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In the United States, the twentieth century gave rise to numerous social movements which inevitably intertwined with one another. During the Vietnam War, both Asian and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) Americans mobilized to protest warfare and imperialism. Gay liberation groups were inspired by anti-war organizations, and anti-war organizations drew influence from these LGBT groups. The two minority groups combatted the labeling of their communities as sexually deviant and challenged the notion that being gay or Asian was inherently un American. This paper addresses these overlooked movements between the Asian and LGBT communities, and it provides insight into their complex and interwoven histories. In instances where the importance of race or sexual orientation were forgotten, these movements found conflict. Overall, while their interactions have not followed a rigid protocol of unity or disunity, the two movements have gained social and political power from their intersectionality.

This survey research describes English language arts teachers' comfort levels in integrating literature with lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) themes or characters into their curricula and classroom practices. Significant relationships were found between teachers' age, comfort, awareness of resources, and implementation levels. Although younger teachers had higher comfort levels with LGBT texts, they displayed lower resource awareness levels and static implementation rates. In addition, comfort, awareness, and implementation of LGBT curriculum materials were also correlated with teacher location and with strength of religious belief, with rural teachers and strongly religious teachers displaying lower comfort and implementation levels. Availability of supportive resources such as gay–straight alliances (GSAs) and library holdings, as well as teachers' awareness of these resources, is also examined. Specific barriers rural teachers encounter when implementing LGBT-inclusive literature/curriculum are identified. A call for future research and professional development is extended.

Now months into the already turbulent presidency of Donald Trump, and in the wake of both the Obama presidency and Moonlight's awkward ceremonial win for "Best Picture" at the 2017 Academy Awards, what are the meanings of Moonlight? We contend that the film's polysemy both reproduces and challenges the continuing fight for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer; racial; class; and gender equality and representational struggles of marginalized peoples on the silver screen. With complexity, the film trades in and tests racial stereotypes and understandings of black families; relishes in the heterogeneity of black and Latinx identities; displays cultural contradictions at the heart of racism, heteronormativity, and hegemonic masculinity; and refuses to shy away from topics of love, lust, and loss. Together, the film is an epic—a sweeping homage to social transformation and to the nobility and negativity of the human condition.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to develop a cross-level conceptual model of organizational- and individual-level outcomes of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)-supportive policies for all workers regardless of their sexual orientation.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual paper based on an integration of propositions from perceived organizational support and organizational justice theories.FindingsThe model suggests that LGBT-supportive policies should be related to perceptions of organizational support directly and indirectly through diversity climate and perceptions of distributive, procedural, and interactional justice.Practical implicationsThe model implies that employees should feel more supported and more fairly treated among firms with LGBT-supportive policies and practices, and that these feelings will be reciprocated.Originality/valueThis is the first paper to develop propositions about the outcomes of LGBT-supportive policies for all workers, and advances the literature by developing a multi-level model of outcomes of these policies.

Is violence an intrinsic part of modern queer culture? This book presents compelling new research on how homophobia, suicide, gender violence, abuse, racism, and the impact of war and colonialism shaped the emergence of modern homosexual rights activism. It examines forgotten writings by Magnus Hirschfeld, the influential sexologist who is best known today for his homosexual activism and foundational transgender work. In 1919 he opened the world's first Institute of Sexual Sciences in Berlin. Attracting international visitors including doctors, artists, writers and political activists, it was destroyed by the Nazis in 1933. Attacks against queer life play a formative role in modern same-sex culture. Yet remembering the victims is only part of the task of queer history. The Hirschfeld Archives attends to the queer dead and injured, but it also demonstrates that the development of homosexual rights politics in the West had gendered and racialized limits.

Islam prohibits Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender because of ignoring the human nature. Thus, on Jinayah perspective (Islamic Criminal Law) the LGBT behaviors are categorised as Jarimah (Criminality), and the subjects of LGBT should be punished legally ('uqubah). Furthermore, the classification of law on LGBT to create the justice related to Islam as a religion (hifdz al-dī), genetic issue (hifdz an-Nasl), intelligence (hifdz al-'aql), soul (hifdz an-Nafs) and poverty (hifdz al-māl). Furthermore, based on Jinayah perspective, homosexual (al-Liwaṭh/as-Sihaq) is classified as jarimah zina so the subjects would be whipped a hundred times and isolated for one year (if the doer is ghairu muhshan). Then, if the subject is muhshan, he/she would be thrown by stones until death. Meanwhile, the bisexual people would be sanctioned by ta'zir; the government (uli al-'amr) would decide the punishment.

Research on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movements has accelerated in recent years. We take stock of this literature with a focus on the United States. Our review adopts a historical approach, surveying findings on three protest cycles: gay liberation and lesbian feminism, queer activism, and marriage equality. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on oscillations of the movement's collective identity between emphasizing similarities to the heterosexual mainstream and celebrating differences. We contrast earlier movement cycles mobilized around difference with efforts to legalize same-sex marriage. Our review highlights the turning points that led to shifts in protest cycles, and we trace the consequences for movement outcomes. Scholarship will advance if researchers recognize the path-dependent nature of social movements and that sameness and difference are not oppositional, static, or discrete choices. We conclude by recommending directions for future research.

In the last decade, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) students have become very visible at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), but this visibility is not reflected in some colleges' student programs and activities. Only a few notable HBCUs, such as Howard University and Spelman College, have made a concerted effort. Acknowledging that the LGBT community is significant and exists, and fostering such support, comes up against a steep wall of religious tradition and doctrines, and conservative administrations. It is imperative that HBCUs address LGBT issues and create and support a safe space for students to articulate their identity. Meanwhile, many LGBT students on these campuses find voice and understanding in Black scholars and writers such as Audre Lorde's Zami: A New Spelling of My Name and Charles Michael Smith's Fighting Words: Personal Essays by Black Gay Men.

Qualitative methods open analytical pathways and present specific challenges, particularly for early career scholars forging a path in a field dominated by quantitative inquiry. However, for many scholars, qualitative methods reflect a particular ontological point of view, which tends toward privileging the experiences of groups that are often marginalized in research. Given this point of view, qualitative methodologies provide an opportunity to reframe the participant's en vivo description of their own experience. In so doing, qualitative methods invite scholars to create new analytical pathways. This paper highlights the work of social work scholars using qualitative methods to forge new paths in studying emergent phenomena, e.g., Internet gang banging, transgender perspectives on aging, etc. The paper also explores the use of qualitative methods to develop new analytical perspectives on experiences of historic and contemporary trauma related to the Tuskegee Syphilis Study and in child welfare settings.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth and young adults are known to have compromised physical and mental health, and family rejection has been found to be an important risk factor. Yet few studies have examined the positive role that support from parents, friends, and the community have for LGBT young adults. In a cross‐sectional study of 245 LGBT non‐Latino White and Latino young adults (ages 21–25) in the United States, sexuality‐related social support was examined in association with measures of adjustment in young adulthood. Family, friend, and community support were strong predictors of positive outcomes, including life situation, self‐esteem, and LGBT esteem. However, family acceptance had the strongest overall influence when other forms of support were considered. Implications for the unique and concurrent forms of social support for LGBT youth and young adult adjustment are discussed.

The 'It Gets Better Project' (IGBP) is an online anti-homophobic bullying initiative directed at lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth. To date, 50,000 user-generated IGBP videos have attracted over 50 million views. In this critical discourse analysis of IGBP videos in the "Faith" category, I note how the projected ideologies therein overlap with and depart from conservative Christian rhetoric in surprising ways. I ask what gets better, for whom, and how that might happen. I then compare messages uploaded by laypeople and spokespeople of religious institutions. I argue that neoliberal assumptions are frequently evident in laypeople's emphases on individualism, economic success, urban spaces and heteronormative conceptions of time. Spokespeople, conversely, tend to emphasize community-based opposition to homophobia in the here and now. This ideological struggle highlights barriers to "it getting better" in the present but also creates space for politics of redistribution and an unexpected queering of societal norms.

Black family structures, dynamics, and processes in the United States have had a long history of investigation in the social sciences. And recently, research on sexual orientation disclosure has become an important feature of the scholarship on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) populations. The various ways in which the family affects a person's decision to be an out LGBT person, or outness, are less known. Using a national sample of Black LGBT people ( N = 2,166), this article assesses the relative importance of a variety of characteristics in understanding outness levels. Regression modeling reveals that having family support is the strongest predictor of outness for Black LGBTs. Two other predictors include the belief that one's sexual orientation is an important part of one's identity and having a connection to the LGBT community. The significance of these findings is discussed regarding future research with Black LGBT populations.

The New Black is a documentary that tells the story of how the African American community is grappling with the gay rights issue in light of the recent gay marriage movement and the fight over Civil Rights. The film documents activities, families and clergy on both sides of the campaign to legalize gay marriage and examines homophobia in the Black community's institutional pillar, the Black church, and reveals the Christian right wing's strategy of exploiting this phenomenon in order to pursue an anti-gay political agenda. Following the film, we will hear from one of the main characters, Sharon Lettman-Hicks. Sharon is the Executive Director and Chief Executive Officer of the National Black Justice Coalition, a Civil Rights organization dedicated to empowering Black lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. ; Queer People of Color @ VT and Multicultural Programs and Services ; Division of Student Affairs ; Virginia Tech. University Libraries

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.