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Examines how the United State's foreign & security policies have changed since the more simplistic Cold War rubric. Discusses how recent events -- e.g. Gulf War & September 11th -- have shaped policymaking, America's crusade to develop democracy in other countries, & relations with international organizations. y.

Serbian pro-government and pro-Russia media systematically promoted a narrative that the Western-oriented Armenian authorities gave up Nagorno-Karabakh by turning their foreign and security policy against Russia.

This article examines how elites shape debates during major contests over national security, with specific reference to a new neoconservative strand of Australia's domestic discourse. It argues that Australian neoconservatives have adopted a revisionist narrative: a direct challenge to orthodox views about the nature and purpose of foreign and security policy. I demonstrate this in four stages. First, I identify the securitisation of "Australian values" as a hallmark of Australian national security neoconservatism. Next, I identify its core themes, which bear similarities to neoconservative thinking in the United States. Third, I explore the main strategies Australia's national security neoconservatives utilise to revise domestic debates. These incorporate the inflation of threat perceptions; interpreting values as virtues; and the marginalisation of opposing viewpoints. Finally, in assessing the effect of these strategies I find that Australian neoconservatism is internally divisive, constrains Australian choices, and ultimately damages the values its proponents seek to protect.

The United Nations (UN) has now been involved in the (re)construction of Timor‐Leste's police force on two occasions. Although initially hailed as a success, in 2006 a serious security and governance crisis looked set to unravel the country's postindependence achievements, resulting in renewed international involvement in the security sector. However, many of the problems involved in constructing the Polícia Nacional Timor‐Leste (PNTL) the first time have been faithfully reproduced the second time. The mandate to reconstruct the PNTL in 2006 was an opportunity for the UN to salvage its reputation for a job done poorly the first time, yet the significant lack of capacity and relationship in both the UN and the Timor‐Leste government has meant little improvement in the PNTL. Arguably, the failure of the UN to construct a police force in Timor‐Leste has far broader implications in police building globally.

The concept of 'health security' has been increasingly apparent in recent years in both academic and policy discourses on transborder infectious disease threats. Yet it has been noted that there are a range of conceptualisations of 'health security' in circulation and that confusion over the concept is creating international tensions with some states (particularly from the Global South) fearing that 'health security' in reality means securing the West. This article examines these tensions but puts forward an alternative explanation for them. It begins by looking at the different 'health securities' that characterise the contemporary global health discourse, arguing that there is in fact a good deal more consensus than we are often led to believe. In particular there is a high level of agreement evident over what the major threats to 'health security' are and what should be done about them. These are a particular set of health risks which are primarily seen as major threats by Western developed nations, and contemporary global responses – often couched in the language of global health security – have a tendency to focus on containment rather than prevention. The article makes the case that to resolve the tensions around (global) health security there is the need for a more explicit recognition of the primary beneficiaries of the current system, and of who is bearing the costs. Only following such a recognition can meaningful debates be carried out about the appropriate prioritisation of global health security in relation to other global health governance priorities.

This note provides an update on activities & progress on issues noted in previous papers presented to the Standing Committee in 2004 & 2005. It focuses principally on efforts to implement the recommendations of UNHCR's Security Policy & Policy Implementation Review, but also addresses new initiatives in support of the strengthening of UNHCR's culture of security & other security-related activities. At all times, the rationale underlying UNHCR's security management system is to enable & support field operations effectively through a professional security & risk management approach. Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

Examines US responses to emerging post-11 September (2001) terrorism & proliferation threats & offers a range of predictions regarding future US foreign & security policies. It is argued that domestic & external forces are cultivating an environment wherein security is the prime focus of US policy making. This is demonstrated via discussion of the inevitability of high-impact terrorism & unilateral US responses, including the doctrine of preemption. How US unilateralism will impact European- & Canadian-US relations as well as European & Canadian foreign, economic, & security policy is then considered. In closing, it is asserted that Canada ought to support the US at a time when the latter is seeking allies or else risk fading into irrelevance. J. Zendejas