux entrées-sorties mondiaux. Les variations du contenu factoriel du commerce sont conditionnées par la place des pays dans les chaînes de production mondiales. Le chapitre 2 analyse les liens entre les relations diplomatiques et le commerce à la lumière de l'interdépendance croissante entre pays découlant de l'internationalisation des chaînes de production. Conjointement avec Julian Hinz, nous montrons, grâce à une nouvelle mesure d'un choc diplomatique, que l'impact de ce choc sur le commerce dépend crucialement du type de bien considéré. Enfin, dans le chapitre 3 co-écrit avec Julian Hinz, nous introduisons une nouvelle mesure empirique des langues parlées à l'aide des données de Twitter. Nous l'utilisons ensuite pour évaluer l'incidence de la diversité des langues sur le commerce et le revenu réel en Europe.

The International Whaling Commission held its fourth meeting in London from June 3 to June 6, 1952. Represented were all of the seventeen member governments except Mexico, namely: Australia, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Panama, Sweden, the Union of South Africa, the USSR, the United Kingdom and the United States. The Commission elected Dr. Remington Kellogg (United States) chairman, and Dr. J. G. Lienesh (the Netherlands) vice-chairman. Amendments to paragraph 6, paragraph 8 (c), and paragraph 8 (e) of the schedule of the International Whaling Convention were adopted at the meeting, and entered into force in September 1952. In closing, the Commission agreed that research in new methods of whale marking should be pursued, "but if funds should not allow this, marking by the existing methods should continue. The current catch limits … were extended to the 1952/53 season, retaining the same opening date now in force."