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Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of "conscience adherents" and "conscience constituents," first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, based on interviews with Pride parade organizers, we argue that mobilizations based on a more inclusive political strategy will attract more non-LGBT participants.

This article outlines a generic process in the reproduction of inequality the authors name obscuring oppression. On the basis of 35 in-depth interviews with college students seeking to make sense of two contemporary social movements, Black Lives Matter and Transgender Bathroom Access, the authors demonstrate three ways people obscure (i.e., avoid, ignore, hide, or explain away claims of) oppression in response to minority protest: trusting the public (i.e., suggesting that an educated public would not allow inequalities to persist), appealing to order (i.e., arguing that if protesters followed the rules, society would be more welcoming to change), and dismissing oppression (i.e., framing movement claims as false or exaggerated). In conclusion, the authors argue that examining processes of obscuring oppression may provide insight into (1) the persistence of inequality in society, (2) linkages between color-blind racism and systemic patterns of sexism and cissexism in society, and (3) potential reactions to other social movements seeking justice for marginalized groups.

Working AbstractIn 1951, The United Nations Refugee Convention established asylum for those with a "well-founded fear of being persecuted" based on membership in a "particular social group", yet many countries today continue to actively discriminate against individuals seeking asylum on the basis of their sexual orientation and/or gender identities. In an effort to distance themselves from the discrimination and criminalization that exists in their home countries, many lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)-identifying individuals seek safety as asylees abroad. This research examines the extent to which accepting asylum protocol as well as protections and rights offered to sexual and/or gender minorities impact the movement of LGBTQ asylees. By analyzing the application procedure and programs offered to a state's incoming refugee population in conjunction with the antidiscrimination legislation and freedoms afforded to that state's LGBTQ populations throughout 40 countries around the world, this paper finds that heightened asylum protocol rather than inclusive LGBTQ legal rights influences the resettlement of LGBTQ asylees. Introduction and Background Informatio

Analysis of tendencies of gender identity in society.The current state of the LGBT movement (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people) in Ukraine with an emphasis on features of the national law enforcement in this area.Deals with political relations in Ukraine to members of the LGBT community. The results of the expert poll among students of Uman State Pedagogical University named after Pavlo Tychyna. ; Проанализированы тенденции восприятия гендерной идентичности в обществе. Рассмотрены современное состояние ЛГБТ-движения (лесбиянки, геи, бисексуалы и трансгендерные люди) в Украине с акцентом на особенности национального правоприменения в этой сфере. Освещено политическое отношение в Украине к представителям ЛГБТ-сообщества. Представлены результаты експертного опроса среди студенческой молодежи Уманскогого сударственного педагогического университета имени Павла Тычины. ; Проаналізовано тенденції сприйняття гендерної ідентичності в суспільстві. Розглянуто сучасний стан ЛГБТ-руху (лесбійки, геї, бісексуали та трансгендерні люди) в Україні з акцентом на особливості національного правозастосування у цій сфері. Висвітлено політичне відношення в Україні до представників ЛГБТ-спільноти. Представлено результати експертного опитування серед студентської молоді Уманського державного педагогічного університету імені Павла Тичини.

It is well known that parental and community-based support are each related to healthy development in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning (LGBTQ) youth, but little research has explored the ways these contexts interact and overlap. Through go-along interviews (a method in which participants guide the interviewer around the community) with 66 youth in British Columbia, Massachusetts, and Minnesota, adolescents (aged 14-19 years) reported varying extent of overlap between their LGBTQ experiences and their parent–youth experiences; parents and youth each contributed to the extent of overlap. Youth who reported high overlap reported little need for resources outside their families but found resources easy to access if wanted. Youth who reported little overlap found it difficult to access resources. Findings suggest that in both research and practice, considering the extent to which youth feel they can express their authentic identity in multiple contexts may be more useful than simply evaluating parental acceptance or access to resources.

The right of transgender ('trans') persons to access gender-segregated space is neither a new controversy nor a conversation which is unique to the United Kingdom. Yet, despite increasingly charged political debates in North America, the question of trans access to single-gender facilities remains largely underexplored by British legal academics. In January 2016, the UK House of Commons Select Committee on Women and Equalities recommended expanding trans entry into single-gender services and communal accommodations under the Equality Act 2010. Using the Committee's report as a springboard for debate, this article considers the right of trans populations to use their preferred women-only and men-only spaces. Critically analysing the existing possibilities to exclude trans persons from services and accommodations, as well as the policy arguments which motivate this approach, the article demonstrates how, adopting common-sense, evidence-based reforms, Parliament can introduce legal rules which both prioritize user safety and respect trans dignity.

Care in Transit examines the transnational emergence of transgender health care as an institutionalizing field and public entitlement. Clinical care for trans people has been classically framed as a pitched struggle between providers and patients, but coordination and negotiation increasingly characterize this relation. Care in Transit thus turns to examine sites of local and transnational collaboration (in addition to conflict), specifically in trans health's public provision and regulation. Looking ethnographically to activists and health care providers in Buenos Aires and New York City, the project seeks to explain how these groups work together to assemble, intervene on, and refigure the infrastructures through which trans health care takes shape. While such cooperation may seem to signal an increased standardization and stabilization, I propose that it instead signals the protraction of a period of ambiguity within which a multitude of care practices and political claims can proliferate. I call this set of dynamics and practices "transmutable care," and explore it analytically through classification, racialized citizenship, statistical politics, and feminist politics of care.

AbstractI examine gubernatorial use of executive orders, and assess how executive action influences statute adoption. I argue that strong governors use executive orders to pursue policy objectives when they perceive legislation as unlikely to pass. Multilevel Event History Analysis of executive orders and the adoption of statutes that protect the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community from 1975 to 2013 reveals that partisan control of government and intrastate factors influence both forms of policy adoption. My findings support the strategic model that argues that executives turn to executive orders when confronting unfavourable legislative conditions, and that governors issue protections more when entering office. Legislatures respond to partisan control of the legislature and social characteristics. Further, states that have pro-LGBT executive orders in place are more likely to adopt similar statutes. My results suggest that stronger governors are more likely to issue executive orders, but it is states with weaker governors that are more likely to adopt legislation.

BackgroundThis research is about people who have intellectual disabilities and live in a secure hospital. It is about a group of people who meet at a support group. The support group is for people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender.MethodsThese people with intellectual disabilities helped with planning, doing, and telling other people about the research. They told their stories about going to the support group.ResultsTheir stories were joined together into a group story. The story said that the group helped people in lots of different ways. For some people going to the group was difficult at first because it was ?coming out'. This means telling other people you are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. Then it got easier and people started to feel better about themselves. Then they wanted to help others and this was important in their lives.ConclusionsThis group seemed to help people get better. We have given some ideas for setting up other groups and doing more research.

Many universities in the United States have responded to calls for incorporating the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) population into diversity management. universities, however. Universities that have lagged behind may face challenges recruiting LGBT employees. In contrast, There is notable variation in response across major public research Attraction-Selection-Attrition and Spiral of Silence theories suggest that organizations actively welcoming LGBT employees may improve employee recruitment and retention. Organizations may address LGBT employee needs through domestic partner benefits. Using semi-structured questionnaires with human resources personnel at several universities, this study examines how and why domestic partner benefits and alternatives affect recruitment and retention of LGBT employees in public organizations. Findings reveal that domestic partner benefits are important for successful LGBT recruitment and retention and may provide opportunities for improved voice. Soft benefit alternatives were found mainly at universities without domestic partner benefits and offered primarily as good will gestures. Theoretical and practical implications, including contemporary diversity management discussions and organizational performance, are discussed.

We advance the literature on the demographic factors that shape organizational outcomes by analyzing the impact of the gender composition of firm leadership on the likelihood that a firm will adopt lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT)-friendly policies. Drawing on social role and token theory, we test the relative impact of CEO gender and the gender composition of the board of directors separately and together in order to identify the effects of gender diversity at the top of the organization. We rely on a unique data set that includes corporate policies (gender identity and sexual orientation non-discrimination policies, domestic-partner benefits, and overall corporate equality index scores) as well as the gender of the CEO and board of directors among Fortune 500 firms over a 10-year period. Our findings suggest that firms with gender-diverse boards are more likely than other firms to offer LGBT-friendly policies, whereas findings for firms with women CEOs offer mixed results.

In this essay I argue that Luce Irigaray's description of sexual difference as "difference itself" is based on a pervasive cissexism that necessitates critical attention. I begin by outlining how placing sexual difference in the temporality of the future anterior saves Irigaray from the charges of essentialism and heterosexism. Next, I examine the moments in her texts that scholars claim provide resources for an Irigarayan discussion of the experiences of transgender, intersex, and gender-nonconforming people. I integrate these moments with the temporality of the future anterior to outline a plausible Irigarayan defense against the charge of cissexism. Finally, I argue that this defense cannot be reconciled with her claim that ontology is sexed. The only thing making Irigaray's notion of sexual difference coherent or giving it substance is the impassable limit she places between the sexes. I argue that this is a form of violence akin to the disavowal of the maternal feminine that inaugurates phallocentrism.

This article examines the meaning and potential associated with capturing reality through an analysis of the case and experience of the Karahaber (Black News) collective, a video activist group in Turkey that was particularly active in the 2005–2007 period. Operating under the slogan 'From the image of the action to the action of the image', video activists participated in and documented many street demonstrations with non-professional video cameras, producing more than 175 videos that were shared on their website. The article focuses on three specific video films produced by Karahaber that compelled its members to make a specific appraisal of their own participation and political engagement in the demonstrations: two of them documenting the hunger strike, referred to locally rather as a death fast, in protest against the F-type (cell-type) prisons, and one focusing on the attacks against transgender people by nationalist groups in Ankara. Finally, the article reflects on the relationship between reality and representation, and its role in 'being an activist camera'.

The purpose of this article is to describe how heterosexism impedes the provision of culturally competent care for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) residents in long-term care (LTC) facilities. LTC facilities continue to employ staff members who lack an understanding of sexuality and sexual diversity in the elderly. In this article, we identify the heterosexual assumption, namely heterosexism, as the primary issue surrounding the holistic care of the LGBTQ elder in LTC. We first review the literature related to LGBTQ elders in LTC facilities, identifying the themes that emerged from the review, specifically the definitions of homophobia and heterosexism; perceptions of LGBTQ elders as they consider placement in LTC facilities; and staff knowledge of and biases toward sexuality and sexual diversity in LTC settings. Then, we suggest approaches for changing the culture of LTC to one in which LGBTQ elders feel safe and valued, and conclude by considering how facility leaders are in a unique position to enable LGBTQ elders to flourish in what may be their last home.

This article introduces the 'Pink Agenda' as a set of judicial, social and political instruments employed by both nation-states and international human rights institutions, such as the Council of Europe, to achieve some socio-political goals: on the one hand, the proactive promotion of specific lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender identities beyond Europe; on the other, the creation of a dichotomy between tolerant and intolerant countries within the borders of Europe. The successful enactment of the 'Pink Agenda' is achieved by building and reinforcing a concept of European Sexual Citizenship that is strongly homonationalist in nature. Through an analysis of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, the article emphasises the way in which the homonationalist paradigm of sexual citizenship is applied to strengthen the divide between tolerant and intolerant member states and to suggest the existence of a difference between a queer-friendly 'West' and homophobic and transphobic non-western countries.