Suchergebnisse

The Istanbul Convention is an internationally legally binding document that represents a turning point in the fight against violence against women. The most important element of this Convention is the obligation of States to act with due diligence - with due regard to the prevention, detection, prosecution and sanctioning of violence against women. Harmonizing domestic legislation with the standards of the Convention, the obligation that Serbia took over by ratification, which also caused the adoption of the Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence. This is the first step, but obviously, not enough. There is an improvement of practical dealing with gender-based violence acts, as well as preventing and raising awareness on unacceptability of violence in contemporary conditions. The trend of its omnipresence is very visible. However, there still are many EU countries that have not yet ratified this convention, while in some it has led to serious polarization in society. The public in Serbia has mostly not being informed that this convention exists. There is a contradiction of the great idea of advocacy in fight against violence against women and vulgarization of dealing with terminological dilemmas and rigidity. It seems as some situations of normative erosion are repeated. Engrossed with formalism, we ratify and pass a series of laws that mostly remain as "dead letter on paper" without true commitment in real use.

Child- and adolescent-to-parent violence and abuse (CAPVA) has gained recognition over the past decade and, to an extent, gained momentum on the violence against women and girls (VAWG) policy agenda. However, CAPVA remains subordinate to the omnipresent problem of violence and abuse perpetrated by current and former intimate partners, as do responses to this often-hidden form of violence. This was especially apparent during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic and consequent social restrictions, when many parent victims of CAPVA faced a silent struggle of enforced proximity with their violent and/or abusive child alongside a significant drop in respite and means of support. In this article, we present research findings from a project conducted during the 2020 lockdown period in the UK, examining parents' experiences of CAPVA and support during this period, as well as practitioners' experiences of providing support. In addition to revealing that over two-thirds of parents reported an increase in CAPVA during the initial lockdown, our discussion highlights the need for sustained recognition and attention to be afforded to CAPVA, so that systematic, strategic, and evidence-based nationwide responses can be developed, including adequate risk assessment processes, safeguarding measures and support.

A distinction is made between the 'Southern-style' race riot & the 'northern-style' race riot. Diff's both in the modes of assault on the accommodative structures & in actual chronologies of disturbances are noted. A distinction between 'sacred' & 'secular' precipitating incidents in color violence can prove suggestive. Violation of 'sacred' spheres of the accommodative pattern was, historically, the immediate cause of Southernstyle riots. Northern Ur race riots more frequently resulted from assaults on the accommodative pattern related to secular spheres; housing, recreation, transportation & employment. A 2nd characteristic of Southern riots was a pattern of nonresistance on the part of the minority pop. Moreover, Southernstyle riots served to re-establish patterns of race relations in their traditional form. In Northern-style riots resistance of the Negro community was typical, & white aggression & violence was met with Negro aggression & violence. Color violence expressed in the patterns of the Southern-style race riots is unlikely to occur again in the US, because it is doubtful that Negroes would now fail to provide some resistance to largescale attempts by whites to punish the Negro pop. The occurrence or non-occurrence of large-scale color violence in US cities continues to depend on the police. If & when such violence does erupt, it will follow the form of the Northern race riot & in the absence of quickly-introduced police controls from outside the affected community, violence will become endemic & directed against both racial groups by members of the other race. Modified AA.

Autor istražuje etničko nasilje usmjereno prema Srbima u Zadru 1990. i 1991. koristeći se različitim oblicima pisanih izvora (novine, sudski dokumenti, policijski izvještaji, nalazi psihijatrijsko-forenzičkih vještačenja i srodni izvori) i prikupljenim usmenim svjedočanstvima ljudi koji su tih godina živjeli u Zadru. Istraživanje obuhvaća prva otpuštanja s posla, stvaranje atmosfere straha i nepovjerenja, uništavanje imovine tijekom zadarske "kristalne noći" i nakon nje, te djelovanje "trojki" koje su upadale u stanove i zlostavljale Srbe s ciljem njihovog zastrašivanja i protjerivanja, te na kraju, ubojstva Srba u Zadru u drugoj polovici 1991., s osobitim naglaskom na umorstvo troje zarobljenih Srba u improviziranom zatvoru u listopadu 1991. Autor te događaje promatra u svjetlu diskurzivnog djelovanja državnih i lokalnih elita, koristeći teoriju kulturalne politike emocija koju je iznijela teoretičarka kulture Sarah Ahmed u svojoj studiji "The Cultural Politics of Emotions" u kojoj ističe kako emotivni iskazi osim deklarativnih imaju i performativnu ulogu u smislu da mogu stvarati, oblikovati i teritorijalizirati polje društvenih odnosa. Uloga emocije straha i emocije bijesa u stvaranju podjela bila je razvidna devedesetih, no u većini studija etničkih sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, nije joj pridana odgovarajuća težina. Autor istražuje kako je politički diskurs koji se u Hrvatskoj počeo artikulirati za vrijeme prvih višestranačkih izbora 1990., a postao sveprisutan početkom ratnih napetosti 1991., utjecao na stvaranje nacionalnih podjela i formiranje društvene situacije u kojoj je međuetničko nasilje postalo društveno prihvatljivim načinom političkog djelovanja. Također, u radu će biti istaknuti načini na koji su zadarski Srbi sami proživljavali vlastitu viktimizaciju, te nedostatak interesa institucija za nasilje prema njima. ; The author examines ethnic violence against the Serbs in Zadar in 1990 and 1991 by using different written sources (newspapers, judicial documents, police reports, medical and forensic ...

Abstract
The study aimed to investigate the influence of domestic violence on students' classroom behaviour in secondary schools in Bungoma County, Kenya. The study explored this by examining the extent to which various forms of domestic violence (DV) influenced students' classroom behaviour. The research utilized the theory of behavioural psychology, which emphasizes that behaviour is acquired or learnt from the surrounding. Descriptive survey design was used. The target population comprised of 1600 individuals, from which 648 were sampled using purposeful, stratified and random sampling. The study sampled 36 principals, 36 guidance and counselling teachers and 576 students. The research tools were: questionnaires for the students, interview schedule for the principals and guidance and counselling teachers. The questionnaires were analysed quantitatively and the interviews data was analysed qualitatively. The findings reveal students are victims of DV. Secondly their personality is affected. The study recommends measures to be taken against the perpetrators depending on individual differences and schools to be facilitated with rehabilitation facilities for student victims.

AbstractAffective polarization – that is, antipathy towards political opponents – sits high on the academic and political agenda. This is because it is thought to have a multitude of damaging consequences, both for how citizens view and approach each other and for how they relate to the political system. This study investigates some of the most mentioned and worrying potential consequences of affective polarization at the individual level. Zooming in on Europe, it sheds light on the substantive relationship between partisan antipathy and three kinds of norm‐breaking escalation in the form of avoidance, intolerance and support for violence against party supporters. Methodologically, it unpacks the affective component of polarization, testing to what extent the traditional feeling thermometer performs as a predictor of these three potential outcomes. It then tests alternative expectations of the antecedents of such escalation derived from the intergroup emotions' literature and the study of political radicalization. This is done using a broad range of both established and new survey items fielded in nationally representative panels between May and November 2020 in two contexts that score relatively low (Norway) and high (the United Kingdom) on affective polarization. They reveal that avoidance, intolerance and support for political violence can be validly measured, and are manifest, in these two European countries, but that they are only weakly correlated to mere dislike of the outgroup. Instead, more severe forms of norm‐breaking escalation depend on the specific nature of the discrete emotions induced beyond dislike (anger, fear or disgust) and are rooted in factors such as relative deprivation, Manicheanism, and dark personality traits (psychopathy, Machiavellianism and narcissism). We discuss the implications for the way polarization is theorized and measured.

ABSTRACTIn this article, I draw on two years of ethnographic research to explore the multiple and contradictory ways Kurdish working‐class men in Istanbul imagine, narrate, and conceptualize violence. How Kurdish workers remember and publicly speak of violence, self‐defense, and retribution has notably changed in the context of the resurgence of the war between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). I came to understand this storytelling of violence, omnipresent in all the social infrastructures of male Kurdish life in Istanbul, as a form of communicative labor through which a distinct historical consciousness and shared understandings of violence are created, networks for survival and dignity engendered, and moral selves crafted. These narratives refuse interpretation of the ongoing Kurdish struggle as mere terrorism or victimhood and instead recuperate Kurdish agency and counterviolence. In these narratives, "defense of the community" not only asserts peoples' right to exist but also charges just violence with moral significance, turning those who protect their community against state violence into aspirational figures. [violence, narrative, morality, war and peace, memory, Kurds, Turkey]

The article is devoted to domestic (family) violence in modern Russian society. The problem of domestic violence has long ceased to be an individual's problem. It harms not only the victim, but also the state and society as a whole. Every year in Russia, 14,000 women die at the hands of their husbands. In Russia, domestic violence was first officially reported in the early 1990s. It is necessary to take into account the fact that in the past centuries the patriarchal family dominated, in which women occupied subordinate positions. The woman had to obey her husband unquestioningly and endure the beatings. Children were brought up in the same way. Corporal punishment was mandatory in the family. There is no specific law against domestic violence in our country. Domestic violence also abhors moral and ethical values.

The authors looked at causes, varieties, statistics, cycles, the effects of domestic violence and ways to prevent domestic abuse in modern society. There are several forms of violence: physical, psychological, sexual and economic. The consequences of domestic violence are: self-harm, mental disorders, sleep disturbances, depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, alcohol or drug use, etc. Properly coordinated work by health care, law enforcement, and social services agencies can play an important role in preventing domestic violence. At the same time, both individual and general social prevention with young people should be carried out in order to prevent domestic violence and, of course, to introduce a law against domestic violence.

Background Somali-born women constitute one of the largest groups of childbearing refugee women in Sweden after more than two decades of political violence in Somalia. In Sweden, these women encounter antenatal care that includes routine questions about violence being asked. The aim of the study was to explore how Somali-born women understand and relate to violence and wellbeing during their migration transition and their views on being approached with questions about violence in Swedish antenatal care. Method Qualitative interviews (22) with Somali-born women (17) living in Sweden were conducted and analysed using thematic analysis. Findings A balancing actbetween keeping private life private and the new welfare system was identified, where the midwife's questions about violence were met with hesitance. The midwife was, however, considered a resource for access to support services in the new society. A focus on pragmatic strategies to move on in life, rather than dwelling on potential experiences of violence and related traumas, was prominent. Social networks, spiritual faith and motherhood were crucial for regaining coherence in the aftermath of war. Dialogue and mutual adjustments were identified as strategies used to overcome power tensions in intimate relationships undergoing transition. Conclusions If confidentiality and links between violence and health are explained and clarified during the care encounter, screening for violence can be more beneficial in relation to Somali-born women. The focus on "moving on" and rationality indicates strength and access to alternative resources, but needs to be balanced against risks for hidden needs in care encounters. A care environment with continuity of care and trustful relationships enhances possibilities for the midwife to balance these dual perspectives and identify potential needs. Collaborations between Somali communities, maternity care and social service providers can contribute with support to families in transition and bridge gaps to formal social and care services.

This article examines the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, in dismantling mechanisms of injustice against women in the realm of practical politics. The idea of Bourdieu's theory of habitus, capital, arena, violence and symbolic power will be used as the perspective of gender inequality in uncovering the mechanisms of violence against women, particularly women involved in politics. The occurrence of various forms of violence against women, according to Bourdieu's theory, can not be separated from their symbolic violence that became the basis for other types of violence, such as physical, psychological, economic, and sexual. Symbolic violence is a form of violence that is not easily recognizable. Violence operates through symbols the object hegemonic discourse dominated. The roots of this violence habitus operates through women who are positioned as subordinate in society. Violence that works at the level of discourse, it will not make women understand and appreciate that they become the object and will not resist

"How do militants rationalize violence and what are their motives? How do time and space shape their destiny? In Violence and Militants Baris Cayli explores these enduring questions by comparing violent episodes in towns and villages in the nineteenth-century Ottoman Balkans with today's zones of conflict from Afghanistan to the Middle East. Placing history alongside the troubles of the present, Violence and Militants reveals parallels between Christian militants who rebelled against the Ottoman Empire and four jihadist organizations of today: Hezbollah, Hamas, al-Qaeda, and Isis. Drawing on scholarship by political theorists, historians, sociologists, anthropologists, and philosophers, Cayli traces the root of dissent to a perceived deprivation that leads to aggressive protest and action. He argues that the rationalization of violence functions independently of time and geographical location. Through a riveting narrative, this book uncovers how militant groups use revenge, ideals, and confrontation to generate fear and terror in the name of justice. Breaking new ground, Violence and Militants is the first book to address this complex relationship across different periods of history."--

AbstractThis special issue deals with the phenomenon of the emergence of radical violence in what might be called 'shatter zones' of empires after the end of the First World War. It argues that the emergence of violence was due to the absence of functioning state control and facilitated by the effects of experiencing mass violence during the First World War. In the multi-ethnic regions of the former empires, the rising wave of nationalism directed this violent potential against ethnic and religious minorities.

Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.

"There can be no doubt that physical violence was a constant feature of Spanish and Portuguese colonialism in Latin America. Far from being uniform, however, the form and extent of colonial violence varied considerably between different regions and time periods. The paper discusses these differences and relates them, among other things, to the character of the native societies as well as to the different systems of economic exploitation the colonizers used. In another section, the patterns of violent protest against colonial rule will be discussed where periods of relative 'peacefulness' alternated with times of massive violence. Beyond this, it is argued that alliances between Europeans and indigenous groups played an important role in the establishment and preservation of colonial rule. Emphasizing native complicity in the colonial system by no means absolves Europeans from their responsibility for colonialism in Latin America as such or, more specifically, for the bulk of colonial violence. However, in view of the fact that the Spanish and Portuguese remained a small minority throughout most of Latin America up to the end of the colonial period, this aspect seems crucial to the understanding of how colonialism was possible at all. In a concluding section the long term consequences of the colonial violence and its legitimizing ideal after independence will be discussed." (author's abstract)