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"The leaders of the oil-rich rentier states of the Middle East, and in particular in the Gulf, have hitherto often predicated their legitimacy on a tacit social contract with their (much poorer) populations. This social contract consists of little or no direct taxation, with some sort of subsidised living. But the casualty of this tacit agreement is often political participation, an issue which has come to the forefront in the Middle East following the 'Arab Spring' of 2011. Here, Sulaiman Al-Farsi looks at the impact the rentier nature of the Gulf States has on political participation, focusing on the nexus between tribe, religion and a new generation of young, highly educated citizens that is present in Oman. Specifically exploring the concept of shura (consultation), and how nascent concepts of democracy in the practice of shura have impacted and shaped the process of democratisation, Al-Farsi's book is vital in the examination of the political discourse surrounding democratisation across one of the most strategically important, but little understood states in the Middle East."--Publisher's website

After violent protests all over the country had forced President Suharto to step down in 1998, Indonesia successfully made the transition from an authoritarian state to a democracy. In this book Indonesian scholars attached to Islamic universities and Dutch researchers investigate what happened since and what the consequences are of the growing influence of orthodoxy and radicalism, which already visible before 1998, only got stronger.

This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

In einem Überblick über Theorie und Praxis parlamentarischer Systeme in den nahöstlichen islamischen Ländern (arabische Länder, Iran) werden die Unterschiede zwischen westlichem Demokratieverständnis und islamischen Traditionen aufgezeigt. In der muslimischen politischen Theorie gibt es bisher keine einheitliche Vorstellung über das Verhältnis von Volks- und göttlicher Souveränität, so daß die Frage nach der spezifischen Natur und dem Ausmaß der politischen Partizipation ungeklärt ist. (DÜI-Hns)

From furious reactions to the cartoons of Prophet Muhammad to the suppression of women, news from the Muslim world begs the question: is Islam incompatible with freedom? With an eye sympathetic to Western liberalism and Islamic theology, Mustafa Akyol traces the ideological and historical roots of political Islam

Military politics, Islam, and the state in Indonesia : from turbulent transition to democratic consolidation -- Contents -- Preface -- Glossary -- Introduction: Militaries in Political Transitions: Theories and the Case of Indonesia -- Part One: Historical Legacies, 1945–97 -- 1. Doctrine and Power: Legacies of Indonesian Military Politics -- 2. Islam and the State: Legacies of Civilian Conflict -- Part Two: Crisis and Regime Change, 1997–98 -- 3. Regime Change: Military Factionalism and Suharto's Fall -- 4. Divided Against Suharto: Muslim Groups and the 1998 Regime Change -- Part Three: the Post-Authoritarian Transition, 1998–2004 -- 5. Adapting to Democracy: TNI in the Early Post-Authoritarian Polity -- 6. New Era, Old Divisions: Islamic Politics in the Early Post-Suharto Period -- Part Four: Democratic Consolidation, 2004–08 -- 7. Yudhoyono and the Declining Role of State Coercion -- 8. Stabilizing the Civilian Polity: Muslim Groups in 329 Yudhoyono's Indonesia -- Conclusion Controlling the Military: Conflict and Governance in Indonesia's -- Bibliography -- Index.

executive summary: This article argues that the recent rise of Islamism in Indonesia can be attributed to its proponents' savviness in utilizing innovative propagation outlets alongside the declining authority of moderate organizations like Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. main argumentThe recent prominence of conservative and hard-line Islamism in Indonesia—as seen during the 2016 Defending Islam rallies and the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign—is not an isolated, one-time phenomenon. Islamism has a long historical precedence dating back to Indonesia's independence in 1945 when the country's founders debated whether Islamist principles should be part of the constitution and national ideology. Public expressions of Islamism returned to the fore when Suharto fell from power in 1998. Conservative Islamists have been able to gain followers and political influence due to their shrewdness in utilizing new and innovative propagation methods on university campuses and the internet. In the meantime, the authority of NU and Muhammadiyah—Indonesia's two largest moderate Islamic organizations—has declined due to the increasing role of quasi-state Islamic institutions like the Indonesian Ulama Council, competition from conservative and hard-line Islamist organizations, and factionalism from within these organizations driven by activists who sympathize with the ideological and political goals of conservative groups. Government efforts to suppress these groups risk further undermining Indonesia's young democracy. Instead, NU and Muhammadiyah should take the lead in countering the growing Islamist influence. policy implications• The rise of Islamism in Indonesia has a long historical antecedent and is expected to continue influencing the country's intermediate political future. • Despite their decreasing authority, NU and Muhammadiyah still represent the greatest hope for a moderating force to counterbalance the influence of conservative and hard-line Islamist organizations. • Initiatives to counter Islamism in Indonesia are best left to moderate Islamic organizations—with support from the Indonesian government—since they have more authority and credibility among the Muslim community. Assistance from external actors (e.g., Western aid agencies) to NU and Muhammadiyah activists to help counter the influence of Islamist organizations is likely to be counterproductive.

This study discusses the discourse on democracy within the context of the larger debate on Islam-state relations in Indonesia and correlates the religious approach with theories of democracy. It begins with a brief description of types of democracy formulated by political scientists in order to help us classify the Islamic groups efforts in the process of democratization in Indonesia. This is followed by an exploration of these groups views of democracy and their classification on the basis of their religious approach. The study considers both the debate about Islam-state relations and democracy as a competitive process over the interpretation of the predominant Islamic doctrine among the silent majority of the people. This study will also explore the role which Islam should play in the process of democratization. I will argue that the compatibility of Islam with democracy and democratization in the modern sense depends on the identification of universal values.

This writing discusses political thought of Muhammad Natsir regardingto relationship between Islam and state. Discussion about this theme hasbeen taken place early years before Indonesian independence and kept continuingafter it. One of the discussions was led by Muhammad Natsir whotried to unite Islam and state in Indonesia. Therefore this writing anwers thetwo following questions, which are; what is the islamic political thoughtof Muhammad Natsir and how did he realize his islamic political thought?To understand this topic this writing uses the discourse of political theory,the five mainstreams of Indonesian political thought and parties, and thethree paradigms regarding to relationship of Islam and state, which are; UnifiedParadigm, Symbiotic Paradigm and Secularistic Paradigm. The resultof this writing is that islamic political thoughts of Muhammad Natsir canbe categorized as Symbiotic Paradigm, since he tried hard to unite Islamand state in Indonesia. Ways he took to realize his political thoughts werethrough scientific writing, legal constitution, democracy and remained stillin the framework of Indonesian unitary state.Keywords: Muhammad Natsir, Islamic Political Thought, Indonesia.

In this article, the author uses the belligerence toward alternative sexualities in Nigeria as a point of departure for a critical appraisal of the terms of inclusion and exclusion in the country's body politic. This belligerence has thrown up a rare alliance of the state, religious leaders and the print media. Attributing this alliance to the postcolonial crisis over the functions of masculinisation and power, the author suggests that anti-gay resentment is a straw man for a ruling elite facing growing socio-economic pressure. This shunting-off of sexual 'others' from the terrain of public action has profound implications for the way modern Nigerian citizenship is understood.