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The paper analyzes a total of 43 Scythian burials of the Northern Black Sea region dating back to late 5th - 3rd quarter of the 4th centuries BC with an accompanying burial of a horse or horses in the entrance pits of the catacombs and undercuts, or their replacements in the form of a horse bridle in the same areas, with due account of the anthropological defi nitions and dating of the complexes. It has been established that the accompanying burials of horses in the entrance pits of the Scythian catacombs at barrows and burial grounds are a reliable indicator of male burials, and in the case of burials in a catacomb with two entrance pits, additional male burials. In contrast to the accompanying horse burials in separate pits, which became widespread in Scythia during the 5th century BC, (and widely spread since the mid-5th century BC), the rite of burying horses in the entrance pits only appeared at the end of the 5th century. BC and was relatively widespread in the 2-3rd quarters of the 4th century BC. For this time period, such burials have mainly been discovered in the Lower Dnieper region and are only partially spread in the Dnieper-Danube interfl uve. For the 3rd-2nd centuries BC such burials have mainly been discovered in the Lower Dniester region and in signifi cantly smaller numbers in the Crimea, whereas there are no such burials in the Lower Dnieper region. Later, this tradition only preserved in the Late Scythian culture of the Crimea in the period from the 2nd – 1st centuries BC until the 3rd-4th centuries AD. They become especially widespread and diverse in the 1st-4th centuries AD. ; В статье анализируется выборка из 43 скифских погребений Северного Причерноморья конца V– третьей четверти IV вв. до н. э. с сопровождающим захоронением коня или коней во входных ямах катакомб и подбоев или заменявшее их размещение конской уздечки в тех же местах с учетом антропологических определений и датировок комплексов. Установлено, что сопровождающие захоронения коней во входных ямах скифских катакомб в курганах и грунтовых могильниках являются надежным индикатором мужских погребений, а в случае с погребениями в катакомбе с двумя входными ямами – мужских подзахоронений. В отличие от сопровождающих погребений коней в отдельных ямах, получивших распространение в Скифии на протяжении V в. до н.э., (широко – с середины V в. до н.э.), обряд погребения коней во входных ямах, появляется только в конце V в. до н.э. и относительно широкое распространение получает во 2-3-й четверти IV вв. до н.э. 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Foreign policy mandarins have spent years fighting over what to make of former President Donald Trump. At heart, is he a hawk or a dove? Does he hope to be a new Nixon, capable of seeking detente with enemies despite (or even because of) his mean streak? Or perhaps a new Reagan, focused on achieving "peace through strength"?I might ask it a different way: Who cares? New political science research suggests that Trump's personal views are not the most important part of the puzzle. In short, it's the advisers, stupid. This may sound like received wisdom, but its implications are profound. Researchers created an unprecedented dataset of minutes from presidential meetings related to foreign policy during the Cold War. Using complex statistical methods, they found that the relative hawkishness of a president's advisers is a remarkably good predictor of whether a leader will make "conflictual decisions" regarding an adversary.The differences can be stark. If you assemble the most hawkish group of presidential advisers from the Cold War, the model predicts they would make six times as many aggressive choices as the least hawkish group. Over the course of a presidency, that could mean hundreds of extra moves liable to spark new conflicts or escalate simmering disputes."Who dominates the room [...] does seem to have a systematic effect" on whether presidents choose hawkish or dovish paths, said Tyler Jost, a professor at Brown University who co-led the project.Now, Trump has a unique opportunity. The new research finds that hawkishness is surprisingly consistent from administration to administration; in fact, it varies more within administrations than between them — a statistical testament to the power of the so-called foreign policy "blob." Perhaps more than any president in recent memory, Trump has the chance to ditch advocates of global primacy and hire proponents of a more restrained U.S. foreign policy.Indeed, the former president is spoiled for choice. Most candidates for posts in a new Trump administration now agree that Washington should shift its focus to Asia by pursuing real retrenchment in Europe and the Middle East. Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) — a close Trump ally and top vice presidential candidate — has slammed U.S. military adventurism, called for a negotiated settlement in Ukraine, and even voted in favor of removing U.S. troops from Syria in December.New think tanks have popped up to support this viewpoint, and some old conservative stalwarts have refashioned themselves as America Firsters who want to help shape a different, more populist vision of U.S. foreign policy. These groups are creating staffing pipelines for a new brand of conservative foreign policy, and the consequences of their investment could go far beyond 2024.The transition battleThe Heritage Foundation wants you to know that it's changed. Once a premier home for neocons and uber hawks, the eminence grise of conservative politics now loudly calls for the U.S. to pull back from the Middle East and Europe, all while railing against inefficient military spending.Heritage's shift reflects broader changes in the conservative movement dating back to Trump's first election in 2016. "The real America First foreign policy position recognizes that the last few decades were characterized by a series of blunders," argued Micah Meadowcroft, the research director at the conservative Center for Renewing America (CRA) and a former staffer in the Trump White House. "Our leadership class messed up badly" during the so-called unipolar moment by launching a global crusade against terrorism and ignoring China's rise, Meadowcroft told RS.Conservative realists hope that recognizing this shift will allow the U.S. to focus all of its attention on preparing for — and hopefully deterring — a war with China over Taiwan. "China remains the single greatest threat to American interests in the world today, and we just haven't been acting like it," said Alex Velez-Green, a former adviser to Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) now based at Heritage. "My view is that a new administration will really need to prioritize it."The key question is how to strike a balance between deterrence and provocation. Velez-Green draws on a "peace through strength" tradition exemplified by Elbridge Colby, a prominent China hawk who appears poised to get a major role in a new Trump administration. While all hope to avoid war, other realists have argued for a more conservative approach to Beijing's rise.Regardless of the reasons behind this broader shift, conservatives have made big investments in order to shape its path. The most influential effort is Heritage's Project 2025, an initiative that has raised millions of dollars to identify potential staffers for a second Trump administration and plan policies to help vault it back into the White House.For supporters of a more restrained foreign policy, Project 2025 has a lot to offer. While any Heritage program is bound to make up a big tent of conservative views, "the leadership of Project 2025 is a lot more aligned to a more Trumpian strain of America First, which is a more narrow, national-interest oriented idea," said Sumantra Maitra of the CRA, who has advised on the effort. Will Ruger, who Trump nominated as his ambassador to Afghanistan, welcomed Heritage's shift toward a "much more prudential approach to American foreign policy."But there are still some reasons to doubt Heritage's restraint bona fides. Project 2025's transition manifesto makes clear that the conservative tone setter is not quite ready to drop its commitment to fighting global terrorism and keeping down America's parochial enemies, however weak they may now be.Of course, Heritage is far from the only game in town. Its foreign policy team has often found common cause with the CRA, a right-wing think tank with restraint-oriented views on international affairs that Maitra said will be a "key player" in the planning for a second Trump term. Trump himself reportedly read and at least partially endorsed Maitra's CRA paper calling for a major down-sizing of the U.S. role in NATO.On the other side, traditional hawks at organizations like the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institute continue to hold sway in both mainstream and conservative media, as Meadowcroft pointed out. But many prominent hard-line hawks — like one-time Trump adviser John Bolton — have had a sufficiently large break with the MAGA movement to make them persona non grata in any future Trump White House.The America First Policy Institute (AFPI) appears determined to split the difference. Like Heritage, AFPI has questioned the wisdom of continued U.S. aid to Ukraine and pushed hard for Europe to shoulder more of the burden of its own defense. But the startup policy outfit — created as something of a White House in waiting — has a bit of a neocon streak when it comes to the Middle East, with a particular focus on countering Iranian influence and supporting Israel.There is no love lost between Heritage and AFPI, as journalist Sam Adler-Bell recently noted in the New York Times. "A.F.P.I. partisans see Heritage as a latecomer to the Trump train, establishment wolves in 'America First' clothing," Adler-Bell wrote. "Some at Heritage see A.F.P.I. as a redoubt of precisely those unreliable Trump appointees — grifters and RINOs — who trade on their relationships with the president to ensure they can continue to run the show." This antipathy helps to explain why AFPI has a separate Trump staffing effort, known as the America First Transition Project.One should note, however, that the two don't always disagree. They share some staff and have both kept strong ties to more traditional foreign policy shops. Part of this stems from the fact that even the more dovish members of the GOP national security world are more hawkish on, say, the Middle East and Venezuela than hard-line realists. But, on balance, restrainers are more skeptical of AFPI than their old foes at Heritage.It remains unclear which side has Trump's ear. AFPI associates — including Fred Fleitz, Keith Kellogg, and John Ratcliffe — often show up on lists of current and potential future Trump advisers. He also reportedly consults with former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), who rank among the most hawkish figures in American politics. (Pompeo's habit of calling himself a "realist" is a particular point of frustration for many America Firsters.)But, as efforts like Project 2025 demonstrate, Trump will no longer be stuck with old-school options on every front. There are no hardcore restrainers known to be in the running for major roles, but the former president is reportedly considering Richard Grenell and Kash Patel — both of whom have a somewhat less interventionist streak — for top jobs in his administration. And, as just about everyone I spoke with noted, there's still plenty of time for other potential nominees to gain ground before the election."The bench is deeper, and therefore there are more folks to turn to if a president wants to go in a restraint direction," said Ruger.Trump 2.0Much of the planning for a second Trump administration revolves around staffing. This laser focus is a response to his first term, in which advisers and officials often took steps to block the implementation of the president's preferred policies.Take Syria. When Trump ordered that U.S. troops be withdrawn from the country in 2019, the move sparked an uproar among policy experts who argued that it would leave our Kurdish allies in the lurch. Jim Jeffrey — then the special envoy to Syria — persuaded Trump to leave a token force in the country but later revealed that "we were always playing shell games to not make clear to our leadership how many troops we had there."Trump world is looking to make sure that never happens again. Heritage wants a new administration to make sweeping personnel changes that would allow Trump to replace thousands of federal bureaucrats with more sympathetic cadres.This is both an opportunity and a challenge for restrainers. On the "challenge" side, Trump has increasingly signaled that he wants to use military force against Mexican cartels, a proposal that most realists reject as dangerous and counterproductive. And, as Jost of Brown University notes, presidents don't just select their advisers based on hawkishness. They have to make decisions about which advisers will appease which constituencies in their base, among other considerations. In Trump's case, loyalty to the president appears to be another key criterion.But loyalty to Trump doesn't get your nomination through Congress. For many top jobs, nominees will have to persuade the old-school hawks in the Senate that they won't change too much about the status quo. Restraint-oriented nominees will, however, get help from the growing group of young America Firsters on Capitol Hill, not to mention the changing of the guard symbolized by Sen. Mitch McConnell's (R-Ky.) decision to step down from leadership.It will be up to Trump to decide whether he picks less controversial candidates for these positions or simply relies on "acting" appointees, as he did at the end of his first term. The former president will have much more room to maneuver when it comes to the National Security Council, whose leaders don't require confirmation.These challenges aside, the decisions that Trump makes in a potential second term could have a massive, lasting impact on the direction of conservative foreign policy. To better understand how, a quick history lesson is in order.In 2007, Democratic foreign policy big wigs founded the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), a hawkish center-left think tank first conceived as a government in waiting for Hillary Clinton. When Barack Obama beat Clinton in the primaries, he made the fateful decision to soften his stance on the Iraq War and staff up his team with CNAS acolytes.The CNAS crew — in addition to Clinton herself — earned powerful roles in Obama's administration that allowed them to steer the president away from his anti-war rhetoric on the campaign trail. The result was a vicious or virtuous cycle, depending on where you stand. The more hawkish CNAS staffers got coveted government experience (and connections) that put weight behind their arguments. Once they left government, they took their place as the sages of liberal foreign policy, with many returning in 2020 to staff the Biden administration.Obama's decision may have been practical. The progressive foreign policy landscape was, and in many ways still is, short on funding and candidates for high-level jobs. But Trump has the virtue of a genuine choice. The former president probably won't reject staffers based on their hawkishness — but perhaps he should. Research suggests it just might prevent the next war before it happens.

Historic-Archaeological Research of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milano on the Indus Delta (2010-2018). The following text is only an abridged note on the excavations at Banbhore and some significant extra-moenia surveys carried out by the Italian Team within the Institutional framework of a "Pak-French-Italian Historical and Archaeological Research at Banbhore" on the basis of a Licence issued by the competent Pakistani Authorities (2010-2015 - Coordinator of the Project Dr Kaleemullah Lashari), and, some later, within a new institutional asset: a "Memorandum of Understanding" (MoU) signed in the 2017 between the Director General of the Department of Antiquities of Sindh (Manzoor A. Kanasro) and the Magnifico Rettore of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milan (Prof. Franco Anelli). Aims of the said MoU are: (a) historical-archaeological research-work at Banbhore and Rani Kot; (b) training (theoretical and on the job) to selected students and officers of the DAS. The Italian group works under the sponsorship of the Italian Ministry for Foreign Affairs (now Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation/MAECI). Scientific director for the Italian Team is Prof. Valeria Piacentini, member of the Board of Directors of the Research Centre CRiSSMA of the Catholic University.
In the following dissertation I won't linger on the debated issue about the identification of the site of Banbhore with historic sites on the Indus delta (the historical Mihrān river) mentioned and described in the written sources of the past. Too many respected scholars and archaeologists have entered this debate since the end of the 19th Century, for which I refer to a well-known exhaustive literature. In the "50s of the previous century, Leslie Alckok – then official to the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan – carried out some preliminary excavations, followed by Dr Rafique Mughal and F.A. Khan. This latter carried out a systematic and extensive archaeological campaign of several years between the "50s and the "60s, well backed by one of the most authoritative Pakistani historians, N.A. Baloch. Khan brought to light extraordinary archaeological and architectural evidence, but, unfortunately, his excavation-notes have gone lost and little or nothing has been published. Thence, our research-work had to start from nothing.
First of all and most urgent was an updated planimetric and altimetric study of the site by kite-photos: a massive wall of c. 1,4 km with 55 towers, 7 posterns, and major and secondary accesses to the citadel (2010-2012 by Y. Ubelman, S. Reynard, A. Tilia), regularly updated with advanced technologies (A. Tilia).
Then, in collaboration with Dr M. Kervran, head of the French Team, we undertook an accurate study of the bastions and the shapes of its towers (squared, U-shaped, circular), which has brought to envisage three main occupational phases of the intra-moenia area: 1. Indo-Parthian/Indo-Kushan phase (c. III-II Century b.CE – III-IV Century CE); 2. Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian phase (c. III-IV Century – early VIII Century CE); 3. Islamic phase (VIII – XII/early XIII Century CE). Decay and/or abandonment and end of any settled life on the site can be dated around the XII-early XIII Century, due to attacks and pillaging by Turco-Mongol nomadic tribes, and/or the deviation of this branch of the Indus delta and consequent filling of the harbour, or both. Archaeological evidence come to light confirms the historical information.
Our third aim (2010-2015) was to arrive to a first chronological panorama of the site through levels in stratigraphy and the assemblage of pottery and other significant evidence with the individual levels (N. Manassero – A. Fusaro – A. Tilia). Deep trenches were excavated (T/7 and T/9 on the Italian side; T/1 on the French side near the western portion of the bastions skirting the Hindu Temple. These brought to the very early Sasanian period or late Indo-Parthian (c. II-III Century CE), then the water-table invaded the trenches preventing us to go deeper; however, drillings (T/9) have allowed to go deeper for c.1,8 mt of shards …thus reaching a much earlier occupational phase. The question about an Hellenistic occupation at the bottom of the site (Arrian's harbour of Alexander) is still unanswered… a dream…but the importance of Banbhore has induced to take it seriously and include it within our priorities.
Ours and the French trenches have also produced significant information on the architectural panorama of the site for its earlier periods of life. A main N-S and E-W road axis was traced. The site was organised in insulae, each insula with its pits of organic and inorganic refusals, densely built along narrow roads by small mono-nuclear houses, roofed, bases in local stones and the elevation in unbacked bricks. Interesting the presence of refusals of some crafts, as if each building had at the same time the function of "home" and workshop. The refusals shew activities of ivory-working (T/1,T/4, T/9), and other crafts carried out "within the bastions of the citadel", such as glass, shells and mother of pearl, alloys and various metallurgic activities, too, and so on. Significant the presence of a wealth of clay-moulds. T/5 has produced a clay-mould nearly intact in its shape. No less interesting, in the deeper layers, the presence of a well arranged organisation of the hydraulic resources (small canals, little domed cisterns in roughly cut local stones, wells..: T/9).
One element of the site attracted our attention: the so called "Partition Wall". It has a North-South direction; then, it bends Eastwards, including the Mosque and the Eastern lagoon, but cutting out the majestic Southern Gate. So far, it had been interpreted as a Wall that had a "religious" or "social" function to separate – after the Islamic conquest – the Muslims from the non-Muslim inhabitants of the site. Manassero dedicated the 2014 Field-Season to investigate: T/7 and T/8 were the trenches that gave a new profile to this structure and to the general occupational organisation of the citadel during its last period of life. The round-shaped tower in mud-bricks and the walls on both sides show that they had been hurriedly erected in a late phase of the life of the citadel (around the end of the X – early XI Century CE). They had been built on the top of pre-existing buildings either abandoned and collapsed or hastily flatted-down, likely to defend this eastern portion of the site and its Mosque by some human ravage that had succeeded to open a breach in the lower western bastion leaving the higher north-eastern area exposed to attacks (the skeleton found by Dr Kervran on her portion of the wall, and Khan's skeletons with arrow-heads in their skulls and chests). According to F.A. Khan's excavations and what he left us in his little booklet that so far – printed and re-printed – is the guide for visitors to Banbhore, in the eastern portion of the site during the latest stage of its life still stood beautiful palaces, the Friday Mosque, markets, and an eastern gate where a staircase (still in situ in the 2015) brought to a lagoon at the foot of the eastern bastions and to the river.
At the end of this first stage of our historical and archaeological research-work, the identification of the site of Banbhore with the historic Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian fortified harbour-town seemed quite feasible. When we resumed our field-work in the 2017, we decided to go deeper in this direction. In the meantime, Dr Manassero had resigned due to personal choices of life. Dr Simone Mantellini bravely accepted to be our Field-Director for the archaeological sector. T/9 had unearthed an imposing Building (Building 1) running along the East-West road-axis, parallel to a second Building (Building 2). The road – wide about 5 meters – must have been a major road, that had played a central role within the general architectural urban asset of the site. Building 2 had the typical structure of the local houses: base in rough stones, elevation in mud-bricks. Excavations of Building 1 produced fillings well flatted and an endless chronological procession of floors in row mud, likely the re-occupation of an important palace during the last phase of the occupational life of Banbhore. The material (pottery and others) associated with the various levels in stratigraphy (Dr A. Fusaro) confirmed the dating of the dug portion from c. the early XIII to the XI Century CE. Historically speaking, it makes sense: chronicles of the time report about the invasion of Lower Sindh by the Seljuks (second half of the XI Century CE); they indulge on the assaults against the walls of its great harbour-town named Daybul, its long siege concluded with a peace-treaty that fixed the border with Makrān at Gwadar and gave to Daybul an autonomous status (nāḥiya) within the Seljuk dominion of Qāvurd-Khān ibn Chaghrī Beg. More interesting was the copious filling with ivory refusals. Along Building 2, were found semi-worked shells, glass, iron and brass rivets, iron instruments, alloys, coins and other. This induced to think to a late quarter of work-shops outside the Partition Wall, built on previous buildings. Lastly, some surveys extra-moenia and in the Lahiri Bandar and Mullah-ka Kot islands have revealed a close connection and interaction between these spaces and the citadel. Around the bastions: the remains of a densely settled area and a well organised regulation of the waters and the territory, rock quarries, urban quarters, dwellings, cairn-tombs (some of them re-used), an artificial lake of sweet water delimited to the south by a "barrage", wells, and a vast so called "industrial area" to the north-northwest of the bastions, pottery kilns and others completed the image of a urban asset at least for a given span of time. Architectural and archaeological evidences have regularly been graphically, photographically and topographically documented (A. Tilia).
Archaeometric analyses on the job (pottery, metals, alloys, coins…) and in Italy (ivory, glass, clay-moulds, shards…) have provided precious support and new elements to the archaeological work.
We are now confronted with the plan of a positive shahristān. Banbhore is no longer only a fortified citadel. Written sources in Arabic and Persian confirm this feature. After the Jan.-Feb. 2018 field-season, the Islamic occupational phase of Banbhore and the "archaeological park" surrounding it enhanced this image: a positive fluvial and maritime system stemmed out, a well-fortified system and harbour-town, a centre of mercantile power, production and re-distribution of luxury goods, an international centre of pilgrimage and religious learning, too, outlet to the sea of the capital-city of the moment.
For the forthcoming field-seasons, it was decided to concentrate the attention on the sector where the North-South axis crosses the East-West one. In particular: to further investigate Building 1; to look for the ivory-workshops that must be there around – given the copious pieces so far brought to light and used as refilling (more than 9.000 fragments) and some fragments of rough ivory (specialist of the Italian Team G. Affanni); to organise a deep-trench in the Pakistani sector (T/11), in order to resume Manassero's investigations on the urban and architectural features of the pre-Islamic phases...and (why not?) try to overcome the water-table problem with the technological support offered by the Bahrya University of Karachi…the much dreamed quest of Alexander the Macedonian's port.
All in all and to conclude. Nowadays, at the end of this first stage of historical and archaeological research-work in collaboration with the DAS, the identification of the site of Banbhore and its surrounding area with the Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian and the Early-Islamic well-fortified harbour-town of Daybul/Debol can be confirmed. No other site with the characteristics described by the written sources of the time (chronicles, geographies, travelogues…plus Marco Polo and some significant Genoese archival documents) has so far come to light on the Indus deltaic region. Conversely, still un-answered are other queries: Banbhore can be identified also with the great harbour of Alexander the Macedonian? Or with the Barbaricum/Barbarikon/Barbariké, harbour-town of Parthian rulers or local lords of "Skuthia", also mentioned in the Periplus Maris Erythraei? Or again with Dib/Deb, harbour mentioned in a Parthian-Manichaean text? Or again the Dibos of Greek sources? Or the Dêbuhl/Dêphul of an Arminian text à propos of the Prophet Mani? Wishful thinking; however, these queries represent some amongst the ambitious aims of our future research-work.

The study of textiles is an open area of scientific research, which for its variety of material components and physical chemical diversity of conditions, makes a field of interest for scientific studies in the cultural heritage field. Archaeological/historical textiles offer the possibility to carry out studies on organic materials such as fibers, adhesion elements, dyes, paper, etc., as well as on inorganic compounds for instance metals, alloys, precious stones and other added ornamentation. That variety of composition, allow to use a combination of analytical techniques to solve the questions coming from the object in an archaeometric research. One kind of textile object that provides a valuable cultural information because of its linguistic representation employed by its carrier societies, are the flags/banners/emblems, objects made with a nonverbal communication purpose. As long as depending on the use and/or purpose of each object, varies both the materials/techniques used in its production and its iconography (style, color, emblem, shape), its study gives the possibility to extract information through their materials and manufacturing techniques about a temporal-spatial frame, a particular event or a specific character. The flags/banners have been used since the eleventh century as representative objects of power, hierarchy, social or military organization, or as communicative media. The use of these objects has been spread throughout the world, possibly due to its easy interpretation and/or appropriation by different societies, making it part of their own culture. The flags as symbols of territorial control, using emblems that represent a family, order or army, were introduced to the New World (America) with the arrival of the European conquerors at the end of the fifteenth century. Flags/banners representing the Royal dominion over conquered territories, the Catholic Church and conquistadors' armies were the first to arrive. One of those flags that have endured over time, that have an invaluable cultural meaning for both American and Iberian societies, is the so-called Francisco Pizarro's Banner of Arms. It is a textile object with metal threads decoration over a Royal emblem. According to historical sources, this object was used by Francisco Pizarro in 1532 on the conquest process of Peru, after received the permission by King Charles V to on behalf of him, to conquer the lands of the New World today known as Peru. After Pizarro's control of the Inca territory, it is believed that Pizarro left his banner on top of the Inca's Sun's Temple as symbol of his rule. Centuries later, in the America libertarian campaigns, General Sucre, military at charge of the independence army in Peru, reports have found what he considered the Pizarro's Banner, sending it to Bogotá as a symbol of victory, being kept since that time until today by the National Museum of Colombia. Due to historical discrepancies in the different movements of the so-called Pizarro's Banner of Arms, its real meaning has been under discussion and because of the passage of time its physical condition has suffer deterioration. That is because its scientific study is now an interesting case study to respond to both historical and conservation questions of it. Through a collaboration with the National Museum of Colombia, a set of 25 samples of so-called Pizarro's Banner of Arms were collected, covering the various components and areas from the object of study. These samples were subjected to analytical studies for physical and chemical characterization. Microscopic observation, VSEM-EDS analysis, Raman spectroscopy, chromatographic analysis (HPLC-MS, GCMS) and radiocarbon dating were done. Similarly, was sought through a direct in situ physical inspection to the object and through a research into historical sources, adequate information to solve the object's problems. Results obtained allowed to identify as silk the textile used in the elaboration of the Banner's fabric, as well as the use of natural dyes for dyeing the fibers used on the emblem: use of cochineal and brazil wood as a source of red, luteolin plant-based for yellow color, indigotine plant-based for blue, and a mixture of yellow and blue dyes for green were identified. Similarly, the use of animal glue in the manufacturing process and the use of rag paper was evident. The metal threads study from the Banner give a confirmation to a silver core wire gilded with a thin gold sheet, being flattened and entwined with silk threads for their use. Finally, using the radiocarbon results, it was possible to postulate with huge accuracy that the Banner date manufacture was between the XV-XVI century and subject to restoration processes with addition of textiles in modern times. Together with, was evident that the state of degradation of the fabric is due to natural degradation in the silk fibers, having that its color has faded and its mechanical properties decreased, leading to loss of rigidity and disappearance of the physical structure. Similarly, it was clear the original colors of the emblem and highlight problems of detachment of paper due to crystallization of the adhesive. In the same way, was found that the metal threads suffer corrosion by sulfur and detachment of its crystals. Finally, combining the analytical results and the historical sources data found from the so-called Francisco Pizarro's Banner of Arms, allows to postulate that its manufacture process was done in Europe employing precious materials to obtain a long-life object with a deep message for its viewers. Also, the data obtained helps to support the possible idea that the object was employed by Francisco Pizarro in the Peru conquest process. However, by the symbols present in the object, its elaboration date and materials, this object its clearly unique in its kind, and the most important, by its linguistic message, does not represent to Francisco Pizarro or his army, meanwhile, represents the Spanish crown. Therefore, instead to be labeled as Francisco Pizarro's Banner of Arms, it should be called the Colonial Royal Banner of Charles V in the New World; RESUMEN: El estudio de textiles es un área abierta de investigación científica, la cual por su variedad de componentes materiales y la diversidad de condiciones físico-químicas presentes en estos objetos, lo hace un campo de interés para estudios científicos en el patrimonio cultural. Los textiles arqueológicos/históricos brindan la posibilidad de realizar estudios en materiales orgánicos como fibras, elementos de adhesión, tinturas, papel, etc., e inorgánicos como metales, aleaciones, piedras preciosas y demás materiales decorativos añadidos. Por su variedad de composición, es posible emplear diversas técnicas analíticas para resolver aquellas preguntas propias del objeto en una investigación arqueométrica. Uno de los objetos textiles que brinda gran información cultural debido a su representación lingüística empleada por las sociedades portadoras, son las banderas/estandartes/emblemas. Donde varía dependiendo de su uso y/o propósito, los materiales empleados en su elaboración, al igual que su iconografía (estilo, color, emblema, forma). El estudio de estos objetos construidos con un propósito de comunicación no verbal, da la posibilidad de extraer información a través de sus materiales y técnicas de elaboración sobre un rango temporal-espacial, un evento determinado en la historia o incluso a un personaje en específico. Las banderas han sido empleadas desde el siglo XI como objetos representativos de poder, jerarquía, organización social o militar, o como medio de comunicación. El uso de estos objetos se ha extendido a lo largo del mundo posiblemente debido a su fácil interpretación y/o apropiación por distintas sociedades, haciéndolo parte de su cultura. Las banderas como símbolos de control territorial, empleando símbolos que representan a una familia, orden o armada fueron introducidas a el Nuevo Mundo (América) con la llegada de los conquistadores europeos al final del siglo XV. Las banderas/estandartes que representaban el dominio Real sobre territorios dominados, la iglesia católica y las banderas de ejércitos y/o conquistadores fueron las primeras en llegar al nuevo mundo. Una de aquellas banderas que ha soportado el paso del tiempo, teniendo un gran valor cultural tanto para las sociedades americanas como para las ibéricas, es el denominado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro. Siendo un objeto textil con decoración en hilos metálicos sobre un emblema Real. De acuerdo a fuentes históricas, este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en 1532 en el proceso de conquista del Perú, quien recibe por parte del Rey Carlos V el poder para que, en su nombre, Pizarro pueda conquistar las tierras del nuevo mundo hoy conocidas como Perú. Luego del dominio de Pizarro sobre el territorio Inca, se cree que Pizarro dejó su estandarte en la cima del templo Inca del sol como símbolo de su control. Siglos más tarde, en las campañas libertarias de América, el General Sucre, militar encargado de la armada independentista en Perú, reporta haber encontrado lo que él considera como el estandarte de Pizarro, enviándolo a Bogotá como muestra de victoria, siendo custodiada desde ese momento por el Museo Nacional de Colombia hasta la actualidad. Debido a discrepancias históricas, el verdadero significado del llamado estandarte de Pizarro ha sido objeto de discusión y debido del pasar del tiempo su estado de conservación se ha deteriorado. Dejando de este modo, un caso de estudio interesante para que por medio de estudios científicos al objeto se pueda dar respuesta a preguntas tanto históricas como de conservación del mismo. De este modo, por medio de una colaboración con el Museo Nacional de Colombia, se obtuvo un juego de 25 muestras del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, abarcando los diferentes componentes y áreas del objeto de estudio. Dichas muestras fueron sometidas a estudios analíticos para su caracterización físico-química. Análisis de observación al microscopio, análisis VSEM-EDS, espectroscopia Raman, análisis cromatográficos (HPLC-MS, GC-MS) y datación por radiocarbono catorce fueron realizados. Del mismo modo, por medio de una inspección física al objeto in situ y una profunda investigación en fuentes históricas del mismo, se buscó la información adecuada para resolver sus problemáticas. Los resultados obtenidos permitieron identificar como seda el textil empleado en la elaboración del estandarte, así como el uso de colorantes naturales para teñir las fibras en el emblema: uso de cochinilla y palo de Brasil como fuente del color rojo, plantas a base de luteolin para el color amarillo, plantas a base de indigotina para el color azul y mezcla de colorantes amarillos y azules para el color verde fueron identificadas. Del mismo modo se evidencio el uso de adhesivos animales y el uso de papel de trapos en el proceso de manufactura. El estudio de los hilos metálicos, permitió evidenciar el uso de alambres con núcleos de plata con un fino recubrimiento de oro en su exterior, siendo aplanados y entrelazados con hilos de seda para su uso. Finalmente usando la datación por radiocarbono, fue posible conocer con alta precisión que el estandarte fue elaborado entre los siglos XV-XVI y sufrió procesos de restauración con añadidura de textiles en tiempos modernos. Junto a lo anterior, es posible postular que el estado de degradación de la tela es debido a degradación natural en las fibras de seda, teniendo así que su color se ha desvanecido y sus propiedades mecánicas disminuidas, conllevando a perdida de rigidez y desaparición de la estructura. Del mismo modo se pudo conocer los colores originales del emblema y evidenciar problemas de desprendimiento del papel debido a cristalización del adhesivo. Asimismo, se comprobó que los hilos metálicos presentan corrosión por azufre y desprendimiento de sus cristales. Finalmente, combinando los resultados analíticos y la información de fuentes históricas encontradas del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, se puede postular que su elaboración fue realizada en Europa, usando materiales preciosos para obtener un objeto de larga vida con un profundo mensaje para sus observadores. También, los datos obtenidos ayudan a dar soporte la posible idea de que este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en el proceso de conquista del Perú. Sin embargo, debido a los símbolos presentes en el objeto, fecha y materiales de elaboración, este objeto es claramente único en su tipo, y lo más importante, por su mensaje lingüístico, este no representa a Francisco Pizarro o su armada, al contrario, representa a la Corona de España. Por ende, en vez de denominarse como Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, este objeto debería nombrarse como el Estandarte Real de la Colonia de Carlos V en el Nuevo Mundo.

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; Ciberespacio: la última frontera. Aquí es donde empieza la nueva misión de los juristas en buscar nuevas formas de ejercicio de los derechos humanos. Afortunadamente, no es una misión de ciencia ficción, sino un desafío real, actual y lleno de oportunidades. Consideramos que es el mejor momento para proponer esta tesis e iniciar un trabajo de investigación sobre la dinámica del derecho en la era de las nuevas tecnologías. La tesis está fundamentada en la investigación de este nuevo espacio donde ha entrado el ser humano, titular de los derechos y libertades fundamentales. Como cualquier entorno nuevo, despierta la curiosidad, la necesidad de explorar, pero también la necesidad de estar seguro. El ser humano está programado genéticamente para proteger su vida, integridad y libertad en cualquier entorno, tanto físico como virtual. La ciberseguridad es un tema nuevo, que empezó a fomentar los debates solo desde 1988. Estados, empresas privadas y especialistas se dieron cuenta rápidamente de la necesidad de regular este campo, incluso adaptando el derecho internacional a las nuevas realidades. Los conflictos, eventos frecuentes en la sociedad humana, han migrado rápidamente del espacio físico al espacio virtual, al igual que las armas. Los virus informáticos, las aplicaciones invasivas y el software de espionaje sustituyen a las armas y herramientas de guerra clásicas. Las medidas de seguridad propuestas e implementadas por las autoridades estatales con responsabilidades en el ámbito de la seguridad nacional, así como por empresas privadas que desarrollan programas para combatir ciberataques, basados en medidas de ciber espionaje o hack-back1, se adaptan a los nuevos desafíos tecnológicos, pero evitan solucionar problemas importantes para el individuo como el respeto a sus derechos fundamentales, cuyo reconocimiento y regulación le han costado años de lucha y fundamentación filosófico-legal. En este contexto, cuando la vida del ciudadano se traslada, cada vez más al espacio virtual con todos sus elementos - banca por internet, telemedicina, información e investigación de fuentes digitales, comercio electrónico, citas virtuales, realidad virtual - se deben proponer medidas para proteger el ciberespacio que pueden ser diseñadas en correlación directa con las medidas de seguridad aplicadas en el entorno offline. Si el entorno offline está claramente determinado, y hay actores con papeles muy claros (estados, territorios administrativos, instituciones con responsabilidades en el campo de la seguridad y protección de los ciudadanos, etc.), el espacio virtual sigue siendo una jungla, sin límites conocidos y con incipientes formas de órganos de control, que deberían proteger a los usuarios vulnerables para no ser víctimas de los manipuladores digitales. En este momento, las Naciones Unidas a través de sus comisiones y grupos de expertos, ha asumido el papel de garante de los derechos humanos en el ciberespacio, interpretando las disposiciones de los tratados internacionales y elaborando recomendaciones, para ciber conflictos y alianzas entre Estados y grandes empresas con control tecnológico sobre Internet, tanto en términos de contenido como de conexiones informáticas. A nivel de la Unión Europea, el papel de las instituciones comunitarias, bien definido en el proceso de desarrollo y aplicación de las normas jurídicas, permite diseñar un marco jurídico coherente para la política de ciberseguridad, asegurando un sistema de protección eficaz basado en la cooperación entre los Estados miembros, al mismo tiempo con una protección efectiva de los derechos individuales en el entorno virtual. La tradición democrática de los estados europeos contribuye a la identificación de soluciones viables con respecto a la libertad del ciberespacio y la importancia del individuo en la sociedad. El surgimiento y el fortalecimiento del papel de ENISA en la política europea de ciberseguridad, ofrece la ventaja de estandarizar, centralizar y explotar de manera coherente los datos comunicados por los Estados miembros con el fin de desarrollar normativas bien fundamentadas. Asimismo, esta tesis estudia algunas categorías de derechos fundamentales para descubrir la forma en que se ven influenciados por la nueva realidad de la vida cotidiana. El entorno en el que se ha estudiado y conceptualizado estos derechos a lo largo de la historia, hasta la confirmación en diversos instrumentos de derecho internacional, ha cambiado profundamente. Las amenazas comienzan a ser diversas, y para los juristas no especializados en informática, es un gran reto identificar las brechas en los mecanismos informáticos que garanticen y protejan los derechos fundamentales cuando el individuo actúa en el entorno online. Es posible que la generación de juristas nativos digitales se haga cargo del trabajo de los juristas adaptados digitalmente y sea capaz de construir un sistema legal aplicable a este nuevo entorno de vida del individuo. Esto será posible solo dentro de 10 años, cuando la nueva generación creada en la era de las nuevas tecnologías, posea la capacidad de analizar y proponer soluciones legales. La investigación se centra en el derecho a la privacidad y los elementos que lo componen, siendo considerado como uno de los derechos fundamentales más vulnerables en el entorno online. Los derechos derivados, como el derecho al nombre, la identidad, el honor, la dignidad y la integridad física se están transformando y adquiriendo nuevos valores en la era de las nuevas tecnologías. Algunos de estos derechos se transforman, se trasladan al ciberespacio, se adhieren al ser virtual y se convierten en derechos digitales, propios del nuevo entorno social. En el contenido de la tesis se desarrolló un capítulo dedicado a esta nueva categoría de derechos en el que se intenta establecer sus contenidos y las formas de manifestación. Con respecto a los mecanismos necesarios para garantizar el ejercicio de los derechos y libertades fundamentales, el trabajo analiza los distintos niveles de protección: desde el nivel supranacional (internacional), hasta el regional y nacional, específico de cada Estado. Los mecanismos institucionales y jurisdiccionales están organizados en gran medida de acuerdo con las mismas reglas, guiándose por las regulaciones internacionales sobre derechos humanos, en particular, continuando con las regulaciones a nivel regional y estatal. En el nuevo contexto tecnológico, es necesario revisar dichos mecanismos para que mantengan la misma eficiencia deseada en el momento de su creación. Un punto importante de la investigación consiste en el análisis de las restricciones aplicadas a los derechos humanos bajo el imperio de la Ley. Sin referirse a las injerencias ilegales, sino analizamos la injerencia permitida por la ley, especialmente en nombre de la seguridad colectiva. Seguidamente, se muestran los debates y análisis destinados a establecer el punto de equilibrio entre la importancia de un derecho fundamental u otro. Tanto el derecho a la vida privada como el derecho a la seguridad se consideran fundamentales, pero no absolutos. Desde esta perspectiva, se deben establecer límites claros para que la protección de uno no afecte la integridad del otro. Los Estados a veces imponen medidas excesivamente restrictivas del derecho a la privacidad en nombre de la seguridad nacional, y el ciberespacio es el entorno adecuado para tales prácticas. Cualquier práctica de este tipo, situada a uno de los dos extremos, ya sea muy invasiva en la esfera personal o ineficaz desde una perspectiva de seguridad, debe ser reevaluada y relacionada con los derechos humanos, tanto desde una perspectiva individual como colectiva. Por ejemplo, el derecho a la vida privada o el derecho a la seguridad del ser humano puede, dentro de límites razonables, restringir el derecho de otra persona a expresarse o manifestar ciertas necesidades mentales en el espacio digital. Teniendo en cuenta los objetivos propuestos al principio, aplicando los métodos de investigación correspondientes y analizando la literatura, el marco normativo vigente y la jurisprudencia en derechos humanos, esta tesis identifica y enfatiza la interacción entre los derechos humanos fundamentales y los efectos sociales de las nuevas tecnologías, incluyendo las consecuencias sobre los derechos conexos. En este contexto particularmente dinámico, el mayor desafío para la nueva generación de juristas será adaptar el marco legal actual, a las nuevas realidades del mundo digital. Dado que las normas de derecho que rigen nuestra vida cotidiana han evolucionado lentamente y durante un largo período de tiempo, la rápida evolución tecnológica y la migración del individuo al espacio virtual requieren una urgente adaptación del marco legal a las nuevas realidades para que la Ley pueda mantener su misión de guardián del bienestar público. Además, esta nueva pandemia, origina y causa inciertos ampliamente cuestionado en el entorno online, ha provocado una restricción en masa de los derechos humanos similar a la última guerra mundial. Se ha restringido el derecho a la: libertad de circulación, manifestación, reunión, expresión, educación, trabajo e incluso el derecho a buscar la felicidad. Por la limitación de estos derechos la gente, por temor al enemigo invisible e incomprendido, aceptó sin oposición la mayor parte todas estas injerencias de las autoridades en su vida privada y en el conjunto de sus libertades fundamentales. Solo pequeños grupos de activistas continúan luchando por defender sus derechos fundamentales. No sabemos si este evento global llamado pandemia COVID 19 reescribirá la historia de los derechos fundamentales, pero es cierto que su impacto en el ámbito de las libertades individuales ha tenido un efecto muy fuerte e inquietante con respecto a otra transformación, incluida la revolución tecnológica. En estas condiciones, nos queda una única opción o desafío: defender al individuo, con todos sus atributos, en una sociedad dinámica, caracterizada por transformaciones atípicas. ; Spațiul cibernetic – ultima frontieră. Aici începe misiunea juriștilor în căutarea noilor forme de exercitare a drepturilor omului. Din fericire, nu este o misiune science- fiction, ci este o provocare reală, actuală și plină de oportunități. Consider că am ales cel mai bun moment pentru a propune această teza și a iniția o muncă de cercetare asupra dinamicii dreptului în era noilor tehnologii. Această eră este abia la început. Lucrarea de față pornește de la cercetarea acestui nou spațiu în care a pătruns ființa umană deținătoare a drepturilor și libertăților fundamentale. Ca orice mediu nou, stârnește curiozitatea, nevoia de a explora dar și nevoia de a fi în siguranță. Ființa umană este programată genetic să își protejeze viața, integritatea și libertatea în orice mediu s-ar afla, atât fizic cât și virtual. Securitatea spațiului cibernetic este o temă nouă, se discută despre acest subiect abia din anul 1988. Statele, companiile private și specialiștii au conștientizat rapid necesitatea reglementării acestui domeniu, inclusiv prin adaptarea dreptului internațional la noile realități. Conflictele, evenimente frecvente în societatea umană, au migrat rapid din spațiul fizic în spațiul virtual, la fel și armele. Virușii informatici, aplicațiile intruzive, softurile de spionaj iau locul clasicelor arme și unelte de război. Măsurile de securitate propuse și implementate de autoritățile statale cu atribuții în domeniul securității naționale, cât și de companiile private care dezvoltă programe de combatere a atacurilor cibernetice, bazate pe spionaj cibernetic sau măsuri de tipul hack-back se adaptează noilor provocări tehnologice, dar ocolesc teme importante pentru individ cum ar fi respectarea drepturilor sale fundamentale, a căror recunoaștere și reglementare au costat ani buni de luptă și fundamentare filosofico-juridică. În contextul în care viața cetățeanului migrează din ce în ce mai mult către spațiul virtual, cu toate elementele ei – internet banking, telemedicină, informare și cercetare din surse digitale, comerț electronic, virtual dating, virtual reality – măsurile de protecție a spațiului cibernetic trebuie gândite în directă corelare cu măsurile de securitate aplicate în mediul off-line. Dacă mediul off-line este clar determinat și există actori cu roluri clare (state, teritorii administrative, instituții cu atribuții în domeniul securității și siguranței cetățeanului etc.), spațiul virtual este încă o junglă, fără limite cunoscute și cu organisme XIV de supraveghere în stadiu incipient de dezvoltare care ar trebui să poată proteja utilizatorii vulnerabili în cazul în care devin victime ale unor manipulatori digitali. La acest moment Organizația Națiunilor Unite, prin comisiile și grupurile de experți, și-a asumat rolul de garant al drepturilor omului în spațiul cibernetic, interpretând prevederile tratatelor internaționale și elaborând recomandări pentru conflictele cibernetice și parteneriatul dintre state și marile companii care dețin controlul tehnologic asupra Internetului, atât din perspectiva conținutului cât și al conexiunilor informatice. La nivelul Uniunii Europene, rolul instituțiilor comunitare, fiind bine definit în ceea ce privește elaborarea și implementarea normelor de drept, permite creionarea unui cadru legal coerent în ceea ce privește politica de securitate cibernetică, asigurarea unui sistem efectiv de protecție bazat pe cooperarea dintre statele membre, dar și protecția efectivă a drepturilor individuale în mediul online. Tradiția democratică a statelor europene contribuie la identificarea unor soluții viabile în ceea ce privește libertatea spațiului cibernetic și importanța individului în societate. Apariția și întărirea rolului ENISA în politica europeană de securitate cibernetică oferă avantajul uniformizării, centralizării și exploatării coerente a datelor raportate de statele membre în vederea elaborării unor reglementări corect fundamentate. Teza studiază și categoriile de drepturi fundamentale din perspectiva modului în care acestea se văd influențate de noua realitate a vieții cotidiene. Mediul în care aceste drepturi au fost studiate și conceptualizate de-a lungul istoriei până la momentul proclamării lor în diverse instrumente de drept internațional, s-a schimbat profund. Amenințările încep să fie altele decât cele cunoscute, iar pentru juriști, eminamente atehnici, este o mare provocare identificarea breșelor din mecanismele de garantare și protecție a drepturilor fundamentale atunci când individul acționează în mediul online. Este posibil ca generația juriștilor nativi digitali să preia munca juriștilor adaptați digitali și să poată construi un sistem legal aplicabil acestui nou mediu de viață al individului, dar acest lucru va fi posibil abia peste 10 ani când noua generație, născută în epoca noilor tehnologii, va avea capacitatea de a analiza și propune soluții juridice. Cercetarea s-a focalizat cu precădere asupra dreptului la viață privată și a elementelor care îl compun, considerat fiind ca unul dintre cele mai vulnerabile drepturi fundamentale în mediul on line. Drepturile derivate, precum dreptul la nume, la identitate, la onoare, la demnitate, la integritate fizică se transformă și capătă noi valențe în era noilor tehnologii. O parte dintre aceste drepturi se transformă, migrează în spațiul cibernetic, se atașează ființei virtuale și devin drepturi digitale, specifice noului mediul de viață socială. În cuprinsul tezei a fost dezvoltat un capitol dedicat acestei noi categorii de drepturi în care se încearcă stabilirea conținutului și a formei de manifestare. În ceea ce privește mecanismele de garantare a exercițiului drepturilor și libertăților fundamentale, lucrarea analizează diversele niveluri de protecție: de la nivelul suprastatal (internațional), la cel regional și cel național, specific fiecărui stat. Mecanismele instituționale și jurisdicționale se organizează în mare parte după aceleași reguli fiind ghidate de reglementările internaționale în materia drepturilor omului, cu precădere, continuând cu reglementările la nivel regional și statal. În noul context tehnologic, inclusiv aceste mecanisme necesită o revizuire astfel încât să își poată păstra eficiența dorită la momentul creării lor. Un punct important al lucrării îl reprezintă analiza restrângerilor aplicate drepturilor omului sub imperiul legii. Așadar nu ne referim la ingerințele aflate în sfera ilegalului, ci la ingerințele permise de lege, în special în numele securității colective. Aici apar dezbaterile și analizele care vizează stabilirea punctului de echilibru între importanța unui drept fundamental sau al altuia. Atât dreptul la viață privată, cât și dreptul la securitate sunt considerate fundamentale, dar nu absolute. Din această perspectivă, trebuie stabilite limite clare astfel încât protejarea unuia să nu afecteze integritatea celuilalt. Uneori statele stabilesc măsuri restrictive exagerate asupra dreptului la viață privată în numele securității naționale, iar spațiul cibernetic este mediul propice pentru acest gen de practici. Orice practică de acest gen, aflată la una dintre cele două extreme, fie intrusivă în sfera personală, fie ineficientă din perspectiva securității, trebuie reevaluată și corelată cu drepturile omului, atât din perspectivă individuală cât și colectivă. De exemplu, dreptul la viață privată sau dreptul la securitate al ființei umane poate restrânge, în limite rezonabile, dreptul altei persoane de a se exprima sau de a-și manifesta anumite nevoi psihice în spațiul digital. Ținând cont de obiectivele propuse, cu aplicarea metodelor de cercetare asumate și analizând literatura de specialitate, cadrul normativ în vigoare și jurisprudența referitoare la drepturile omului, această teză identifică și subliniază interacțiunea dintre drepturile fundamentale ale ființei umane și efectele sociale ale noilor tehnologii, inclusiv consecințele asupra drepturilor conexe. În acest context deosebit de dinamic, cea mai mare provocare pentru noua generație de juriști va fi adaptarea cadrului legal în vigoare la noile realități ale lumii digitale. În condițiile în care normele de drept care ne guvernează viața de zi cu zi au avut o evoluție lentă și extinsă pe o perioadă lungă de timp, evoluția tehnologică rapidă și migrarea individului în spațiul virtual impun o adaptare urgentă a cadrului legal la noile realități astfel încât norma de drept să își poată păstra misiunea de gardian al binelui public. Mai mult, această nouă pandemie, cu origini și cauze incerte, aprig dezbătute în mediul online, a determinat o restrângere în masă a drepturilor omului poate la fel de acerbă cu cea provocată de ultimul război mondial. Ne-au fost restrânse pe rând dreptul la libertatea de mișcare, dreptul la întruniri, dreptul la manifestări, dreptul la exprimare, dreptul la educație, dreptul la muncă și inclusiv dreptul la căutarea fericirii. Iar oamenii, de teama inamicului nevăzut și neînțeles, au acceptat în cea mai mare parte toate aceste ingerințe ale autorităților în viața lor privată și în cercul libertăților lor fundamentale. Grupuri mici de activiști continuă lupta de apărare a drepturilor lor fundamentale. Nu știm dacă acest eveniment global numit pandemie va rescrie istoria drepturilor fundamentale, dar cert este că impactul lui asupra sferei libertăților individuale a avut un efect mult mai abrupt și mai intrusiv decât orice altă transformare, inclusiv cea tehnologică. În aceste condiții, ne rămâne o singură opțiune: aceea de a apăra individul, cu toate atributele sale, într-o societate dinamică, caracterizată de transformări atipice. ; Cyberspace - the last frontier. This is where the mission of the lawyers begins: to search new forms of human rights manifestation. Fortunately, it is not a science-fiction mission, but a real, current and full of opportunities challenge. We consider that this is the best-chosen moment to propose this paper and to initiate a research work on the dynamics of law under the era of new technologies. Because this era has just begun. This thesis aims to explore this new space where the human being, holder of fundamental rights and freedoms, has entered. Like any new environment, the digital world arouses curiosity, engages the human need to explore but also activates the need to be safe. The human being is genetically programmed to protect his life, integrity and freedom in any type of environment, no matter if is real or virtual. Cybersecurity is a new topic; this topic has been brought in public debates only since 1988. States, private companies and specialists have quickly become aware of the need of regulation in this area, including by adapting international law to new realities. Conflicts, as frequent events in human society, have rapidly migrated from physical to the virtual space. The weapons as well. Cyber viruses, spyware, worms, malware took the place of the classic weapons and tools of war. The proposed security measures were implemented by state authorities with responsibilities in the field of national security, as well as by private companies. The efforts made to develop programs to fight against cyber-attacks, based on cyber espionage or hack-back measures, must be adapted to ever new technological challenges, but not forgetting the important issues for the individual human being, such the respect for his fundamental rights, whose recognition and regulation have cost years of legal struggle and philosophical debates. In this context, where the life of the citizen migrates more and more to the virtual space, with all its elements - internet banking, telemedicine, information and research from digital sources, electronic commerce, virtual dating, virtual reality – protective measures for cyberspace must designed in direct correlation with the security measures applied in the offline environment. If the offline environment is clearly determined, populated with actors playing key roles (states, administrative territories, institutions with responsibilities in the field of XVIII security and safety of citizens, etc.), the virtual space is still a jungle, with unknown limits and incipient supervisory bodies struggling to protect vulnerable users against digital criminals. At this moment, the United Nations, through its commissions and expert groups, has taken on the role of human rights protector in cyberspace, interpreting the provisions of international treaties and developing recommendations for cyber conflicts and partnerships between states and large companies with technological control over the Internet, both in terms of digital content and computer connections. In the European Union, the specific role of the public institutions in the legal area allows drafting a coherent legal framework for cybersecurity policy, ensuring an effective system of protection based on cooperation between Member States, also bringing an effective protection of individual rights in the online environment. Also, the democratic tradition of Member States contributes in finding viable solutions regarding the freedom of cyberspace respecting, in the same time, the social importance of the human being. The creation on ENISA, with its determined role in the European cybersecurity policy, offers the advantage of a coherent approach in standardizing, centralizing and exploiting the data reported by Member States in order to develop well-founded regulations. The thesis also studies some categories of fundamental rights observing the new perspective of human liberty and privacy induced by technology and digitalization of reality. It is obvious that the initial environment where these rights have been studied and conceptualized has radically changed and their legal confirmation in the international law must be adapted to the new reality. The new digital threats to human fundamental rights are different from the known ones, and for the lawyers, who are non-technical by nature, it is a great challenge to identify the gaps in the informatics mechanisms of protecting fundamental rights when the person acts in the online environment. Maybe the generation of digital native lawyers will take over the work of digitally adapted lawyers and will be able to build a legal system applicable to this new living environment of the individual, but this success will be possible only after the next 10 years, when the new generation, born in the age of new technologies, will have the ability to analyze and propose legal solutions. The research focused mainly on the right to privacy and its legal components, being considered as one of the most vulnerable fundamental rights in the online environment. Connected human rights, such as the right to a name and to a nationality, identity, honor, dignity, physical integrity, are transforming and gaining new values in the era of technology. Some of these rights are reinvented and relocated into cyberspace, where they attach to the virtual human being and become digital rights, specific to the digital social environment. In the thesis there we dedicated a chapter to this new category of human liberties, aiming to establish the content and the limits of these new digital rights. Regarding the mechanisms for guaranteeing the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms, the paper analyzes the various levels of protection: from the supranational (international) level, to the regional and national level, specific to each state. The institutional and jurisdictional mechanisms are largely organized according to the same rules, being guided by international human rights framework, at a global level, and particularly regulated by regional or local specific legal regulations. In the new technological context, these mechanisms need to be revised so that they can maintain their desired efficiency as the moment of their creation. Another important point of this paper is the analysis of the restrictions applied to human rights under the rule of law. So, we are not referring to any illegal interference, but we analyze the limitations allowed by law, especially in the name of collective security. This is the point where debates and analyzes converge in finding the perfect balance between the importance of one fundamental right to another. Both right to privacy and right to security are considered fundamental, but not absolute. From this perspective, clear boundaries must be set so that the exercise of one right does not affect the integrity of the other. Sometimes states impose overly restrictive measures on the right to privacy in the name of national security, and cyberspace is the perfect environment for such practices. Any practice situated at one of the two extremes, either intrusive in the personal sphere or inefficient from a security perspective, must be re-evaluated and correlated with the human rights, both from an individual and a collective perspective. For example, the right to privacy or the right to security of one person may interfere, in reasonable limits, with the right of another person to express himself or herself or to manifest certain psychical needs in the digital space. Fallowing the proposed objectives, applying the specific research methods and analyzing the legal literature, the regulatory framework and the jurisprudence on human rights, this thesis identifies and emphasizes the interaction between fundamental human rights and the social effects of the new technologies, including the consequences on related rights. In this particularly dynamic context, the biggest challenge for the new generation of lawyers will be to adapt the current legal framework to the new realities of the digital world. Given that the rules of law governing our daily lives have a long and slow evolution, this rapid technological revolution and the migration of the individual into virtual space urge for a quick adjustment of the legal framework to new realities so that the rule of law to be able to keep its mission of guardian of the public welfare. Moreover, this new pandemic, with uncertain origins and causes, hotly debated in the online environment, has led to a more severe human rights restriction than the last world war. We have been restricted in our right to freedom of movement, right to public meeting, right to manifestation, right to expression, right to education, right to work and even our right to pursue happiness. Under the fear of the unseen and unknown enemy, people accepted the most part all these interferences from the authorities in their private lives and in their circle of fundamental freedoms. Small groups of activists continue the fight to defend their fundamental rights. We do not know whether this global event called the pandemic will rewrite the history of fundamental rights, but it is certain that its impact on the individual freedoms has already determined a huge and more intrusive impact than any other transformation, including technological. Under these conditions, we have only one challenge: to defend the human individual in this dynamic society, with all its attributes, characterized by atypical transformations. ; Programa de Doctorado en Estudios Avanzados en Derechos Humanos por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: Carlos Ramón Fernández Liesa.- Secretario: María Pilar Trinidad Núñez.- Vocal: Radu Carp

On a picturesque beach in central Gaza, a mile north of the now-flattened Al-Shati refugee camp, long black pipes snake through hills of white sand before disappearing underground. An image released by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) shows dozens of soldiers laying pipelines and what appear to be mobile pumping stations that are to take water from the Mediterranean Sea and hose it into underground tunnels. The plan, according to various reports, is to flood the vast network of underground shafts and tunnels Hamas has reportedly built and used to carry out its operations. "I won't talk about specifics, but they include explosives to destroy and other means to prevent Hamas operatives from using the tunnels to harm our soldiers," said IDF Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Herzi Halevi. "[Any] means which give us an advantage over the enemy that [uses the tunnels], deprives it of this asset, is a means that we are evaluating using. This is a good idea…"While Israel is already test-running its flood strategy, it's not the first time Hamas's tunnels have been subjected to sabotage by seawater. In 2013, neighboring Egypt began flooding Hamas-controlled tunnels that were allegedly being used to smuggle goods between the country's Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip. For more than two years, water from the Mediterranean was flushed into the tunnel system, wreaking havoc on Gaza's environment. Groundwater supplies were quickly polluted with salt brine and, as a result, the dirt became saturated and unstable, causing the ground to collapse and killing numerous people. Once fertile agricultural fields were transformed into salinated pits of mud, and clean drinking water, already in short supply in Gaza, was further degraded.Israel's current strategy to drown Hamas's tunnels will no doubt cause similar, irreparable damage. "It is important to keep in mind," warns Juliane Schillinger, a researcher at the University of Twente in the Netherlands, "that we are not just talking about water with a high salt content here — seawater along the Mediterranean coast is also polluted with untreated wastewater, which is continuously discharged into the Mediterranean from Gaza's dysfunctional sewage system."This, of course, appears to be part of a broader Israeli objective — not just to dismantle Hamas's military capabilities but to further degrade and destroy Gaza's imperiled aquifers (already polluted with sewage that's leaked from dilapidated pipes). Israeli officials have openly admitted their goal is to ensure that Gaza will be an unlivable place once they end their merciless military campaign."We are fighting human animals, and we are acting accordingly," Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said shortly after the Hamas attack of October 7th. "We will eliminate everything — they will regret it."And Israel is now keeping its promise.As if its indiscriminate bombing, which has already damaged or destroyed up to 70% of all homes in Gaza, weren't enough, filling those tunnels with polluted water will ensure that some of the remaining residential buildings will suffer structural problems, too. And if the ground is weak and insecure, Palestinians will have trouble rebuilding.Flooding tunnels with polluted groundwater "will cause an accumulation of salt and the collapse of the soil, leading to the demolition of thousands of Palestinian homes in the densely populated strip," says Abdel-Rahman al-Tamimi, director of the Palestinian Hydrologists Group, the largest NGO monitoring pollution in the Palestinian territories. His conclusion couldn't be more stunning: "The Gaza Strip will become a depopulated area, and it will take about 100 years to get rid of the environmental effects of this war."In other words, as al-Tamimi points out, Israel is now "killing the environment." And in many ways, it all started with the destruction of Palestine's lush olive groves.Olives No MoreDuring an average year, Gaza once produced more than 5,000 tons of olive oil from more than 40,000 trees. The fall harvest in October and November was long a celebratory season for thousands of Palestinians. Families and friends sang, shared meals, and gathered in the groves to celebrate under ancient trees, which symbolized "peace, hope, and sustenance." It was an important tradition, a deep connection both to the land and to a vital economic resource. Last year, olive crops accounted for more than 10% of the Gazan economy, a total of $30 million.Of course, since October 7th, harvesting has ceased. Israel's scorched earth tactics have instead ensured the destruction of countless olive groves. Satellite images released in early December affirm that 22% of Gaza's agricultural land, including countless olive orchards, has been completely destroyed."We are heartbroken over our crops, which we cannot reach," explains Ahmed Qudeih, a farmer from Khuza, a town in the Southern Gaza Strip. "We can't irrigate or observe our land or take care of it. After every devastating war, we pay thousands of shekels to ensure the quality of our crops and to make our soil suitable again for agriculture."Israel's relentless military thrashing of Gaza has taken an unfathomable toll on human life (more than 22,000 dead, including significant numbers of women and children, and thousands more bodies believed to be buried under the rubble and so uncountable). And consider this latest round of horror just a particularly grim continuation of a 75-year campaign to eviscerate the Palestinian cultural heritage. Since 1967, Israel has uprooted more than 800,000 native Palestinian olive trees, sometimes to make way for new illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank; in other instances, out of alleged security concerns, or from pure, visceral Zionist rage.Wild groves of olive trees have been harvested by inhabitants of the region for thousands of years, dating back to the Chalcolithic period in the Levant (4,300-3,300 BCE), and the razing of such groves has had calamitous environmental consequences. "[The] removal of trees is directly linked to irreversible climate change, soil erosion, and a reduction in crops," according to a 2023 Yale Review of International Studies report. "The perennial, woody bark acts as a carbon sink … [an] olive tree absorbs 11 kg of CO2 per liter of olive oil produced."Besides providing a harvestable crop and cultural value, olive groves are vital to Palestine's ecosystem. Numerous bird species, including the Eurasian Jay, Green Finch, Hooded Crow, Masked Shrike, Palestine Sunbird, and Sardinian Warbler rely on the biodiversity provided by Palestine's wild trees, six species of which are often found in native olive groves: the Aleppo pine, almond, olive, Palestine buckhorn, piny hawthorne, and fig.As Simon Awad and Omar Attum wrote in a 2017 issue of the Jordan Journal of Natural History:"[Olive] groves in Palestine could be considered cultural landscapes or be designated as globally important agricultural systems because of the combination of their biodiversity, cultural, and economic values. The biodiversity value of historic olive groves has been recognized in other parts of the Mediterranean, with some proposing these areas should receive protection because they are habitat used by some rare and threatened species and are important in maintaining regional biodiversity."An ancient, native olive tree should be considered a testament to the very existence of Palestinians and their struggle for freedom. With its thick spiraling trunk, the olive tree stands as a cautionary tale to Israel, not because of the fruit it bears, but because of the stories its roots hold of a scarred landscape and a battered people that have been callously and relentlessly besieged for more than 75 years.White Phosphorus and Bombs, Bombs, and More BombsWhile contaminating aquifers and uprooting olive groves, Israel is now also poisoning Gaza from above. Numerous videos analyzed by Amnesty International and confirmed by the Washington Post display footage of flares and plumes of white phosphorus raining down on densely populated urban areas. First used on World War I battlefields to provide cover for troop movements, white phosphorus is known to be toxic and dangerous to human health. Dropping it on urban environments is now considered illegal under international law, and Gaza is one of the most densely populated places on earth. "Any time that white phosphorus is used in crowded civilian areas, it poses a high risk of excruciating burns and lifelong suffering," says Lama Fakih, director for the Middle East and North Africa at Human Rights Watch (HRW).While white phosphorus is highly toxic to humans, significant concentrations of it also have deleterious effects on plants and animals. It can disrupt soil composition, making it too acidic to grow crops. And that's just one part of the mountain of munitions Israel has fired at Gaza over the past three months. The war (if you can call such an asymmetrical assault a "war") has been the deadliest and most destructive in recent memory, by some estimates at least as bad as the Allied bombing of Germany during World War II, which annihilated 60 German cities and killed an estimated half-million people.Like the Allied forces of World War II, Israel is killing indiscriminately. Of the 29,000 air-to-surface munitions fired, 40% have been unguided bombs dropped on crowded residential areas. The U.N. estimates that, as of late December, 70% of all schools in Gaza, many of which served as shelters for Palestinians fleeing Israel's onslaught, had been severely damaged. Hundreds of mosques and churches have also been struck and 70% of Gaza's 36 hospitals have been hit and are no longer functioning.A War That Exceeds All Predictions"Gaza is one of the most intense civilian punishment campaigns in history," claims Robert Pape, a historian at the University of Chicago. "It now sits comfortably in the top quartile of the most devastating bombing campaigns ever."It's still difficult to grasp the toll being inflicted, day by day, week by week, not just on Gaza's infrastructure and civilian life but on its environment as well. Each building that explodes leaves a lingering cloud of toxic dust and climate-warming vapors. "In conflict-affected areas, the detonation of explosives can release significant amounts of greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter," says Dr. Erum Zahir, a chemistry professor at the University of Karachi.Dust from the collapsed World Trade Center towers on 9/11 ravaged first responders. A 2020 study found that rescuers were "41 percent more likely to develop leukemia than other individuals." Some 10,000 New Yorkers suffered short-term health ailments following the attack, and it took a year for air quality in Lower Manhattan to return to pre-9/11 levels.While it's impossible to analyze all of the impacts of Israel's nonstop bombing, it's safe to assume that the ongoing leveling of Gaza will have far worse effects than 9/11 had on New York City. Nasreen Tamimi, head of the Palestinian Environmental Quality Authority, believes that an environmental assessment of Gaza now would "exceed all predictions."Central to the dilemma that faced Palestinians in Gaza, even before October 7th, was access to clean drinking water and it's only been horrifically exacerbated by Israel's nonstop bombardment. A 2019 report by UNICEF noted that "96 percent of water from Gaza's sole aquifer is unfit for human consumption."Intermittent electricity, a direct result of Israel's blockade, has also damaged Gaza's sanitation facilities, leading to increased groundwater contamination, which has, in turn, led to various infections and massive outbreaks of preventable waterborne diseases. According to HRW, Israel is using a lack of food and drinking water as a tool of warfare, which many international observers argue is a form of collective punishment — a war crime of the first order. Israeli forces have intentionally destroyed farmland and bombed water and sanitation facilities in what certainly seems like an effort to make Gaza all too literally unlivable."I have to walk three kilometers to get one gallon [of water]," 30-year-old Marwan told HRW. Along with hundreds of thousands of other Gazans, Marwan fled to the south with his pregnant wife and two children in early November. "And there is no food. If we are able to find food, it is canned food. Not all of us are eating well."In the south of Gaza, near the overcrowded city of Khan Younis, raw sewage flows through the streets as sanitation services have ceased operation. In the southern town of Rafah, where so many Gazans have fled, conditions are beyond dire. Makeshift U.N. hospitals are overwhelmed, food and water are in short supply, and starvation is significantly on the rise. In late December, the World Health Organization (WHO) documented more than 100,000 cases of diarrhea and 150,000 respiratory infections in a Gazan population of about 2.3 million. And those numbers are likely massive undercounts and will undoubtedly increase as Israel's offensive drags on, having already displaced 1.9 million people, or more than 85% of the population, half of whom are now facing starvation, according to the U.N."For over two months, Israel has been depriving Gaza's population of food and water, a policy spurred on or endorsed by high-ranking Israeli officials and reflecting an intent to starve civilians as a method of warfare," reports Omar Shakir of Human Rights Watch.Rarely, if ever, have the perpetrators of mass murder (reportedly now afraid of South Africa's filing at the International Court of Justice in the Hague, accusing Israel of genocide) so plainly laid out their cruel intentions. As Israeli President Isaac Herzog put it in a callous attempt to justify the atrocities now being faced by Palestinian civilians, "It's an entire nation out there that is responsible [for October 7th]. This rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved, it's absolutely not true. They could've risen up, they could have fought against that evil regime."The violence inflicted on Palestinians by an Israel backed so strikingly by President Biden and his foreign policy team is unlike anything we had previously witnessed in more or less real-time in the media and on social media. Gaza, its people, and the lands that have sustained them for centuries are being desecrated and transformed into an all too unlivable hellscape, the impact of which will be felt — it's a guarantee — for generations to come.This article has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.

MARKETING POLITIK PASANGAN CHRISTIANY EUGENIA PARUNTU DAN SONNY TANDAYU PADA PEMILUKADA KABUPATEN MINAHASA SELATAN TAHUN 2010Oleh :Risky SembangNIM : 090814008ABSTRAKFenomena pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati di Minahasa Selatan sangat menarik untuk dicermati arena dapat dilihat banyak cara maupun strategi yang dipergunakan para calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati terlebih pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu untuk merebut suara pemilih atau simpati masyarakat. Keberhasilan tersebut tidak lepas dari usaha pasangan ini dalam penerapan strategi marketing politiknya, sehingga penulis tertarik untuk meneliti marketing politik yang dijalankan oleh pasangan ini dalam bentuk sebuah penelitian. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana Marketing Politik Pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu pada Pemilukada Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan Tahun 2010.Menurut Adman Nursal, Marketing Politik adalah strategi kampanye politik untuk membentuk serangkaian makna politis tertentu didalam pikiran para pemilih. Serangkaian makna politis yang terbentuk dalam pikiran para pemilih untuk memilih kontestan tertentu. Makna politis inilah yang menjadi output penting marketing politik yang menentukan, pihak mana yang akan dipilih. Bagi Adman Nursal, political marketing meliputi unsur Produk politik kepada pasar, push marketing, pull marketing, pass marketing.Penelitian ini merupakan penelitan kualitatif yang akan mencoba mendeskripsikan berbagai strategi yang dimainkan oleh kedua pasangan tersebut selama mengikuti kompetisi pilkada.Kata Kunci : Marketing Politik dan PemilukadaPENDAHULUANA. Latar BelakangMarketing telah berkembang pesat dan dapat dipastikan dalam aspek kehidupan kita tidak terlepas dari aktivitas marketing. Ketika kita membicarakan marketing biasanya selalu identik dengan penjualan ataupun dunia bisnis, namun ternyata tidak selalu demikian. Ilmu marketingpun nyatanya bisa diadopsi pada berbagai macam bidang termasuk politik. Beragam cara dan pola dilakukan dalam rangka marketing politik tersebut. Ada yang memasang bendera di jalan-jalan. Juga pada menjelang hari-hari besar agama, aneka spanduk seperti semut di tiap-tiap sudut jalan, mulai dari sekadar memberikan ucapan selamat ramadhan hingga yang terang-terangan cari dukungan untuk pemilihan presiden, kepala daerah, legislatif, dan lain-lain. Improvisasi marketing politik banyak dilakukan, dengan menampilkan visi, ideologi, misi, tujuan dan program-program partai menjadi figuritas calon-calon.Pada pemilihan kepala daerah di kabupaten Minahasa selatan tahun 2010 yang di ikuti oleh beberapa calon kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah dari beberapa partai politik yaitu Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu (partai Golkar), Asiano Gammy Kawatu dan Felly Runtuwene (partai Gabungan Seat), Farry Liwe dan Frangky Wongkar (PDIP), John Sumual dan Jantje Wauran (partai Demokrat), Jan Joppy Lombok dan Kartini Simbar (Partai Gabungan Non Seat), Andry Harits Umboh dan Syultje Rambi (Independent).Dapat dilihat bahwa proses pencitraan, penyampaian program, promosi, melalui visi misi dengan slogan "Menuju Minsel Berdiri di atas kaki sendiri (BERDIKARI) cepat", yang di kampanyekan oleh pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu, mendapatkan suatu unsur penilaian masyarakat yang menunjukkan hasil yang signifikan untuk kemenangan pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu dalam proses pemungutan suara di kabupaten Minahasa Selatan.Fenomena untuk menjadi kepala daerah Bupati dan Wakil Bupati di Minahasa Selatan sangat menarik untuk disimak karena dapat dilihat banyak cara maupun strategi yang dipergunakan para calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati terlebih pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu untuk merebut suara pemilih atau simpati masyarakat.Dan dapat dilihat di Minahasa Selatan kemenangan yang dihasilkan pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu dalam memenangi Pilkada Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan tahun 2010 dan kini sementara menjabat sebagai Kepala Daerah Kabupaten tersebut, tidak lepas dari usaha Pasangan tersebut dalam penerapan strategi marketing politiknya, sehingga penulis tertarik untuk meneliti marketing politik pada pasangan tersebut dalam pengkajian penelitian yang akan dilakukan.B. Perumusan MasalahBerdasarkan latar belakang yang saya kemukakan diatas maka pertanyaan penelitian saya yaitu Bagaimana Marketing Politik Pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu pada Pemilukada Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan Tahun 2010.C. Tujuan PenelitianUntuk mengetahui bagaimana Marketing Politik Pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu pada Pemilukada Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan Tahun 2010.D. Manfaat PenelitianPenelitian yang dilakukan ini diharapkan dapat mempunyai manfaat sebagai berikut :1. Memberikan sumbangan pemikiran terhadap pengembangan Ilmu Politik dalam hal ini kajian Marketing Politik2. Memberikan sumbangan pemikiran kepada pengembangan Partai Politik di Indonesia3. Menyelesaikan studi akhir Strata Satu di Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP UnsratKERANGKA KONSEPTUALA. Marketing PolitikMenurut Adman Nursal ( dalam buku Efrisa, hal 476), Marketing Politik adalah strategi kampanye politik untuk membentuk serangkaian makna politis tertentu didalam pikiran para pemilih. Serangkaian makna politis yang terbentuk dalam pikiran para pemilih untuk memilih kontestan tertentu. Makna politis inilah yang menjadi output penting marketing politik yang menentukan, pihak mana yang akan dipilih. Selanjutnya menurut A. O'Cass marketing politik adalah analisis, perencanaan, implementasi dan kontrol terhadap politik dan program-program pemilihan yang dirancang untuk menciptakan, membangun san memelihara pertukaran hubungan yang menguntungkan antara partai dan pemilih demi tujuan untuk mencapai political marketers objectives.Konsepsi political marketing yang dipopulerkan oleh Adman Nursal secara sistematis menjelaskan dan memisahkan variabel-variabel lingkup instrumen yang berbeda dan saling berkaitan satu dan lainnya, pada konsep political marketing. Bagi Adman Nursal, political marketing meliputi unsur Produk politik kepada pasar, push marketing, pull marketing, pass marketing.1. Push marketing pada dasarnya adalah usaha agar produk politik dapat menyentuh para pemilih secara langsung atau dengan cara yang lebih personal (constomized), dalam hal ini kontak langsung dan personal mempunyai beberapa kelebihan, yaitu : Pertama, mengarahkan para pemilih menuju suatu tingkat kognitif yang berbeda dibandingkan dengan bentuk kampanye lainnya. Politisi yang berbicara langsung akan memberikan efek yang berbeda dibandingkan dengan melalui iklan. Kedua, kontak langsung memungkinkan pembicaraan dua arah, melakukan persuasi dengan pendekatan verbal dan non verbal seperti tampilan, ekpresi wajah, bahasa tubuh dan isyarat-isyarat fisik lainnya. Ketiga, menghumaniskan kandidat dan keempat, meningkatkan antusiasme massa dan menarik perhatian media massa.2. Pull marketing menurut She dan Burton, setidaknya ada lima hal yang harus diperhatikan dalam memanfaatkan produk politik, yaitu : konsistensi pada disiplin pesan, efisiensi biaya, timing atau momentum, pengemasan, dan terakhir adalah permainan ekspresi.3. Pass marketing sebagai pihak-pihak, baik perorangan maupun kelompok yang berpengaruh besar terhadap para pemilih. Pengaruh (influencer) dikelompokan kedalam dua jenis yakni influencer aktif dan influencer pasif. Influencer aktif adalah perorangan atau kelompok yang melakukan kegiatan secara aktif untuk mempengaruhi para pemilih. Mereka adalah aktivis isu-isu tertentu atau kelompok dengan kepentingan tertentu yang melakukan aktivitas nyata untuk mempengaruhi para pemilih. Adakalanya pesan-pesan tersebut disampaikan secara halus adakalanya juga secara terang-terangan untuk mengarahkan pemilih agar memilih atau tidak memilih kontestan tertentu. Sebagian melakukan kegiatan dengan organisasi yang rapi dan sebagian lainya secara informal.METODE PENELITIANA. Metode PenelitianPenelitian ini merupakan penelitian deskriptif. Penelitian deskriptif menurut Masri Singarimbun (1982), bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan secara terperinci tentang fenomena sosial tertentu. Dalam penelitian ini tim peneliti tidak melakukan kuantifikasi terhadap data yang diperoleh. Data yang diperoleh akan dianalisis serta dideskripsikan berdasarkan penemuan fakta-fakta penelitian di lapangan. Pendekatan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan sosial khususnya pendekatan ilmu pemerintahan. Pendekatan inilah yang akan dipergunakan dalam menjelaskan fenomena dan menganalisis peranan, kendala, solusi, dan strategi pemenangan dalam proses pilkada di suatu daerah.B. Sasaran Penelitian/ Pemilihan InformanInforman adalah orang yang dimanfaatkan untuk memberikan informasi tentang situasi dan kondisi latar penelitian, ia harus mempunyai banyak pengalaman tentang latar penelitian. Oleh karena itu seorang informan harus benar-benar tahu atau pelaku yang terlibat langsung dengan permasalahan penelitian. Memilih seorang informan harus dilihat kompetensinya bukan hanya sekedar untuk menghadirkannya (Moleong 2006:132).Agar dapat mengumpulkan informasi dari obyek penelitian sesuai dengan fenomena yang diamati, dilakukan pemilihan kepada beberapa unsur masyarakat secara purposive sebagai informan. Pemillihan didasarkan atas pertimbangan bahwa informan memiliki pemahaman terhadap fenomena penelitian. Berikut ini informan-informan yang menjadi sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah Tim Sukses Pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu, Tokoh Masyarakat, dan Masyarakat umum.C. Instrumen PenelitianSalah satu cirri utama penelitian kualitatif adalah manusia sangat berperan dalam keseluruhan proses penelitian, termasuk dalam pengumpulan data, bahkan peneliti itu sendirilah instrumennya (Moleong 2006:241). Menurut Moleong cirri-ciri umum manusia mencakup segi responsive, dapat menyesuaikan diri, menekankan keutuhan, mendasarkan diri atas pengetahuan,memproses dan mengikhtisarkan, dan memanfaatkan kesemapatan mencari respons yang tidak lazim.D. Fokus PenelitianBagaimana marketing politik pada pemenangan pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu yang menyangkut pada push marketing, pull marketing, pass marketing.E. Pengumpulan Dataa. Jenis DataData yang dikumpulkan terdiri atas data primer dan data skunder. Data primer merupakan data yang langsung dikumpulkan pada saat melaksanakan penelitian di lapangan berupa rekaman wawancara, pengamatan langsung melalui komunikasi yang tidak secara langsung tentang pokok masalah. Sedangkan data sekunder adalah data yang merupakan hasil pengumpulan orang atau instansi dalam bentuk publikasi, laporan, dokumen, dan buku-buku lainnya yang berkaitan dengan penelitian ini.b. Pengumpulan DataPengumpulan data yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini sebagaimana dikemukakan Moleong (2006:198) adalah sebagai berikut:1. Wawancara semi strukturJenis wawancara ini sudah termasuk dalam kategori in-depth interview, dimana dalam pelaksanaannya lebih bebas dibandingkan dengan wawancara terstruktur. Tujuan dari wawancara jenis ini adalah untuk menemukan permasalahan secara lebih terbuka, dimana pihak yang diajak wawancara diminta pendapat dan ide-idenya.2. Observasi.Observasi atau biasa dikenal dengan pengamatan adalah salah satu metode untuk melihat bagaimana suatu peristiwa, kejadian, hal-hal tertentu terjadi. Observasi menyajikan gambaran rinci tentang aktivitas program, proses dan peserta. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan observasi partisipasi pasif yaitu peneliti dating di tempat kegiatan orang yang diamati, tetapi tidak ikut terlibat dalam kegiatan tersebut.E. Analisa DataAnalisis data kualitatif menurut Bogdan dan Bikken dalam Moleong (2006:248) adalah upaya yang dilakukan dengan jalan bekerja dengan data, mengorganisasikan data, memilah-milahnya menjadi satuan yang dapat dikelola, mensintesiskannya, mencari dan menemukan pola, menemukan apa yang penting dan apa yang dipelajari, dan memutuskan apa yang diceritakan kepada orang lain. Teknik analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data Penyajian Data Reduksi Data Kesimpulan-kesimpulan: Penarikan/verifikasiHASIL PENELITIAN DAN PEMBAHASANA. Visi dan Misi Pasangan Christiany Euginia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayua). Visi"Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan yang Berbudaya, Mandiri, Sejahtera, dan Berdaya Saing Melalui perCepatan dan keTepatan Sasaran Pembangunan di Segala Bidang"b). Misi1. Mewujudkan masyarakat berbudaya, dengan utamanya lebih membudayakan kehidupan beriman dan kehidupan yang bertoleransi tinggi antar sesame umat neragama dan menjunjung tinggiu falsafah Negara Pancasila. 2. Mewujudkan Kabupaten yang mandiri berkelanjutan, dengan memiliki tenega-tenaga terampil dalam bidangnya. 3. Mewujudkan masyarakat yang sejahtera, adil, dan makmur, melalui program-program nyata, terukur, efisien dan efektif. 4. Mewujudkan Kabupaten yang tangguh dan berdaya saing tinggi dengan kualitas pemerintahan yang prima, transparan, dan akuntabel.B. Wawancara InfromanPendekatan calon awalnya dilakukan untuk membentuk basis masa dalam masyarakat. Pendekatan-pendekatan yang dilakukan oleh para calon adalah salah satu usaha yang dilaksanakan untuk mempengaruhi pihak-pihak lain yang menjadi sasaran dari kepentingan sang calon, dengan demikian memberikan dampak positif untuk mencapai tujuannya. Pendekatan tokoh atau para calon biasanya akan dilakukan dengan tokoh-tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat. Pendekatan calon atau kandidat dalam pemilu ini juga bisa menjadi langkah meredam fitnah dalam masyarakat sebagai ajang soft campain. Sebagai sosialisasi dalam masyarakat, sehingga para calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati dapat tersosialisasi dengan baik.Dalam Wawancara ini peneliti mengajukan pertanyaan kepada seorang masyarakat M.T tentang apa yang sudah di lakukan oleh pasangan Christiany Eugenia Paruntu dan Sonny Tandayu sebelum mereka mencalonkan diri sebagai Bupati dan Wakil Bupati.Menurut saya sebelum Tetty dan Sonny Tandayu mencalonkan diri sebagai Bupati dan Wakil Bupati, belum akan kontribusi atau sesuatu yang bisa mensejahterakan rakyat yang di lakukan oleh pasangan ini, karena kalau saya lihat dari Tetty sendiri dia latar belakangnya sebagai pengusaha di Jakarta bahkan saya tidak mengenalnya nanti di saat dia memasang baliho untuk pencalonan Bupati baru saya mengenalnya, dan setau saya tidak ada yang di buat oleh Tetty sebelum dia mencalonkan diri sebagai BupatiPENUTUPA. KESIMPULAN1. Pentingnya suatu strategi yang harus dilakukan setiap kandidat atau calon yang mampu. Serta pentingnya memiliki Pemimpin yang dapat mengayomi masyarakat dan siap mendengarkan aspirasi setiap masyarakat serta yang dapat besosialisasi secara langsung dengan masyarakat dan dapat mengimplementasikan visi dan misi saat kampanye , serta citra diri sebagaipemimpin yang baik dalam memimpin masyarakat demi kemajuan daerah kabupaten Minahasa Selatan.2. Dalam melakukan penyeleksian calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati, sebaiknya partai politik melakukan secara terbuka, dimana setiap tahapan –tahapan, syarat dan prosedur harus diketahui oleh publik, sehingga masyarakat luas dapat melihat dan menilai kemampuan dari setiap calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati perwakilan partai mereka. Sebelum seorang calon mereka diajukan ke KPUD, semestinya partai politik terlebih dahulu melakukan rekrutmen atau penyeleksian terhadap calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati, baik penelitian terhadap persyaratan administrasi yang mencakup legalitas dari penilaian ijazah/STTB, kesehatan , maupun keterangan bebas hukum. Jadi, jelas orangnya terdaftar dan terdidik, serta mamapu kecakapan berkomunikasi berdasarkan etika berbahasa.3. Kemenangan yang dialami oleh Pasangan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati yang ada tidak lepas juga dari peranan tim kerja atau tim sukses yang ada. Pentingnya suatu tim kerja atau tim sukses dalam pemilihan sangat besar, kerja sama dan kepercayaan atas tim kerjanya dapat berpengaruh besar dalam pemilihan, karena seorang tim sukses merupakan bagian yang penting dalam mensosialisasikan atau mengkampanyekan seorang calon. Pemilihan tim sukses adalah orang yang benar-benar dipercaya untuk membantu calon serta mampu bertugas.B. SARAN1. Bupati dan Wakil Bupati yang terpilih haruslah bisa menjadi pemimpin yang bisa mengedepankan kepentingan dan kesejahteraan rakyat dan juga dapat memperhatikan berbagai keluhan masyarakat serta dapat memenuhi janji-janji politik yaitu visi dan misi yang mereka tawarkan dimasa kampanye2. Bahwa pentingnya sebuah strategi dalam masa pencalonan bahkan strategi yang pas sehingga bisa di terima oleh para konstituen yaitu masyarakat.3. Bagi pasangan-pasangan atau pendukung yang kalah dalam pemilihan kepala daerah Bupati dan Wakil Bupati hendaknya dapat bekerja sama dengan sang pemenang untuk dapat melaksankan visi dan misinya yaitu berbagai kegiatan pembangunan di segala bidang.DAFTAR PUSTAKAAdman Nursal 2004, Political Marketing: Strategi Menenangkan Pemilu, PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, JakartaBudiardjo, Miriam, 1994, Demokrasi di Indonesia: Demokrasi Parlementer dan Demokrasi Pancasila, PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama, JakartaCarlton Clymer Rodee dkk (ed), 2000. Pengantar Ilmu Politik, Jakarta: PT Raja Grafindo PersadaMoleong, J, 1993, Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif, Remaja Karya BandungSumber lain :Undang-Undang NO. 32 Tahun 2004

Don O. Carlsen, October 11, 2013 ; The Weber State College Oral History Program was created in the early 1970s to "record and document, through personal reminiscences, the history, growth and development of Weber State College." Through interviews with administrators, faculty and students, the program's goal was to expand the documentary holdings on Weber State College and its predecessor entities. From 1970 to 1976, the program conducted some fifteen interviews, under the direction of, and generally conducted by Harold C. Bateman, an emeritus professor of history. In 1979, under the direction of archivist John Sillito, the program was reestablished and six interviews were conducted between 1979 and 1983, with additional interviews being conducted by members of the Weber State community. In 2013 the campus prepared to celebrate the 125th Anniversary of Weber State University in 2014. In order to document the student experience, interviews were conducted with Weber State College Alumni on an ongoing basis. ; This is an oral history interview with Don O. Carlsen. The interview is being conducted on October 11, 2013 in his home in Ogden, Utah by Jamie J. Weeks. The subject of this interview is Don�s time spent at Weber State College from 1946 to 1948. Also present is Stacie Gallagher our video technician. Don starts his interview with a PowerPoint presentation he has put together documenting his life. ; 47p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Don O. Carlsen Interviewed by Jamie J. Weeks 11 October 2013 i Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Don O. Carlsen Interviewed by Jamie J. Weeks 11 October 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library ii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees, who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in University Archives, which also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber State College Oral History Program was created in the early 1970s to "record and document, through personal reminiscences, the history, growth and development of Weber State College." Through interviews with administrators, faculty and students, the program's goal was to expand the documentary holdings on Weber State College and its predecessor entities. From 1970 to 1976, the program conducted some fifteen interviews, under the direction of, and generally conducted by Harold C. Bateman, an emeritus professor of history. In 1979, under the direction of archivist John Sillito, the program was reestablished and six interviews were conducted between 1979 and 1983, with additional interviews being conducted by members of the Weber State community. In 2013 the campus prepared to celebrate the 125th Anniversary of Weber State University in 2014. In order to document the student experience, interviews were conducted with Weber State College Alumni on an ongoing basis. ___________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management University Archives All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Carlsen, Don O., an oral history by Jamie J. Weeks, 11 October 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Don O. Carlsen October 11, 2013 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Don O. Carlsen. The interview is being conducted on October 11, 2013 in his home in Ogden, Utah by Jamie J. Weeks. The subject of this interview is Don's time spent at Weber State College from 1946 to 1948. Also present is Stacie Gallagher our video technician. Don starts his interview with a PowerPoint presentation he has put together documenting his life. DC: I was born in this house (App. 1) at 774 20th Street, Ogden, Utah, October 25, 1926. I graduated from Ogden High School in 1945. I was drafted in the U.S. Navy until World War II ended and then I attended Weber College, on the lower campus, graduating in 1948 in Business Administration. I married Josie Bush, September 15, 1948. I was drafted at eighteen years old at mid-year. There were fifty other senior class mates and we were all drafted. I was drafted into the Navy. (App. 2) I was raised in Ogden, Utah, in the Rocky Mountains. The arrow in this area of town was where my parents lived. (App. 3) This is what I looked like at eighteen, and when I went into the service. I only served for eighteen months because that was the end of the war. (App. 4) Then after the war, I was on the GI bill that I had earned when I was in the Navy. I majored in Business Administration at Weber College in Ogden, Utah on the 25th Street campus. (App. 5) 1 My first year at Weber College, I went to summer school and they spent the whole summer semester going to Mexico. The summer school class was very educational. We slept out and cooked our food. We were known as the "lava chasers" because we saw live volcanoes that had covered over the entire villages with 2000 degree hot lava. Walter Buss was our organizer. (App. 6) Then we climbed the Mexico City Pyramids, slept in jungles, visited caves, saw pure white sand dunes, toured Mexico City, joined in Mexican fiestas, which happened to be there while we were there. We saw hot lava flowing and its devastation in mountain villages, and we saw steep mountain hillsides being farmed with wooden plows pulled by a mule. (App. 7) The live volcano spewed out lava and went down the valley, and there were at least three or four villages that it covered all up, except the church houses with the steeples and the crosses on the top and that is all that was sticking out above the lava. JW: The people were able to get out of their homes? DC: Yes, that's what we understand. On the way home we visited a crater that was made from a comet hitting the earth in the state of New Mexico. The crater is huge, and it makes me feel good that the earth is not pocked like the moon is from comet strikes. You can see how big this whole thing is. That could have 2 been one of the hits that killed all of the prehistoric animals that were on the earth. (App. 8) DC: This is our group though. Right there you can see who that is because he's got the widest body. That is our Spanish teacher. I earned this purple W letter running track while at Weber. (App. 9) JW: Tell me about the track team. DC: Okay. We went down to BYU and ran track in anything we wanted to compete in. I was part of the mile run, relay team. I ended up running the 440, so I was surprised when I got back that I had received the letter and the sweater. Here is my degree for the completion of the business courses. It took two years of hard work, but I graduated, and wisely used this degree to start my printing business in Ogden. (App. 10) And this was my next major event in my life. Right there is my wife Josie Bush. We had been married 62 years and she died a couple years ago. (App. 11) This was our home where we raised all five of our children. All of the kids graduated from Ben Lomond High School and they worked in the print shop which helped finance their college educations. (App. 12) These are the things that the kids were involved in during all of their growing up period. They were all born into a world of changes. Triumphant feats of engineering, important inventions, modern ingenuity in 3 sciences, physics, art, entertainment, transportation by land and air, electricity, radiation waves, space exploration, social change, implement s of war, architecture, computers, internet communication, tourist attractions, digital photography, nuclear reactors, printing, radar, robots, etc. It was a great time for our family to be alive. (App. 13) This is a picture of Carlsen Printing, our family print shop located at 419 22nd Street. (App. 14) JW: Is that building still in existence? DC: Yes, though it is not a print shop anymore. It turned into just a storage area. This is a picture of our kids and their spouses and then their kids. This is my wife's sister, brother, sister in-law, brother and this gal here and this one here both worked at the print shop for us quite often. (App. 15) This is when I was president of the Ogden Rotary Club in 1971 and 72. (App. 16) These were the people who were in office. R. Gilbert Moore was a General Manager at Thiokol over the shuttle projects, Thomas E. Curtis was the Manager of the Deseret Gymnasium, William A. Williams was the General Manager of Shupe-Williams Candy Company, which was down by the railroad, Kenneth M. Burton, was President of the Board of Education Ogden City, George W. Craddock was the Forest Service Chief, and Lynn L. Foley was with the Natural Gas Company. 4 This is when we went down to the International Convention held in Sydney, Australia. My way was paid for as president of the Rotary Club and Josie was able to make the trip with me. So, we went on and finished with a complete circle, going around the world. (App. 17) JW: What route did you take to get to Sydney? DC: We flew out of Salt Lake City Airport, then on to Hawaii, to New Zealand, then to Australia, and then on to Hong Kong making a complete circle of the world coming back. JW: I've been to Sydney and found it incredibly beautiful, how did you like it? DC: It was great! My wife and I were even able to eat with one of the families who lived in Sydney and were members of the Rotary Club there. We of course had lamb. The convention was a great experience for us and we only stayed there for about four days, then we got on with the trip. JW: How long did the entire trip take? DC: The entire trip was about two months. DC: I don't know if any of you know, but Richard L Evans gave his talk on "Service to Others" at the Sydney Convention and he received a standing ovation. (App. 18) This is just a copy of the flyers used to advertise the Weber College 25th Street Campus Reunion and the "Share You Memories" project. (App. 19 and 20) 5 I don't know if you have taken any pictures of this or not, but this is the casting pledge located on about 3650 Harrison Boulevard. It says, "Erected by the Ogden Rotary Club as a symbol of its faith in the future of Weber College." This was installed before there were any buildings up there at all. (App. 21) And the pillars are still there, but as you can see, the campus has grown since then. (App. 22) During my days of retirement, we served a mission for eighteen months in Lansing, Michigan. We spent four years touring the whole U. S. in an RV. We cruised to Alaska and part of Europe, we spent ten years living in our Liberty summer home, and we wintered in a condo down in Scottsdale, Arizona. (App. 23) All because we got into that printing business through Weber College. JW: Let's go back and fill in a few holes in your life and your time at Weber State College. How many siblings did you have? DC: There were six boys and no girls, but one of the boys died just before I was born. JW: Did anyone else participate in track? DC: My younger brother ran track for Ogden High School and held the record for the indoor 440 for years. I was the only one that ran for Weber State. We all got into the service during the war years. 6 JW: Here you are as a freshman in the 1947 Yearbook and then as a sophomore in the 1948 Yearbook. (App. 24 and 25) DC: Yes, that is me. I also recognize a few others including Harry Burchell who played on the football team, I knew him well and Adona Call (Nye) used to live by me when our kids graduated from high school. JW: What schools did you attend while you were growing up? DC: I first went to the Dee School and then during the Depression we had to move out to Sparks, Nevada because that was where my dad worked for the railroad. We went out there and that's where I went to kindergarten, then I went back to Dee School, Madison School, Central Junior High School, and Ogden High School. JW: That seems to be a theme I hear in these interviews. Everybody goes to different schools but then you all emptied into Ogden High. Was the Ogden High that is there now the one you went to? DC: Yes, Ogden High is still the same building. It was the first building in the U.S. to cost a million dollars for a high school and it had only been there two or three years when I graduated. JW: Then you went to the war and came home; did you meet your wife before the war? DC: No, she was working out at Hill Field when I came home and while I was going to those two years of college. I was dating her off and on, along 7 with a lot of other gals. We hadn't even had girls in my family, I was going to try a few of them out and see. We had fun doing it, but the dating really started for all of us when we came back from the war and after it was all over with. We dated over a two year period and that was a great time for us to get acquainted. Then in 1948, just after I had graduated from the college, my dad said, "Why don't you get married"? He didn't want me around anymore, and I said, "Well I guess I better ask my mother." I asked her and she said, "I don't know what you're waiting for. If she's got all the talents that you say she has, then get married." And that was the best thing I have ever done. She was a very talented woman. Here is a book that she has written, full of poetry for each one in the family. She had the talent, and I was glad to say that I was her husband. JW: This is wonderful and I like that there are pictures with the poems. DC: Yes, she worked with me in the printing business. The whole thing worked out so well because she was a great speller and proof reader, and here I just ran the business and told everyone what to do. JW: Going back to your time at Weber College. The campus is down on 25th Street and I guess I want to know a little bit more about the activities you were involved with, and maybe some of your friendships there. DC: Well I went to the dances with different dates. In fact, I had one gal I knew, her name was Elaine Jenson, and I really liked her. When I went to our 30th Anniversary Reunion, she jumped up from the table and came up and 8 gave me a kiss with my wife right there. It was kind of funny and surprising, but anyway she was married to a professional golfer. JW: What were some of your favorite classes you took while you were in school? DC: I think Health is one of them that was a good thing for me and I really enjoyed it. I liked the Math classes of course, and I took Bookkeeping and Accounting, and that was all hard to remember because I had been away from it for so long. I think as far as bookkeeping goes, that was the thing that carried me through to start the printing business, so what I learned at Weber College was a real asset to my life. JW: How did you decide to go on the Mexico trip? DC: I was in Walter Buss's class, which I really enjoyed, and he wanted me to get involved in geology, but I couldn't see that there was any kind of future with it. I enjoyed all of the different kind of rocks and different formations. Walter Buss had the idea, "I would just like to drill out in the middle of that Great Salt Lake and see what is underneath it". You know that Great Salt Lake used to be Lake Bonneville, and it all drained out to the North. All of those things are very interesting to me, as far as the geology and the levels that we see up on the mountain side—up here where all of the houses are built on each one of the steps of the levels that come from the lake. JW: Did you know President Aldous Dixon as a student? 9 DC: Yes, I did. In fact, he was somewhat of a shirt-tail relative of mine, but I never pursued that relationship. JW: Did he seem like he was involved with the students? DC: Oh yes he was. I don't know how he held it all together with all of us crowding in there at that time. I took a slide-rule class, and I didn't even get a slide-rule, because even though I was on the GI bill there just weren't enough. So I just went out and bought a wooden slide-rule and got through the class in good shape. JW: Because there were so many of you coming back from the war? DC: Right. JW: What was the political atmosphere like as you were all coming back? DC: We were just so happy to get home. While I was in the Navy, I was on a troop transport ship, and we would take troops out to the Marshall Islands and to parts of the pacific, and pick up others and bring them back. My home port was in San Francisco, and I was only eighteen and I thought, "Hey, there are two or three of us aboard this ship; we just as well go over to this high school dance." We all picked up girls and walked them home after the dance. It was a great time. The war ended while I was in San Francisco and we had to ship out again to go down to the Philippines to get the occupational troops and take them up to Japan. They just had us 10 pick up the ones on the island as we passed by and went home and decommissioned our ship, and got out of the service. JW: How long after the war did you have to stay in the service? DC: It couldn't have been over six months. JW: Are you saying you sailed over there after the bomb had been dropped? DC: Yes. Before that, we went crisscross across the ocean and it took us twice as long because we were never going in a straight line. We were trying to stay out of the way of the submarines, but when we went over there it was only about 35 miles an hour. I had a Model A Ford that could go that fast. Anyway, you don't travel that fast on the ocean. JW: No, but did you see the Hiroshima? Were you able to get off the ship in Japan? DC: Yes. I got off the ship. In fact, I had a friend that I went to school with, Don Shligowski. He was on one of the islands. I went to the island and he took me on a tour in a jeep around the island. He said, "We cannot go into the jungle at all, but I can take you around the outside. There were Japanese soldiers living in the jungle. I didn't really see any military action at all, but my job aboard ship was feeding the big five inch gun on the back. There was a powder keg in canvas, and we would put those in and then shoot the thing off. You could only shoot off the back tail of the ship because it would tip the ship. It was pretty limited, but the ship that I was 11 on was the troop transport that had been converted from a cruise ship, so it was a very nice ship. JW: This wasn't actually a Navy ship, and you were transporting people and they all needed rooms to stay in. Did the Navy just take whatever they needed? DC: Yes. They just confiscated it and said we need this for the war effort. JW: That is interesting; I did not know that's how things were done. DC: So I was on the USS James O'Hara, and the number of the ship was APA-90. One interesting thing we did when we came back with the last load of troops when the war was over. We had just gone under the Golden Gate Bridge, and there were all these ferry boats filled with all these girls. All of the guys that were aboard ship hadn't seen white girls in a couple of years, and they all run over to the side and the captain had to yell, "Get over to mid-ship or we are going to tip over!" We were tilting sideways with all those people aboard ship. It was a great time for me to be in the service, and it was a good experience for me. JW: That's a wonderful story. Let's go back to the subject of Weber. Are you still involved with Weber at all? Evidently you attended the reunion, are you still an active member of Alumni? 12 DC: Yes. I still get the magazines and things, but I'm not actively involved in giving any money to them or anything like that. However, there was a time when I was in the printing business and I was asked by President Miller to give a night class on the printing business. I taught for two night school semesters. I also went to several basketball games and things like that since I lived here. I am going to turn 87 on the 25th of this month. JW: Wow that's amazing, and you are doing so well. DC: Yes. I am enjoying life, and like I said, the best thing I ever did was marry my wife. I was just the husband, and she sang and was very musical. I just have a great family. JW: Well with five kids it looks like a lot of fun. DC: There is a picture of my children on the wall. The oldest daughter lives up in Montana by the Glacier Park, and she is flying down to spend time with me. The oldest son has a Doctorate Degree in Computer Science, the middle son is an Electrical Engineer and he lives in Arizona, the other son is the one that took over the printing business when I retired, and then the other daughter lives up in Billings, Montana, and her husband is an Institute Instructor up there at the college and he's also a Bishop. JW: All but one of them lives out of state? 13 DC: Yes. The printing business has changed so much he doesn't really do much with it anymore, but his wife is over the Ogden Tennis Club out in South Ogden. I just had a great time going back and seeing my oldest son's children, and then their children, so we have several pictures of the family and great-grandchildren. I even took my tennis racket and was teaching all of these great-grandkids how to hold a racket up and bounce the ball on the racket. They got so they were pretty good—especially the ones up to ten years old. JW: How many grandchildren do you have? DC: Fifteen grandchildren and about eighteen great-grandchildren. One thing that I've done, I don't really think that my grandchildren are going to do much with their retirements because of the way things are going, so I just gave each one of the fifteen grandchildren $500.00 and if they keep that in their retirement plan, it will be the better part of a million dollars when they are getting ready to retire at say 65 or 75, or whatever is the age will be at the time. JW: That is a great gift. DC: I have heard a thank you from all of them. Many of them now have their degrees in engineering and everything else, so they just added it to what they have, so they will do okay. I had somebody tell me that that's what I ought to do, and I did it, and I feel good about it. JW: Well family is what it is all about. 14 DC: Yes it is. I now have one grandson that is over in Israel and he is trying to make it so that if there is ever an incoming missile, he will be able to shoot, on short notice, and hit that missile head on with a bullet and blow it up in the air. So that is technology right there, but he is as smart as a whip and great kid. JW: He is just over there working? DC: Yes, well he works down there in Arizona and they fly him over nearly every month or two, you know to make sure everything is working the way it ought to. They had a good success with their tryouts. I think they had thirty of them and they only missed one or didn't hit it directly on. JW: We are really grateful to have been able come here today. DC: Well I had a great life, and I think probably the thing that was the greatest was in connection with that Rotary Club and going around the world. JW: So many good things have come from the Rotary Club and they continue to do great things for the community. DC: Well, it's just like that plaque states, "Service Above Self," that's the motto. It is a great thing and that was a great thing for them to help Weber College get onto the upper campus. 15 1 Don O. Carlsen was born in this house at 774 20th Street, Ogden, Utah on October 25, 1926. He graduated from OHS in 1945. Drafted in U.S. Navy until WWII ended then attended Weber College. Graduating in 1948 in Business Administration. He married Josie Bush September 15, 1948. Appendix 2 Don was drafted at 18 years old at mid-year of his senior year along with 50 of his senior classmates. Don was drafted into the U.S. Navy. 3 Don was raised in the Ogden, Utah in the Rocky Mountains, the arrow is the area of town was where his parents lived. 4 Don served aboard a troop-transport ship as a Storekeeper until the war ended. He only served for 18 months. 5 In the fall of 1946, Don started College on the G. I. Bill that he had earned while serving in the Navy. He was majoring in Business Administration at Weber College in Ogden, Utah on this campus. 6 After Don's (see arrow) first year at Weber College, he also attended this summer school class, they spent the whole semester going to Mexico. This summer school class was very educational. We slept out and cooked our food. We were known as "lava chasers," we saw live volcanoes that had cover over entire villages with 2000 degree hot lava. Walter Buss our organizer. 7 We climbed the Mexico City Pyramids, slept in jungles, visited caves, saw pure white sand dunes, toured Mexico City, joined in Mexican festivals, saw hot lava flowing and its devastation to mountain villages, saw steep mountain hill sides being farmed with wooden plows, pulled by a mule. 8 This crater was made by a comet hitting the earth it was in the state of New Mexico. The crater is huge and makes me feel good that earth is not pocked, like the moon is from its comet strikes. 9 Don also earned this letter running track while at Weber College 10 It took two years of hard work in college to earn this certificate of completion in business, this he wisely used in his printing business in Ogden, Utah 11 My wisest next major event was that of marring Josie Bush, September, 15, 1948 12 All five of our children where born and raised in Ogden and graduated from Ben Lomond High School and worked at our Print Shop which help with their college educations. 13 We all were born into a World of Changes. Triumphant Feats of Engineering, Important Inventions, Modern Ingenuity in Sciences, Physics, Art, Entertainment, Transportation by Land and Air, Electricity, Radiation Waves, Space Exploration, Social Change, Implements of War, Architecture, Computers, Internet Communication, Tourist Attractions, Digital Photography, Nuclear Reactors, Printing, Radar, Robots etc. 14 This was our Family Print Shop at 419 22nd Street Ogden, Utah. 15 16 The Ogden City Rotary Club Officers for 1971-72 17 Josie and I attended this International Convention the year Don was President of the Ogden Rotary Club. This trip made it possible for us at this time to complete a circle world trip. 18 Past-President Richard L. Evans receiving a standing ovation after his talk on "service to others" at the Sydney Convention. 19 25th Street Campus Reunion Aug. 31, 2013 20 This casting pledge is located at about 3650 Harrison Blvd. south to Country Hills Drive. Before any buildings where built on the present campus of Weber State University. 21 Enjoying our retirement years, 18 month LDS Misson in Lansing, MI. Four years RVing the whole US. Cruising to Alaska and part of Europe. Ten Years of living in our Liberty summer home and wintering our condo in Scottsdale, AZ. 22 Weber State University Ogden Campus - 2013 23 24 25

Norbert Michel and Jai Kedia


A few weeks ago, American Compass released Rebuilding American Capitalism, A Handbook for Conservative Policymakers. This Forbes column (American Compass Points To Myths Not Facts) provided a very brief critique of the handbook's "Financialization" chapter, and Oren Cass, American Compass's Executive Director, released a response titled Yes, Financialization Is Real.
This Cato at Liberty post is the fourth in a series that expands on the original criticisms outlined in the Forbes column. (The first three in the series are available here, here, and here.) This post demonstrates the evidence does not support American Compass's claims regarding investment. It also further documents American Compass's failure to clearly specify terms and dates, as well as its selective use of examples that appear to support its positions.
To recap, the American Compass handbook states the following:
American finance has metastasized, claiming a disproportionate share of the nation's top business talent and the economy's profits, even as actual investment has declined." [Emphasis added.]

As with profits, the "Financialization" chapter does not specify a single preferred measure of investment or any time frame for analysis. It simply complains that "In recent decades…actual investment has declined." [Emphasis added.] The original critique stated, "The claim that investment has declined is also easily verified as false," and then used National Income and Product Account (NIPA) data to show "investment in fixed assets has been steadily increasing since 1970, a trend that holds even if the data is adjusted for inflation."
Cass takes issue with the original critique's use of absolute investment dollars rather than investment as a share of GDP. Cass's response states:
Of course, investment rises in absolute dollars as the American population grows and economy expands. Who would claim otherwise? The question is what has happened relative to GDP.

Yet, American Compass uses the term actual investment in the introduction to the "Financialization" chapter and purposely uses aggregate data in levels when doing so suits its purpose. But importantly, American Compass fails to settle on any definition of investment.
Here's a list of direct quotes describing investment from the "Financialization" chapter:
Unfortunately, in the United States, productive business investment has been in long‐​term decline and the financial industry now specializes in trading assets around in circles. [Emphasis added, no dates given.]
Economy‐​wide, business investment has fallen significantly as a share of GDP. [Emphasis added, no dates given.]
They instead become savers themselves by acquiring financial assets, effectively deferring the earthy and material work of productive capital investment to others. [Emphasis added, no dates given.]
Statistically, this transition began in the 1980s, as the share of corporate investment in tangible assets declined and the acquisition of financial assets climbed. [Emphasis added.]
Despite this ambiguity, Cass's response insists that readers should know exactly what investment data American Compass's handbook is referring to because "the Rebuilding American Capitalism handbook is a synthesis of our analysis and recommendations and provides copious references to further reading alongside each proposal." So, here's a list of direct quotes from two other American Compass reports, none of which provide a clear answer:
Actual‐​investment, by which I mean the allocation of capital toward the development of new productive capacity—the building of structures, the installment of machines, the creation of intellectual property—has been weakening in America for decades now. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
As non‐​investors have overrun the banks and markets and taken control of corporations, actual‐​investment has slowed. The nation's capital base is smaller by literally trillions of dollars as a result, representing untold enterprises never built, innovations never pursued, and workers never given opportunity. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
Net non‐​residential fixed investment as a share of GDP has fallen by almost half, from 4.1% in the 1970s and 80s to 2.5% in the 2010s. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
The classic categories of investment, structures and equipment, account for 87% of the nation's capital base and the rate of investment there has been declining in both gross and net terms. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
Net investment as a share of value‐​add averaged 4.3% during 1998–2000 and then 0.5% during 2002-04. During 2000–17, the average was 2.2%, leading to a $1.0 trillion shortfall over the period, relative to the 1970–99 rate. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
As we have seen, the cumulative gross investment shortfall during 2009–17 as compared to 1970–99 amounted to $3.4 trillion. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
Nationwide, net investment as a share of GDP has fallen sharply, and the shortfall since the Great Recession totals roughly $3 trillion (equivalent to the excess outflow from public companies). [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
This creates a vicious cycle in which business leaders pursuing promising opportunities become harder to find, further encouraging the financial sector to develop strategies for deriving profits disconnected from actual investment. [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
From 2009 to 2017, the nation needed $22.9 trillion in gross investment to match the average growth rate of the capital stock during 1970–99 (3.8% of GDP annually). Instead, investment totaled only $19.6 trillion. [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
Even the market fundamentalists—indeed, especially the market fundamentalists—recognize that higher investment levels would be beneficial. [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
Setting aside American Compass's failure to explain whether any of these versions of investment is its single preferred measure of investment to study "financialization," it is true that there are many ways to describe investment. Indeed, there are even many different time periods, inflation adjustments, aggregation issues, and sub‐​components of investment that influence how an aggregate investment series behaves.
Moreover, if investment (however defined) declines, or declines slower than some metric, that fact alone would not be evidence that investment is less than optimal. While many American Compass reports imply investment is suboptimal, American Compass has not provided evidence that investment is less than what it should be.
Take, for instance, American Compass's claim that "Net non‐​residential fixed investment as a share of GDP has fallen by almost half, from 4.1 percent in the 1970s and 80s to 2.5 percent in the 2010s." If American Compass believes that that 4.1 percent was the optimal share in 1970, and a 1.6 percentage point lower share in the 2010s "threatens our future prosperity" and requires America to rebuild capitalism, then the least it can do is state a clear hypothesis and make an empirical case. Such critics cannot simply argue that a lower number is less than optimal. (For what it's worth, American Compass's "The Corporate Erosion of Capitalism" also fails to provide such evidence – it is merely an accounting exercise without any economic analysis of the optimal levels of real investment individual firms need to sustain their own operations.)
It turns out, though, that the long‐​term trend in most of these investment measures is not decreasing. The only way to show that "investment" has declined is to selectively define the measure and period for analysis. Otherwise, it is impossible to say that investment has declined.
Regardless, there is no inherent economic reason that investment, whether in absolute amounts or relative to GDP, whether net or gross, or real or nominal, must constantly increase. A developed economy with evolving working patterns, for instance, would not need to constantly invest more in new corporate structures.
Similarly, the rate of growth of investment does not have to constantly match or exceed GDP (or profit) growth in any historical period. The mere fact that some metric of investment grows slower than some other economic measure – even for an extended period – does not indicate that the economy will be harmed much less that "financialization" caused the "slow" growth.
Our analysis now turns to the actual time series of real investment and real GDP, respectively (see Figure 1 and Figure 2). Contrary to what Cass claims in his response, the right question is not always "what has happened [to investment] relative to GDP." (Even if it was the correct question, simply dividing investment by GDP would not adequately account for confounding factors such as population growth, the cost of investment, productivity, feedback loops, etc.) Bluntly, it is not at all clear that using a relative measure is the "right" way to look at investment.









Figure 1: Real Gross Private Investment in the U.S., Annual from 1929 to 2022









Figure 2: Real Gross Domestic Product in the U.S., Annual from 1929 to 2022
For starters, nobody invests in amounts relative to GDP, and even American Compass often refers to levels of investment. Regardless, there are some basic mathematical issues that suggest, at the very least, researchers must be very careful drawing inferences from relative investment measures.
As Figure 1 and Figure 2 show, real (gross private domestic) investment and real GDP both display a sharp upward trend. However, the two series exhibit an enormous difference in size and volatility – the standard deviation of investment growth is five times greater than for GDP growth. A 20 percent year‐​to‐​year decline in investment is normal, but it would be highly unusual for GDP. Moreover, any decline in the ratio can easily mask the causal relationship between investment and economic growth.
Put differently, GDP is stable but one of its components – investment – fluctuates rapidly. This stability arises as investment accounts for only 13 percent of GDP on average and fluctuations in investment can be offset by counter‐​cyclical fluctuations in other components of GDP, such as consumption or fiscal spending. Consequently, measuring investment relative to GDP can give the appearance that something dreadful has happened even though such deviations may be the result of a perfectly normal economy, even one with optimal decision making.
Investment's high volatility is a commonly known macroeconomic fact. Benchmark macro models dating back to the start of macroeconomic modeling itself have highlighted investment's significant volatility in comparison to the rest of the economy. Successes of models since then are measured (at least in part) by whether their simulated time series can match the observed volatility of macro indicators such as investment.
Leaving the appropriateness of using levels aside, we now examine nominal investment relative to nominal GDP (i.e., the investment‐​to‐​GDP ratio), as well as several of its component measures. (See Figure 3.) These nominal metrics are available from 1929, but in fairness to American Compass, we only present the data from 1950 onwards. The series exhibits high volatility between 1929 and 1950 and starting the graph in 1929 biases the data toward a steeper increasing trend for investment and its component measures. (Incidentally, replicating Figure 3 with real investment and GDP figures also shows the ratio exhibiting an increasing trend.[1])
As Figure 3 shows, the investment‐​to‐​GDP ratio exhibits variation around a very mildly increasing trend for all of modern U.S. economic history. As for component measures, non‐​residential investment has grown significantly as a share of the economy, offsetting the decline in the share of residential investment. Finally, net private domestic investment has declined over time. From this set of investment measures, focusing only on net private domestic investment to argue "actual investment" has declined equates to selectively using a sub‐​component of investment while ignoring others.









Figure 3: Investment Metrics as Share of NGDP in the U.S., Annual from 1950 to 2022
Of course, there are still many other ways to describe investment. Assume, for example, that net nonresidential (or business) investment is the "right" measure to analyze, as Cass's response suggests. Figure 4 presents real net business investment and its subcomponents from 1967 to 2021.[2] It shows that net business investment exhibits a sharp increasing trend. (Figure 3 showed that nonresidential investment as a share of GDP exhibits an increasing trend.) While the trends are not as steep for the subcomponents, Figure 4 shows that net investment in business equipment and intellectual property also display increasing trends. However, net business investment in structures exhibits a decreasing trend. (Interestingly, in The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment, American Compass groups structures and equipment together to demonstrate that investment in "Structures & Equipment" is declining.)









Figure 4: Real Net Nonresidential Investment and its Components in the U.S., Annual from 1967 to 2022
Obviously, it would make little sense to argue that "actual investment" is declining by focusing only on the decline in the net structure subcomponent, or any other component of investment for a shorter period. Put bluntly, American Compass is incorrect to use declines in any of these subcomponents to argue that there is some kind of broad decline in investment.
Still, the trends in these subcomponents on Figure 4 are even more problematic for American Compass. Not only do the trends contradict that investment is in a general decline, but American Compass's story requires an explanation for: (1) why the highly developed U.S. economy needs constantly increasing growth in structures; and, (2) how "financialization" is responsible for a decline in structure investment and a simultaneous increase in equipment and IP investment.
It is also worth noting that while there's nothing inherently wrong with using net investment figures, as American Compass sometimes does, neither the Bureau of Economic Analysis's depreciation estimates nor accounting depreciation perfectly coincide with economic depreciation. In other words, even when someone fully depreciates a piece of equipment for tax or accounting purposes, it does not mean that the equipment is no longer useful and must be immediately replaced.
More generally, from a macroeconomic perspective, there is no reason to distinguish between different sub‐​components of investment. The primary macro indicator of economic health is real GDP growth away from trend (or similar metrics such as output gap and unemployment). Investment is a means of facilitating capital accumulation and it is not immediately clear why one component of it is necessarily better than any other. This is why seminal empirical economic papers always focus on investment as an aggregate. Even highly cited papers that explicitly model net investment don't bother to include it in their results, instead focusing again on aggregate investment.
Overall, aggregate investment in the United States is not in decline. Yet, American Compass relies on a wide array of investment descriptions, in various time periods, to argue that American investment is in a general decline and below optimal levels. American Compass's error is only compounded by its imprecise definition of financialization. This combination of errors leaves American Compass with little more than a set of stories that appear to provide evidence financial markets threaten American capitalism.
In the next post, we will conclude this series by discussing American Compass's flawed characterization of Americans' income.


[1] It may seem unintuitive that shares would be different between nominal and real variables (prices on the numerator and denominator should cancel out), but the relative price of investment has changed significantly in comparison to overall GDP. Specifically, the deflator for investment has been significantly higher than for GDP, equalizing only since the 2010s.


[2] The BEA provides values for sub‐​components of investment that only go back to 1967.

L'oggetto di questa tesi è la peculiare comparsa del termine imperator in un numero esiguo, ma comunque significativo di documenti provenienti dal regno di Asturia e León e dalla Britannia del X secolo. Se già di per sé questa sorta di "incongruenza storica" cattura l'attenzione, il fatto che i due fenomeni imperiali siano praticamente contemporanei e si sviluppino in due contesti molto distanti nello spazio, senza un apparente collegamento, evidenzia l'opportunità di uno studio comparativo. Ad una più attenta analisi, non si può fare a meno di notare come, in entrambi gli ambiti, il secolo immediatamente precedente sia stato caratterizzato da un momento particolarmente favorevole per la cultura – el renacimiento asturiano e the alfredian renaissance – reso possibile dall'azione attiva di due monarchi, Alfonso III di Asturia e León (866-910) e Alfred di Wessex (871-899). Nelle corti di questi sovrani vennero redatte delle cronache (le Crónicas Asturianas e la Anglo-Saxon Chronicle) nelle quali si proponeva una chiave di lettura della storia tesa a ricercare una nuova identità per i rispettivi popoli e si sottolineava il ruolo centrale delle rispettive dinastie regnanti. L'obiettivo della tesi è pertanto duplice: da una parte si desidera comprendere in quale modo e in quale senso sia stato utilizzato il termine imperator nella documentazione presa in esame, dall'altra si prova a capire quale peso ebbero le nuove identità etniche, religiose e territoriali, elaborate nelle già citate cronache, all'interno di questi fenomeni imperiali. Per una miglior resa dell'argomentazione si è deciso di dividere la tesi in due blocchi, il primo dedicato alle cronache del IX secolo e il secondo ai documenti in cui compare il titolo imperiale, risalenti al secolo successivo. A sua volta ciascun blocco si divide quindi in due capitoli, all'interno dei quali le tematiche vengono declinate nel caso ispanico e in quello anglosassone. La tesi si apre con la presentazione dei criteri impiegati nella selezione del corpus di "documenti imperiali" (Cap. 1) – nome con cui si definiscono i diplomi al cui interno compare il titolo di imperator – che ammontano ad un totale 38, di cui 20 asturiano-leonesi (privati e pubblici) e 18 anglosassoni (esclusivamente pubblici). A seguire viene fornito il contesto storico (Cap. 2) e lo status quaestionis (Cap. 3). Nel primo capitolo del primo blocco (Cap. 4) vengono trattate le tre cronache prodotte nella corte asturiano-leonese alla fine del IX secolo: conosciute anche come Crónicas Asturianas, sono intitolate rispettivamente Crónica Albeldense, Crónica Profetica e Crónica de Alfonso III. Per rendere il quadro qui esposto il più completo possibile si inizia trattando il patrimonio librario a disposizione degli autori delle cronache. A seguire si delineano i profili delle tre opere, soffermandosi in particolar modo sulla loro paternità e datazione. Si forniscono quindi indicazioni sulla tradizione manoscritta di queste cronache per poi tracciare un percorso tra le fonti. In questa parte si chiariscono concetti come quello di identità (etnica, religiosa e geografica), e si assiste alla comparsa di temi storiografici come quelli della Reconquista e del neogoticismo. Questi elementi costituiscono il punto di partenza per un ragionamento teso a far emergere il background ideologico comune a tutte e tre cronache. Nel corrispettivo capitolo inglese (Cap. 5) si delinea un profilo della produzione letteraria, in particolare storiografica, che ha caratterizzato le ultime due decadi del IX secolo anglosassone. Si inizia inquadrando gli uomini che formarono parte della cosiddetta alfredian reinassance per poi analizzare il ruolo avuto, all'interno di questo momento di rinascita culturale, dalle traduzioni in Old English delle grandi opere storiografiche. Infine, si propone una rilettura dell'unica opera storiografica scritta ex novo – l'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle – dalla quale emerge come fil rouge il concetto di overlordship. Questo è il nome che gli studiosi moderni hanno dato all'autorità che alcuni re anglosassoni poterono esercitare al di sopra degli altri regni dell'isola: si trattava di una supremazia principalmente militare che portava un re, per periodi spesso brevi, ad imporre la propria sovranità – e talvolta dei tributi – a popolazioni diverse dalla propria. Questa idea di sovranità sovrapposta era già presente in Beda e viene recuperata dai cronisti anglosassoni che la ricollegano, in maniera evidente, alla dinastia dei re del Wessex, coniando per quei re che la detennero la parola bretwalda. A conclusione del primo blocco è presente un capitolo di confronto (Cap. 6) che permette di tirare le somme della prima metà della tesi. Si ribadiscono alcuni punti in comune tra i due casi di studio qui definiti "macrocongruenze": sia la Britannia che la Spania erano parte dell'impero romano, ma non di quello carolingio e subirono un'invasione durante l'Alto Medioevo (danesi/norvegesi la prima e islamici la seconda); in entrambi i casi la produzione di cultura scritta durante il IX secolo orbitava attorno alla figura del monarca; le cronache del periodo celebrano la dinastia regnante come elemento cardine della storia "nazionale" e così facendo ne legittimano l'autorità; fra le pagine di queste cronache vengono proposte nuove identità per entrambe le popolazioni. Tuttavia, al di là di queste evidenti somiglianze, si è notato come, all'interno della cronachistica, si sia arrivati a due modi particolari di rappresentare sé stessi, il proprio regno, il proprio popolo e il proprio contesto geografico. Sono queste differenze a suscitare un particolare interesse dal momento che, come è stato chiaro sin dalla sua fase embrionale, in nessun modo lo scopo di questa ricerca è l'omologazione: non si sta cercando di uniformare la storia inglese del IX e X secolo con quella spagnola dello stesso periodo, per quanto esse abbiano sicuramente dei punti in comune. Nel capitolo di confronto si riflette quindi sulle particolari soluzioni autorappresentative soluzioni a cui sono giunti i cronisti asturiani e anglosassoni riguardo a tre punti chiave: il recupero del passato, la concezione territoriale dell'ambiente geografico e la questione identitaria. Non si può infatti trascurare il differente peso che ebbero nei relativi ambiti il ricordo del regno visigoto e quello dell'Eptarchia anglosassone e dunque, rispettivamente, le opere di Isidoro di Siviglia e Beda il Venerabile. Sarebbe inoltre sbagliato non sottolineare le differenze tra le due nuove proposte identitarie: quella inglese su base spiccatamente etnica (Angelcynn) e quella ispanica su base principalmente religiosa (regnum Xristianorum). Non poteva infine mancare un paragrafo dedicato ai differenti rapporti tra i due ambiti studiati e il mondo carolingio contemporaneo. Nel secondo blocco vengono sviscerati i fenomeni imperiali. Il capitolo dedicato all'ambito ispanico (Cap. 7) si apre con una riflessione sulle varie figure di scriptores del regno di León e sul peso avuto dai formulari visigoti nella documentazione altomedievale. Al principio del corrispettivo capitolo inglese (Cap. 8) vengono invece presentati due casi di utilizzo del termine imperiale precedenti il X secolo: quello di sant'Oswald di Northumbria (634-642) nella Vita Sancti Columbae di Adomnano di Iona e quello di Coenwulf di Mercia (796-821) nel documento S153. Seguono due paragrafi dedicati alla documentazione di Edward the Elder (899-924) e Æthelstan (924-939) che mettono in luce un sostanziale sviluppo della titolatura regia, indice di un progressivo ampliamento dell'autorità di questi monarchi. Il centro di entrambi i capitoli del secondo blocco consiste nella dettagliata analisi dei documenti imperiali e nelle riflessioni che da questa scaturiscono. Nel caso spagnolo è possibile affermare con una certa sicurezza che l'uso del titolo imperator ebbe inizio con il figlio, Ordoño II, che lo attribuì al padre per rafforzare la propria posizione di re di León. Tra la morte di Ordoño II (924) e l'ascesa al trono di Ramiro II (931) il titolo cominciò ad essere adoperato anche nella documentazione privata, senza per questo scomparire da quella regia. Non è purtroppo possibile cercare di ricondurre il fenomeno imperiale ispanico alla figura di uno scriptor in particolare – a differenza del caso inglese –; va però fatto presente che alcuni testi risalenti alla seconda metà del secolo differiscono dai documenti di Ordoño II nell'impiego del termine, poiché questo viene usato in riferimento al re vivente, anziché al padre defunto. Il titolo, almeno all'inizio del X secolo, non sembra riflettere un'autorità superiore (per l'appunto imperiale), ma richiama la sua più antica accezione, quella di "generale vittorioso" e costituisce una prerogativa dei sovrani leonesi. Per quanto riguarda il fenomeno imperiale inglese, invece, è possibile individuare un punto di inizio nei famosi alliterative charters, probabilmente redatti da Koenwald di Worcester (928/9- 957), sulla cui paternità si discute lungamente nella tesi. Sembra chiaro che imperator altro non sia che la traduzione latina di quello che gli storici hanno definito overlord. Tramite l'impiego di tale titolo i sovrani anglosassoni hanno voluto rappresentare la loro crescente egemonia sugli altri regni dell'isola, rivendicando così un'autorità più territoriale che etnica. Occorre però far presente che l'uso della terminologia imperiale forma parte di quel più ampio processo di evoluzione della titolatura regia già iniziato con Edward the Elder. Queste riflessioni vengono poi messe in relazione con quelle del primo blocco e sviluppate nelle conclusioni (Cap. 9). Esse vertono su quattro punti fondamentali: l'uso del documento e della lingua latina nei due ambiti; la Britannia e la Spania come universi a sé; il significato di imperator nei due contesti documentari; la concezione territoriale come presupposto teorico e geografico di questo utilizzo. La lettura delle fonti ci permette di affermare che entrambi i contesti rappresentavano per i rispettivi sovrani degli universi idealmente a sé stanti. I sovrani leonesi e anglosassoni ereditarono dai loro predecessori non solo una "missione" politica – di riconquista per i primi e di controllo per i secondi –, ma anche una specifica concezione – diversa per ciascun caso – dell'ambiente geografico in cui si trovavano a operare. La Britannia del re-imperatore anglosassone è la Britannia di Beda, frammentata e divisa, eppure tutto sommato unita. La Spania dei re leonesi è la Spania di Isidoro, unita, omogenea, ma drammaticamente perduta. Tuttavia, per il caso spagnolo e nel periodo qui preso in esame, al titolo non venne mai accostato un riferimento spaziale che rimandasse ad un dominio su tutta la penisola. In quello inglese, invece, tale accostamento ci fu, ma il riferimento geografico alla Britannia non fu un'esclusiva del titolo imperiale. Possiamo quindi dire che, nel caso inglese, il titolo nacque per il bisogno di tradurre in latino un'autorità indiretta ed egemonica (come quella di un rex regum), e perse poi questo significato – e quindi l'uso –, quando la situazione politica del regno si modificò; nel caso spagnolo invece, avvenne un'elaborazione quasi simmetricamente opposta. Il titolo, inizialmente usato nel suo significato più antico di "generale vittorioso" o "signore potente", venne poi reinterpretato quando nell'XI e XII secolo cambiarono gli equilibri politici della penisola. In questo periodo troviamo infatti sovrani come Alfonso VI e Alfonso VII impiegare titolature quali imperator totius Hispaniae. In entrambi i casi, l'imperator venne inteso come sinonimo di rex regum, ma in due momenti diversi: ovvero quando ve ne fu effettivamente bisogno. La tesi è provvista di mappe e della bibliografia, divisa tra fonti e studi. Inoltre si è considerato utile aggiungere in appendice i testi dei documenti imperiali. ; The subject of this thesis is the peculiar presence of the term imperator in a small, but still significant, number of 10th century documents from the reign of Asturia and León and from Britain. The fact that these two "imperial phenomena" coexisted and developed in two very distant contexts, without an apparent connection, makes a comparative study necessary. Also, in both areas the previous century was characterized by a particularly favorable moment for culture - el renacimiento asturiano and the alfredian renaissance - made possible by the action of two monarchs, Alfonso III of Asturia and León (866-910) and Alfred of Wessex (871-899). In these sovereigns' courts, chronicles were drawn up (the Crónicas Asturianas and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle), proposing an interpretation of history which tend to seek a new identity for the respective peoples, highlighting the central role of the respective ruling dynasties. The aim of the thesis is therefore twofold: on the one hand, to understand in what way and in what sense the term imperator was used in the documentation examined; on the other hand, to estimate what weight the new ethnic, religious and territorial identities had within these imperial phenomena. For a better performance of the argument, it was decided to divide the thesis into two parts, the first dedicated to the chronicles of the 9th century and the second to the documents of the following century in which the imperial title appears. In turn, each part is divided into two chapters focused on Hispanic and Anglo-Saxon cases. The thesis opens with the presentation of the criteria used in the selection of the corpus (Ch. 1), which amounts to a total of 38 imperial documents, of which 20 Asturian-Leonese (private and public) and 18 Anglo-Saxon (exclusively public). The historical context (Ch. 2) and the status quaestionis (Ch. 3) are provided below. The first chapter of the first part (Ch. 4) deals with the three chronicles produced in the Asturian-Leonese court at the end of the 9th century. Also known as Crónicas Asturianas. they are respectively entitled Crónica Albeldense, Crónica Profetica and Crónica de Alfonso III. This chapter starts treating the Asturian library, available to the authors of the chronicles, and follows with the description of each chronicle, focusing on their paternity and dating. It then provides information about the manuscript tradition of each chronicle and it finally ends with an overall reading of the sources. Here, concepts such as identity (ethnic, religious and geographic) are clarified, and we observe the origin of historiographic themes such as those of the Reconquista and neo-Gothicism. These elements constitute the starting point for a reflection aimed at bringing out the ideological background common to all three chronicles. In the corresponding English chapter (Ch. 5) is outlined a profile of the literary production, in particular historiographic, which characterized the last two decades of the 9th century in England. We start by framing the men who formed part in the so-called alfredian reinassance and then analyze the role played in this moment of cultural rebirth by the translations in Old English of the great historiographic works. Finally, we propose a rereading of the only historiographic work written ex novo, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, where the concept of overlordship emerges as a common thread. Overlordship is the name that modern scholars have given to the authority that some Anglo-Saxon kings were able to exercise over other kings in the island. It is a predominantly military supremacy which leads a king, for often short periods, to impose his sovereignty - and sometimes tributes - on populations other than his own. This idea of overlapped sovereignty was already present in Beda and is recovered by the Anglo-Saxon chroniclers who relate it, explicity, to the dynasty of the kings of Wessex, coining for those kings who held it the term bretwalda. At the end of the first part there is a comparison chapter (Ch. 6) that draws the conclusions of the first half of the thesis. Some points in common (here called "macrocongruenze") between the two case studies are reiterated: both Britain and Spania formed part of the Roman Empire, but not of the Carolingian Empire and both suffered an invasion during the Early Middle Ages (Danes / Norwegians and Muslims); in both cases the production of written culture, during the 9th century, orbited around the figure of the monarch; the chronicles celebrate the reigning dynasty as the centre of "national" history to legitimize its authority; among the pages of these chronicles new identities are proposed for both populations. However, beyond these obvious similarities, it has been noted that the chronicles adopted two different ways of self-representing themselves, their kingdom, their people and their geographical context. The comparison chapter therefore reflects on three key points: the recovery of the past, the territorial conception of the geographical environment and the identity issue. In fact, we cannot neglect the different importance that the memory of the Visigoth kingdom and of the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy (and therefore, respectively, the works of Isidore of Seville and the Venerable Bede) had. It would also be wrong not to underline the differences between the two new identity proposals: the English one had a distinctly ethnic base (Angelcynn), while the Hispanic base was mainly religious base (regnum Xristianorum). The last paragraph if finally dedicated to the different relationships between the two areas studied and the contemporary Carolingian world could not be missing. In the second block imperial phenomena are examined. The chapter dedicated to the Hispanic context (Ch. 7) opens with a reflection on the various figures of scriptores of the kingdom of León and on the weight of Visigoth formulae in the early medieval documentation. At the beginning of the corresponding English chapter (Ch. 8) are presented two cases of a use of the imperial term preceding the 10th century: that of Saint Oswald of Northumbria (634-642) in the Adomnan of Hy's Vita Sancti Columbae of and that of Coenwulf of Mercia in the charter S153. These cases are followed by two paragraphs dedicated to Edward the Elder's and Æthelstan's documentation, which highlight a substantial development of the royal title, pointing out an expansion of the authority of these monarchs. The center of both the chapters of the second block consists in the detailed analysis of the imperial documents and in the reflections that arise from it. In the Spanish case, it is possible to affirm with some certainty that the use of the imperator title began with his son, Ordoño II, who attributed it to his father to strengthen his position as king of León. Between the death of Ordoño II (924) and the ascent to the throne of Ramiro II (931), the title also began to be employed into private documentation, without disappearing in the public one. Unfortunately, it is not possible, as it is in the English case, to trace the Hispanic imperial phenomenon back to a particular scriptor. However, it should be noted that some texts dating from the second half of the century differ from the charters of Ordoño II in the use of the term, adopting it in reference to the living king, rather than the deceased father. The title, at least at the beginning of the tenth century, does not seem to reflect a superior (or imperial) authority, but recalls its most ancient meaning, of "victorious general" and constitutes a prerogative of the Leonese sovereigns. As for the English imperial phenomenon, however, it is possible to identify a starting point in the famous alliterative charters, probably drawn up by Koenwald of Worcester (928/9- 957), whose authorship is largely discussed in the thesis. It seems clear that imperator is nothing but the Latin translation of what historians have called overlord. Through the use of this title, the Anglo-Saxon rulers wanted to represent their growing hegemony over the other kingdoms of the island, thus claiming a more territorial than ethnic authority. However, it should be noted that the use of imperial terminology forms part of the broader process of evolution of the royal title that started with Edward the Elder. These reflections are then related to those of the first part and developed in the conclusions (Ch. 9). They focus on four fundamental points: the use of the documentation and the Latin language in the two areas; Britain and Spania as self-contained universes; the meaning of imperator in the two documentary contexts; the territorial conception as a theoretical and geographical assumption of this use. Reading the sources allows us to affirm that both contexts represented universes ideally self-contained for their respective sovereigns. The Leonese and Anglo-Saxon rulers inherited from their predecessors not only a political "mission" - reconquering for the former and control for the latter -, but also a specific conception - different for each case - of the geographical environment in which they found themselves operate. The Britannia of the Anglo-Saxon king-emperor is Bede's Britannia, fragmented and divided, but spiritually united. The Spania of the Leonese kings is Isidoro's Spania, united, homogeneous, but dramatically lost. However, for the Spanish case in the period examined here, the imperial title was never related to a geographical reference; in the English one, the geographical reference to Britannia existed, but was not exclusive to the imperial title. We can therefore say that, in the English case, the title was born out of the need to translate into Latin an indirect and hegemonic authority (like that of a rex regum), and then lost this meaning - and therefore the use - when the political situation of the kingdom changed. In the Spanish case, conversely, an almost symmetrically opposite processing took place. The title, initially used in its oldest meaning as "victorious general" or "powerful lord", was reinterpreted in the 11th and 12th centuries, when the political balance of the peninsula changed. In this period, we find in fact rulers like Alfonso VI and Alfonso VII employing titles such as imperator totius Hispaniae. In both cases, the emperor was intended as a synonym for rex regum, but in two different moments - always when it was more needed. The thesis is equipped with maps and bibliography, divided between sources and studies. Furthermore, it was considered useful to add a final appendix with the texts of the imperial documents. ; El tema de esta tesis es la aparición peculiar del término imperator en un número pequeño, pero significativo, de documentos del siglo X procedentes de los reinos de Asturias y León y de Inglaterra. Si en sí mismo este tipo de "coincidencia histórica" capta la atención, el hecho de que los dos fenómenos imperiales sean prácticamente contemporáneos y se desarrollen en dos contextos muy distantes en el espacio, sin una conexión aparente, pone de manifiesto la necesidad de un estudio comparativo. Tras una ulterior búsqueda, no pasa desapercibido cómo, en ambas áreas, el siglo inmediatamente anterior se caracterizó por ser un momento particularmente favorable para la cultura – el renacimiento asturiano y the alfredian reinassence –, hecho posible por la acción de dos monarcas, Alfonso III de Asturias y León (866-910) y Alfred de Wessex (871-899). En los entornos de estos soberanos, se elaboraron crónicas (las Crónicas Asturianas y la Anglo-Saxon Chronicle) que proponían una lectura de la historia destinada a buscar una nueva identidad para los respectivos pueblos, subrayando el papel central de las respectivas dinastías gobernantes. El objetivo de la tesis es, por lo tanto, doble: por un lado, se quiere entender de qué manera y en qué sentido se utilizó el término imperator en la documentación examinada y, por otro lado, tratamos de comprender qué peso tenían las nuevas identidades étnicas, religiosas y territoriales, dentro de estos fenómenos imperiales. Para una mejor presentación de los argumentos, se decidió dividir la tesis en dos bloques: el primero dedicado a las crónicas del siglo IX y el segundo a los documentos del siglo siguiente en los que aparece el título imperial. A su vez, cada bloque se divide en dos capítulos donde se desarrollan las temáticas en los casos hispanos y anglosajones. La tesis comienza con la presentación de los criterios utilizados para la selección del corpus de "documentos imperiales" (Capítulo 1) – los diplomas donde aparece el título de imperator –, que asciende a un total de treinta y ocho, veinte de los cuales son asturianos-leoneses (privados y públicos) y dieciocho anglosajones (exclusivamente públicos). El contexto histórico (Capítulo 2) y el status quaestionis (Capítulo 3) se proporcionan a continuación. En el primer capítulo del primer bloque (Capítulo 4) se presentan las tres crónicas producidas en la corte asturiano-leonesa a finales del siglo IX. También conocidas como Crónicas Asturianas, estas son la Crónica Albeldense, la Crónica Profética y la Crónica de Alfonso III. Para conseguir una visión lo más completa posible, comenzamos viendo los libros que los autores de las crónicas tenían a su disposición. A continuación, se analizan las tres obras, con una particular atención a su autoría y datación. Finalmente, proporcionamos indicaciones sobre la tradición manuscrita de estas crónicas y trazamos un camino entre las fuentes. En esta parte se van perfilando cuestiones cruciales, como la identidad (étnica, religiosa y geográfica), y temas historiográficos, como la Reconquista y el neogoticismo. Estos elementos constituyen el punto de partida para un razonamiento destinado a resaltar el trasfondo ideológico común a las tres crónicas. En el capítulo sucesivo (Capítulo 5) se traza un perfil de la producción literaria, en particular historiográfica, que caracterizó las últimas dos décadas del siglo IX anglosajón. Se comienza enmarcando a los hombres que formaron parte del llamado alfredian reinassance y analizando sucesivamente el papel desempeñado por las traducciones en Old English de las grandes obras historiográficas en este momento de renacimiento cultural. Finalmente, proponemos una nueva lectura de la única obra historiográfica escrita desde cero, la Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a partir de la cual el concepto de overlordship emerge como un hilo conductor. Este es el nombre que los eruditos modernos le han dado a la autoridad que algunos reyes anglosajones pudieron ejercer sobre los otros reyes de la isla. Es una supremacía predominantemente militar que lleva a un rey – a menudo por períodos cortos – a imponer su soberanía, y a veces tributos, a poblaciones distintas de la suya. Esta idea de soberanía superpuesta ya estaba presente en Beda y es recuperada por los cronistas anglosajones que la relacionan, evidentemente, con la dinastía de los reyes de Wessex, acuñando para aquellos reyes la palabra bretwalda. Al final del primer bloque hay un capítulo de comparación (Capítulo 6) que permite resumir las conclusiones de la primera mitad de la tesis. Se reiteran algunos puntos en común entre los dos estudios del caso: tanto Britannia como Spania formaron parte del Imperio Romano, pero no del Imperio Carolingio y sufrieron una invasión durante la Alta Edad Media (Daneses / Noruegos e islámicos); en ambos casos, la producción de cultura escrita durante el siglo IX orbitaba alrededor de la figura del monarca. Las crónicas resultantes de este período celebran la dinastía reinante como la piedra angular de la historia "nacional" y al hacerlo legitiman su autoridad; entre las páginas de estas crónicas se proponen nuevas identidades para ambas poblaciones. Sin embargo, más allá de estas similitudes obvias, se ha observado que dentro de las crónicas ha habido dos formas particulares de representación de sí mismos, de su reino, de su gente y de su contexto geográfico. Son estas diferencias las que despiertan un interés particular, ya que, como ha quedado claro desde el principio, no hay absolutamente ningún intento de homologar la historia inglesa de los siglos IX y X con la historia española del mismo período, aunque sin duda tienen puntos en común. Por lo tanto, el capítulo de comparación reflexiona sobre las particulares formas de auto-representación proporcionadas por los cronistas asturianos y anglosajones y se centra en tres puntos clave: la recuperación del pasado, la concepción territorial del entorno geográfico y la cuestión relativa a la identidad. De hecho, no podemos descuidar el peso diferente que tuvo el recuerdo del reino visigodo y el de la Heptarquía anglosajona y, por lo tanto, respectivamente, las obras de Isidoro de Sevilla y de Beda la Venerable. También sería un error no subrayar las diferencias entre las dos nuevas propuestas de identidad: la inglesa, con una base claramente étnica (Angelcynn) y la hispana, con una base principalmente religiosa (regnum Xristianorum). Finalmente, no podía faltar un párrafo dedicado a las diferentes relaciones entre las dos áreas estudiadas y el mundo carolingio contemporáneo. En el segundo bloque se examinan los fenómenos imperiales. El capítulo dedicado al contexto hispano (Capítulo 7) comienza con una reflexión sobre las diversas figuras de los scriptores del reino de León y sobre el peso de las fórmulas visigodas en la documentación altomedieval. Al comienzo del capítulo correspondiente en inglés (Capítulo 8) se presentan dos casos de uso del término imperial anterior al siglo X: el de San Oswald de Northumbria (634-642) en la Vita Sancti Columbae de Adomnano de Iona y el de Coenwulf de Mercia (796-821) en el documento S153. Siguen dos párrafos dedicados a la documentación de Edward the Elder (899-924) y Æthelstan (924-939), donde se destaca un desarrollo sustancial del título real que indica una expansión de la autoridad insular de estos monarcas. El centro de ambos capítulos del segundo bloque consiste en el análisis detallado de los documentos imperiales y en las reflexiones que surgen de esto. En el caso español se puede concluir que, aunque hay rastros de un empleo del título imperial en la documentación de Alfonso III, es posible afirmar con cierta certeza que el uso del título imperator comenzó con su hijo, Ordoño II (914-924), quien lo atribuyó a su padre para fortalecer su posición como rey de León. Entre la muerte de Ordoño II (924) y el ascenso al trono de Ramiro II (931), el título también pasó a la documentación privada, sin desaparecer de la pública. Desafortunadamente, no es posible, como en el caso inglés, tratar de rastrear el fenómeno imperial hispano hasta la figura de un escritor en particular. Sin embargo, debe tenerse en cuenta que algunos textos que datan de la segunda mitad del siglo difieren de los documentos de Ordoño II en el uso del término, ya que se emplea en referencia al rey vivo y no al padre fallecido. El título, al menos a principios del siglo X, no parece reflejar una autoridad superior (precisamente imperial), pero recuerda su significado más antiguo, el de "general victorioso" y constituye una prerrogativa de los soberanos leoneses. En cuanto al fenómeno imperial inglés, por otro lado, es posible identificar un punto de partida en los famosos alliterative charters, probablemente producidos por Koenwald de Worcester (928/9- 957), cuya autoría se discute extensamente en la tesis. Parece que imperator no es más que la traducción latina de lo que los historiadores han llamado overlord. Mediante el uso de este título, los gobernantes anglosajones querían representar su creciente hegemonía sobre los otros reinos de la isla, reclamando así una autoridad más territorial que étnica. Sin embargo, debe tenerse en cuenta que el uso de la terminología imperial forma parte de ese proceso más amplio de evolución del título real que ya comenzó con Edward the Elder. En las conclusiones (Capítulo 9) se relacionan estas reflexiones con las del primer bloque desarrollándolas. Se centran en cuatro puntos fundamentales: el papel del documento y del idioma latino en las dos áreas; Britannia y Spania como universos en sí mismos; el significado de imperator en los dos contextos documentales y, por último, la concepción territorial como una premisa teórica y geográfica de este empleo de la terminología imperial. Tras leer las fuentes podemos afirmar que ambos contextos representaban, a los ojos de sus respectivos soberanos, universos dentro del universo. Los gobernantes leoneses y anglosajones heredaron de sus predecesores no solo una "misión" política – de reconquista para los primeros y de control para los segundos – sino también una concepción específica, diferente para cada caso, del entorno geográfico en el que se encontraban. La Britannia del rey-emperador anglosajón es la Britannia de Beda, fragmentada, dividida y, sin embargo, unida. La Spania de los reyes leoneses es la Spania de Isidoro, unida, homogénea, pero dramáticamente perdida. Sin embargo, para el caso español, en el período examinado aquí, nunca se encuentra el título imperial en relación a una referencia territorial que evoque un dominio sobre toda la península. En el inglés, sin embargo, existía este uso, pero la referencia geográfica a Britannia no era exclusiva del título imperial. Por lo tanto, podemos decir que, en el caso inglés, el título nació de la necesidad de traducir al latín una autoridad indirecta y hegemónica (como la de un rex regum), y luego perdió este significado – y su uso – cuando la situación política del reino cambió. En el caso español, sin embargo, tuvo lugar un procesamiento casi simétricamente opuesto. El título, utilizado inicialmente en su significado más antiguo como "general victorioso" o "señor poderoso", fue reinterpretado más tarde cuando el equilibrio político de la península cambió en los siglos XI y XII. En este período encontramos, de hecho, gobernantes como Alfonso VI y Alfonso VII que emplean títulos como imperator totius Hispaniae. En ambos casos, imperator fue concebido como sinónimo de rex regum, pero en dos momentos diferentes; cuando realmente se necesitaba. La tesis está provista de mapas y bibliografía, dividida entre fuentes y estudios. Además, se consideró útil agregar los textos de los documentos imperiales al apéndice.

Ralph P. Vander Heide, October 3, 2013 ; The Weber State College Oral History Program was created in the early 1970s to "record and document, through personal reminiscences, the history, growth and development of Weber State College." Through interviews with administrators, faculty and students, the program's goal was to expand the documentary holdings on Weber State College and its predecessor entities. From 1970 to 1976, the program conducted some fifteen interviews, under the direction of, and generally conducted by Harold C. Bateman, an emeritus professor of history. In 1979, under the direction of archivist John Sillito, the program was reestablished and six interviews were conducted between 1979 and 1983, with additional interviews being conducted by members of the Weber State community. In 2013 the campus prepared to celebrate the 125th Anniversary of Weber State University in 2014. In order to document the student experience, interviews were conducted with Weber State College Alumni on an ongoing basis. ; This is an oral history interview with Dr. Ralph Vander Heide, conducted on October 3, 2013 in his home in Ogden, Utah, by Jamie J. Weeks. Ralph discusses his memories of Weber State College from 1955 to 1957 and his membership in the Sigma fraternity. Also present is his wife Judith Howell Vander Heide and our video technician Stacie Gallagher. ; 28p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Ralph P. Vander Heide Interviewed by Jamie J. Weeks 3 October 2013 i Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Ralph P. Vander Heide Interviewed by Jamie J. Weeks 3 October 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library ii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees, who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in University Archives, which also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber State College Oral History Program was created in the early 1970s to "record and document, through personal reminiscences, the history, growth and development of Weber State College." Through interviews with administrators, faculty and students, the program's goal was to expand the documentary holdings on Weber State College and its predecessor entities. From 1970 to 1976, the program conducted some fifteen interviews, under the direction of, and generally conducted by Harold C. Bateman, an emeritus professor of history. In 1979, under the direction of archivist John Sillito, the program was reestablished and six interviews were conducted between 1979 and 1983, with additional interviews being conducted by members of the Weber State community. In 2013 the campus prepared to celebrate the 125th Anniversary of Weber State University in 2014. In order to document the student experience, interviews were conducted with Weber State College Alumni on an ongoing basis. ___________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management University Archives All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Vander Heide, Ralph, an oral history by Jamie J. Weeks, 3 October 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Ralph Vander Heide October 3, 2013 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Dr. Ralph Vander Heide, conducted on October 3, 2013 in his home in Ogden, Utah, by Jamie J. Weeks. Ralph discusses his memories of Weber State College from 1955 to 1957 and his membership in the Sigma fraternity. Also present is his wife Judith Howell Vander Heide and our video technician Stacie Gallagher. JW: To begin with, why don't you tell us a little bit about your early life? You did start out in Ogden, right? RVH: Yes, I was born in Ogden on April 15, 1937 at the good old Dee Hospital, which was then on 24th and Harrison. My family lived in west Ogden. I come from an immigrant family; Dutch on my father's side and Danish on my mother's. We lived there with my grandfather actually. I like to say, we had a compound, you know like the Kennedys, and we had an aunt here and an aunt there. We had about three houses on the street, and that's where we lived until I was ten years old. I went to the Hopkins school, which is named after a man who was superintendent of schools in Ogden. Mister or Doctor I don't know, but his name is Hopkins. My dad worked for the railroad and mother started teaching again five years after I was born. I was in grade six when we moved to Cohen Street above Harrison and I went to Lorin Farr School then to Central Junior High and on to Ogden High School, and on to Weber State College. I looked around at other universities and colleges, I wasn't rejected but I thought well you know, I will spend the money somewhere in California or New York or Salt Lake City or I can put my feet under my dad's table. I could keep driving my leaded, lowered 1 Chevrolet, it was a fifty-something. Metallic blue and I didn't want to leave that behind you know, so I stayed in Ogden at Weber College. JW: And did you have any siblings? RVH: Me I'm it. They took one look at me and said that's enough. JW: So it's good that you were raised with all your aunts and cousins. RVH: Or they knew they could never do anything better, maybe that's the other way of looking at it. JW: I found and printed off your pictures in the 1956 and 1957 yearbooks and your pictures from Sigma. (App. 1-4; 1956 Acorn and 1957 Acorn) RVH: Yes. We are still playing with Sigma through to this day. We have regular meetings going again. We meet once a month. We have lunches and twice per year bring our mates. Not too many turn out, but we are working on it. JW: The move of the Weber campus from 25th Street to Harrison took place in 1954 and you attended campus in the fall of 1955, so where did you attend class? RVH: I was on both campuses. JW: Really? RVH: We all were back then. I wasn't on the lower campus much, you had to take PE down there I guess, so I did take PE classes on 25th Street. I can't recall anything else on that campus, I guess drama, but I didn't do anything with that. I was mostly on the upper campus by far. You could go early then and park right in front. I thought why not, so I would take my books and park right in front and crack the book open and that way you got to see the girls go by and your friends and everybody else too. 2 JW: So were there four buildings? RVH: There were those original four yes, and then we had something very famous call the TUB (Temporary Union Building). I did an article on the TUB. JW: Oh did you? RVH: The alumni association asked for some stories and I did one on my experience with the TUB and professor Sheldon Hayes. I took piano lessons from his wife, so I knew the family, I think they were from Brigham City. My mother knew them, and my grades were getting worse and worse in his class because I was stopping in at the TUB for coffee and conversation. It was a big deal to drink coffee there. I was that immature, as were several of us. So Sheldon Hayes took me aside and told me I better quite spending so much time playing "Joe College" and get with the program. I don't know to this day how he knew. My point of the story is that it shows how good our professors were, they did take care of us and they really did watch over us. JW: That seems to be an ongoing theme I hear from everyone. So what courses did you take your first year in 1955? RVH: Well that's a little harder. I was filling groups because I hadn't declared a major yet. I like languages, so I took Spanish and there was never a nicer old gentleman than Victor Hancock who taught Spanish and other languages. He noted my language interest and gave me a couple books and encouraged me along the way. I already knew some Dutch, so I knew what language learning was about, and I took some Spanish in high school and junior high. So Spanish was part of the deal and I took English and that I liked very much because I liked 3 to write. I had Bob Mikkelsen among others and he was very good I thought. He must have been around 38 or early40's, I don't know, but a young guy and someone I could relate to. They were all helpful to us. We had a really good program at Ogden High. It was an outstanding high school I think, but still we were just kids and immature. They knew that. I know now they knew that then, but we didn't know that then. They were really helping us along. You thought you wrote something brilliant and then Mikkelsen says, "Well you know, this isn't spelled right and that is a dangling participle." You didn't know as much as you thought you did. Let me just add, when I went down to the U (University of Utah), they used to say things like, "You will lose credits when you transfer from Weber." I did not lose one credit, it all transferred. It was good to know that the U had that much respect for us. JW: So back then, were most of the students attending Weber people that you had maybe gone to high school with? RVH: A lot of them were, yes, but I got to know some of the people from other high schools and that was nice too. I notice now when I go out with friends who went straight to BYU (Brigham Young University) or Utah, they don't know anybody at Weber, and I enjoy those relationships with the guys we knew back then. I know the president or the head of this department or this student or Sigma; it was good for me to be there. JW: What kind of activities did Sigma do while you were there? RVH: Oh we would have kegs. We had a stripper once. I believe our president of Sigma had to go in and explain that situation. We had some guys who had 4 returned from Korea and they weren't quick to take any flack. They ran Sigma for the most part and they weren't about to put up with this baby stuff. First of all they said we would have no initiations, like drowning us in reservoirs or waterboarding or anything like that. We were men, so when you got your bid to Sigma you were proud to be a man. We would go see a naughty movie and have a beer. You always had to have a keg that was big stuff. JW: So were you the "wild fraternity" on campus? RVH: Well yes. I read the blurb in here (yearbook) this morning, but I haven't read it for years. We were known for that and we did a lot of good too, so we were also do-gooders, but sometimes it got a little carried away I guess. We had our annual pajama dance and we all wore ten layers under the pajamas, but some of the guys are saying we didn't. However, I think I'm right on that, I don't think those mothers were letting those girls go out of the house… JW: Without several layers on? RVH: Well yes. We had those mothers where you know, you drove up after a date and they flicked the lights off and on when you were sitting in the car. Damn that was annoying, you would always park further down the street. JW: So were those most of your activities? I mean you guys were having fun, but I know you were doing good things because I think that was the point of the fraternity, to contribute back to the school right? RVH: Yes well, I wasn't in athletics but I was a music major when I started. I was a voice major, so I did some of that choir stuff and singing, and then I dropped that major along the line for different reasons. 5 JW: Who was your choir director while you were there? RVH: Mr. Hanson was there and Roland Parry, it was hard to beat [that level of musicianship] anywhere. Let me get this right, his wife Helen I'm pretty sure was the daughter of James E. Talmage, who was one of the best known authorities of the Mormon Church, ever. He was really an intellectual man and it turned out she was gifted herself, and so she came from that line of people. Parry was from the local Parry family who were here long ago and owned a lot in Ogden. He was a musician and teacher of some note. He wrote "All Faces West," the story of the Mormons coming here. He knew, because he met him in New York, Igor Gorin the baritone, who was not ever known well enough during his lifetime. That has been recognized since, but I knew Igor Gorin because I sang in a choir as a nobody at the age of 15 or 16. He let me speak to him in his trailer and that was fun because I was so interested in vocal training. I would ask, "What do you drink before you sing in this dry climate?" but we are off the subject I guess. JW: Well, that is interesting to me because we do have some Igor Gorin pictures and a few items about him left over from Roland Parry in the archives. RVH: It's hard to get a recording though isn't it? The Parry family does have records, but I don't know if or how they have released them. JW: As far as the social activities you are involved with, you enjoyed singing, and were you involved in the musical productions the college put on? RVH: Well, I was involved a little bit with music, but, I'll tell you one guy I sang with was Heber Jentzsch, who is the president of the Church of Scientology International. He had a marvelous voice and I think he went to Las Vegas as a bar singer, it's 6 hard to get employment, there's competition out there. He came from a polygamist family actually, and I don't think he would mind me saying this, that's just how it was. I was trying to think of where we had our school dances, that was always big stuff, the proms, the dances, kings and queens. JW: We already mentioned the TUB. I wondered if there was more to the TUB socially? RVH: The TUB was fairly big in my life because you'd go up there and you could have a snack or coffee and that was new, you can't do that in high school. That was kind of fun, I guess that made you feel grown up or like a real college guy. JW: Did they hold other activities there in the TUB? RVH: I don't think it was big enough. It was one of those government buildings which we had around Ogden from way after the war and it had been moved to the campus. Temporary did mean temporary and it went away. You know some of these things they have called temporary, like down at the U, and they are still there. JW: There isn't anybody that we've ever talk to that didn't have great things to say about the TUB and so it must have just been such a big deal. RVH: Well you couldn't study there very well because people were banging dishes and what not, but you went there and talked and had coffee I suppose. JW: So what was the dating scene like back then? RVH: Well you know, not much different I would say. It was the day of going steady right? 7 JPH: Getting pinned. RVH: Right, getting pinned. I guess we did some of that. I never did any pinning so I don't know. JW: So you kept your Sigma pins to yourself? RVH: Yes, well you had steady girlfriends and that sort of thing and that was big, but it caused too much trouble and concern when you went steady and would date somebody else, then you weren't steady anymore. There was a time when I thought I was steady, and I wasn't steady its turns out, but I think you're sort of stuck with one girl. JW: Was there a lot of group dating or a lot of friends hanging out together? RVH: Well yes, you hung out together, but you went with your girlfriend. Well I don't know, there were two or three girls that I was sort of steady with no matter what, that means eight dates or something, but I was just a little nerdy kid from Ogden High. I wasn't one of those cool guys from Korea, boy we thought they were really men you know. JW: Oh the ones that had been to war? RVH: Yes, and they had let us into their fraternity, wow. JW: So who was your favorite professor? RVH: Oh I guess I would have to say Jennings Olson. Jennings Olson knew about as much as any man I've ever known. JW: So did you have him your second year? RVH: All I could. JW: Really? 8 RVH: Yes. I would have private talks with him because he said things that I didn't hear in the church for example. He was so prepared he would write his whole outline of his lecture on the boards just after he walked in and then go through those points. He really introduced me to that stuff big time; philosophers and people that I had never even heard of. If you're receptive to that, as I was and I'm still very receptive to that, it was just mind boggling. I mean I'm still talking about it and I'm seventy-six. I saw him a few times after my Weber days. I would come home and visit my mother for example and he would be outside exercising and walking. He had polio when he was a boy and he started weight lifting. He did everything in his power to overcome that limp he had. He was as strong as an ox and he would win weight lifting competitions in the state. Besides his intellectual accomplishments, he had built a special room on his house for his weights and equipment. I've known people who have lifted with him and they say he was fantastic. He was very helpful to us meatheads. He would make time for you with all the intellectual ability he had. I often wondered why he didn't go somewhere else, which may be in your mind but I don't know, I absolutely don't know. He was not respected in the community because he was very anti-Mormon. He thought it was nonsense and that doesn't make you too popular at Weber State in 1955 because everybody else is involved with the church, or at least most of them were. Weber is very different that way now in having broadened the backgrounds of the people they hire. So he offended a lot of people just by being. 9 I thought they were all pretty good. People like Robert S. Mikkelsen in English. They had a man named H.E.D. Redford, no relation to Robert, but he was an actor and taught the drama and theater, he was outstanding. Thatcher Allred was a fine professor, a very knowledgeable man. I didn't take art, but a good friend of mine did, and the art people were as good as any. You go to the U, or you go somewhere else, and you have other professors then you can compare. I've been to school in Europe, I've been to the University of Zurich, I went to the University of Madrid, the University of Seville and I went to the University of New York at Albany. I never had anybody superior to, not even equal to Jennings Olson. Now he didn't know languages. I've had professors who knew maybe five or six languages, but I never had anyone better as a teacher. Maybe Dr. Paul Wyler at the U. There are some of these famous people around Brewster Ghesilin was one down there, a writing teacher, but we're talking about Weber. JW: So did you know President Miller? RVH: I did, my family knew President Miller, and he was superintendent in the Weber District before he went to Weber State. I remember when he came to our house, I was probably five, and he asked my mother to come back to teaching. He said, "We have got to have you." He came to our house! So, I got dragged along sort of at an early age and played behind the piano because I wasn't supposed to be there I guess. She taught out in west Weber, and that was quite a drive, do you know where that is? JW: Well I guess I'm thinking out past Marriott-Slaterville? 10 RVH: Yes, out there. So yes, President Miller and his wife had four daughters and were highly respected here. I was interested to learn when I taught at Clearfield High, the principal there, Joseph Cook was a good friend of his, and they both went to the Weber Academy, and it was a big deal that you drove all day to get into Ogden I guess. So those two men, well Cook didn't have a doctorate, but he had a masters, that's pretty high education back then for the rural communities. A lot of being a good teacher, principal or superintendent is common sense anyway and Miller had that. Miller was a scholar and a gentleman and a very nice man. JW: So how did he interact with the students? I mean you knew him on a personal level, but what about the regular student. RVH: Well yes that's true, somewhat I did. I thought he interacted well, but not in the way some do. He wasn't among us every day and walking around or anything. He was receptive and listened to you, helped you, warned you, and put up with things like Sigma. Some professors wanted to drive us off the campus with whips, and with our beer in our cups. JW: What kind of diversity was there on campus? RVH: I don't think there was any diversity back then, but it began to change rapidly starting about then. Some of the best students I knew at Ogden High came over to Weber. I was sort of surprised, some went off, but it was a money issue. If they could afford to go to Colorado, or California, some of the very best scholars went to places like Columbia. I could name names but I won't, or Stanford maybe we had one go to Stanford I don't know. 11 JW: So was there any kind of political activity going on on campus? RVH: Not really back then. I go over there now and I enjoy it cause I see these kids and they are every color and their hair is kinky or straight, and some of them are smoking cigarettes right outside doors as close as they are allowed to stand, and they are just fun. And then inside they have this cause and that cause, and I would go up and read their causes so I can take a piece of candy or whatever they are offering there. There's always somebody there it seems to me every time I go over there. Then they are grabbing coffee there at Starbucks, that's a cut up from the TUB. JW: Are you still involved with Weber? RVH: Well yes, I'm on the AHA Committee, the Arts and Humanities Advisory with Dean Madonne Miner, who is one of the people who has come fresh to the college without local baggage. Not that local baggage is all bad but you have to have some variety and she's part of that. We do a lot with Weber. We go to some of the plays and concerts and some of the things are in people's homes. We support them quite a bit. JW: And so why did you return back to Ogden? RVH: Well I returned because it was home and I was happy here. My mother was here and she was alone because I am an only child as we mentioned earlier, and she was getting older and it was harder to get around, and I wanted to be closer to her to help her out. It was time to retire somewhere and we could have stayed where we were, Judy liked it more than I did, but it was a very nice place to be. We looked at houses here for a while and we found this house and Judy liked the 12 house a lot, and it was okay with me. Sometimes we say, this is really mean I guess, but we say we live here because it's closer to Salt Lake. We came back and I felt real good about that because we were here three years before Mother died and I was really glad I was here. JW: Is there anything that we haven't covered? RVH: Probably. JW: Anything that you would like to talk about, about Weber and your days there? RVH: I'm concerned that Weber can hold onto that now. Weber keeps selling itself this way, as a place that cares for students and so on. I've seen a lot of evidence of that. I have taught some classes there in Spanish for example with Tom Mathews and sat in on some other classes. I observe professors if I'm over there in the halls and they are greeting students and so on, some more than others. I think that still does exist even though classes are bigger and you can't know everybody like you could back then. We probably really did know just about everybody but that is harder and harder and it is a problem as the place gets bigger. We've got the other campus now, but I think that special care for certain students who really need it is good. You know we used to call Weber, Harrison High as it was just an extension of high school. Ogden High was much bigger and seemed to be more sophisticated to me than maybe Weber was. Everybody went to school there; the wealthiest kids in town, the poorest kids in town, so Weber was different than that, but I don't know how you hold onto that. I have gone to school many places, 13 but I never saw more of that than I have here, caring for students. So how do you hold onto that? JW: I don't know. I earned my bachelors at Weber and I felt the same way and it wasn't that long ago. I think for the face-to-face courses, the professors are still the same way and just as involved with the students as the students would like them to be. I think the real issue, because I teach online classes, I think that's where some of that is starting to come in. When you have online classes it's really hard to build a rapport with someone you have never met face-to-face. There's no way we cannot move in that direction, we have to, in order to remain competitive, but I do think that is the place where we are starting to lose that close rapport with students. RVH: I have seen students, like with Tom, and he will tell me, "Oh she is married and she's got three kids, or this guy just came back from here and he works over there," and he knows and he doesn't just walk out the door. I've had these guys they walk in, look at their clock, start the lecture, then walk out, and I haven't seen that at Weber. JW: I've never experienced that at weber. JPH: Well you know, having gone to Stanford, and I'm two years ahead of him academically, I did know a couple of professors. Actually one was William Scowcroft, who's from Ogden originally. I was a creative writing major and I knew Wallace Stegner and my freshmen Western Civilization professor, but the rest of them didn't know you from a hot rock, they didn't have any interest in knowing you. I mean when I go back to reunions, and I love the people I went to 14 college with, there are 1500 people in my class. Obviously I didn't know everyone, but it's so different from the way he is describing this experience where the professors actually knew you. I mean I had classes with 300 people in them. RVH: Maybe Weber doesn't want to grow that much anyway. I know we've talked to the new president about this very thing, and he likes that about Weber. JW: Right, and he comes from the U which has their share of walk-in, walk-out professors. RVH: Yes, he has a prestigious background, but I still think he is down to earth and will mingle. JW: He is new to us, and it's always hard to move from one president to another one. However, I've been impressed with the events that I've gone to and having talked to him I think he's going to do a good job. RVH: Ann Millner has awfully big shoes to step into; I've never seen anybody give more than she did to the job. JW: She was nonstop. RVH: She could tell you about an injured football player, how he was recovering, and in the next minute talk about next year's budget in the drama department. She was just up on stuff like that, all the time, everything that happened. JW: Right, and that's the thing, it's hard to fill a previous president's shoes, but I think that he is going to do okay. He seems to be sliding in pretty easily and he really has shown his face all over campus, which is appreciated. I mean if they're not walking into your building and they are not paying attention, then people notice. 15 RVH: I tease him about about that. I say, do you know my name? JPH: His mother went to Skidmore. RVH: Yes, his mother went to Skidmore, so he got me back. JPH: Which is where Ralph taught. RVH: He asked, "Did you teach my mother?" and I said, "Thanks, thanks a lot." JW: Well good, he has a sense of humor then. RVH: Yes, he does, it's real subtle. JW: Yes, you have to catch it. Well, unless there's something else you would like to add, I think we've covered your time at Weber, and I know you're still involved. RVH: Yes, and for ten years we worked with school accreditation. Mainly in Utah, but internationally as well, so schools from New York to Bangkok. That was something that Weber can help prepare you for too. You have so many experiences during your life, but they all add up. We got to see some good teaching and some bad teaching in that experience too. One or two were colleges, so again you compare Weber in the mix. JW: Well we appreciate being able to come here and appreciate our time with you. It has been really interesting. I love that every story is different and yet they all come back to this warmth for Weber that most people don't feel for their alma mater, so it's nice to hear. RVH: In the last three years I have finished and published a book and an anti-Nazi magazine published in Chile by the Germans who fled their homeland. Judy and I wrote a second one as well. I was pleased that Weber's Radio Station student 16 personnel were very helpful in giving me interview time (i.e., same old spirit of cooperation). By the way, no married couple should write a book together—the marriage did survive. 17 1 Appendix 2 3 4

L'attività di ricerca nell'ambito del Dottorato di ricerca "Persone, imprese e lavoro: dal diritto interno a quello internazionale" ha consentito di studiare ed approfondire una tematica nuova del diritto internazionale, ossia "La responsabilità delle imprese multinazionali per crimini internazionali". Il progetto di ricerca è stato strutturato su tre parti dedicate rispettivamente alla soggettività giuridica delle imprese multinazionali, ai diversi profili di responsabilità che possono essere riferiti alle imprese multinazionali e, infine, alla responsabilità penale che può essere loro contestata. Per quanto riguarda il primo capitolo, "L'impresa multinazionale come realtà multiforme", l'analisi si è concentrata principalmente sulla nozione di impresa multinazionale e sul relativo problema dell'ammissibilità della personalità giuridica di diritto internazionale delle imprese multinazionale. Il profilo definitorio è stato oggetto di un iter argomentativo che si è mosso lungo l'analisi delle fonti di diritto internazionale e il modus operandi delle imprese multinazionali. Alla luce di ciò, l'indagine definitoria si è conclusa propendendo per una nozione di impresa multinazionale che va specificata in concreto attraverso i suoi elementi costitutivi. In definitiva, l'impresa multinazionale è un'organizzazione che esercita la sua attività produttiva in Paesi diversi da quello di origine avvalendosi di aziende affiliate, che, seppure sono qualificate come satelliti delle imprese multinazionali, sono dotate di personalità giuridica e di autonomia giuridica. Risolto il problema definitorio, l'indagine si è concentrata su una problematica complessa, che ha sollecitato l'intervento della dottrina più autorevole. Al di là del dibattito dottrinario che ne è scaturito, attualmente si potrebbe propendere per la personalità giuridica delle imprese multinazionali. Il riconoscimento che ne è derivato è stato determinato da una serie di "criteri sintomatici". Valga a titolo esemplificativo il riferimento alla loro partecipazione nei procedimenti giurisdizionali ed arbitrali al fine di garantire i diritti riconosciuti (esempio significativo si può indicare nell'istituzione dell'Iran-United States Claims Tribunal risalente al 1981, che è stato oggetto del Rapporto dell'Alto Commissario per i diritti umani delle Nazioni Unite, ove è stato dichiarata in modo esplicito la colpevolezza dell'impresa multinazionale che si mostra tollerante ovvero ignora i fatti criminali riservati ai diritti umani.). Il primo capitolo è introduttivo del secondo capitolo dal titolo "La disciplina giuridica internazionale dell'attività delle imprese multinazionali". La seconda parte della tesi ha avuto ad oggetto un ambito di indagine piuttosto esteso, che non è stato di difficile inquadramento in quanto le problematiche sottese hanno trovato adeguate risposte attraverso l'intervento dottrinario, ma soprattutto attraverso l'intervento della giurisprudenza e l'operato del legislatore. L'attività delle imprese multinazionali si lega inesorabilmente con la tematica della responsabilità sociale delle imprese multinazionali (indicato con l'acronimo inglese CSR, Corporate Social Responsability). Gli unici strumenti in grado di fornire un'adeguata risposta sanzionatoria alle condotte delle imprese multinazionali si possono rinvenire nei Codici di Condotta, anche detti codici etici. Gli esempi più rilevanti di Codici di Condotta, che sono stati oggetto di una puntuale analisi, sono da riscontrare nella Dichiarazione Tripartita dell'OIL sulle imprese multinazionali e la politica sociale (1977/2000/2006), nelle Guidelines dell'OCSE destinate alle imprese multinazionali (2000/2011) e nel Global Compact delle Nazioni Unite (2000/2010). Per ragioni di completezza sistematica, il secondo capitolo ha tenuto conto anche dei c.d. Codici di Condotta privati, quali documenti volontariamente sottoscritti dalle imprese multinazionali raggruppanti norme e principi non vincolanti tesi a disciplinare la condotta sul mercato delle stesse imprese. Resta da prendere in esame la parte centrale della tesi che si incentra sulla responsabilità internazionale delle imprese multinazionali per i crimini internazionali. Il terzo, il quarto e il quinto capitolo sono il cuore della tesi di dottorato, che si riferiscono ad un ambito del diritto internazionale inesplorato e su cui si concentrano le numerose perplessità della dottrina nazionale ed internazionale. L'attività di ricerca ha seguito un determinato filo d'indagine tenendo anche conto che il progetto di ricerca si inserisce nel ciclo di dottorato dal Titolo "Persone, imprese e lavoro: dal diritto interno al diritto internazionale". In altri termini, l'indagine ha tenuto conto della penale responsabilità delle imprese multinazionali partendo dalla normativa interna dell'ordinamento italiano, che com'è noto è segnata dal d.lgs. n. 231 del 2001. Al di là della scelta strutturale che segna il terzo, il quarto e il quinto capitolo, è bene precisare che la responsabilità penale delle imprese multinazionali è stata definita dal presunto ambito operativo. Difatti, l'indagine si è concentrata principalmente sull'ammissibilità della responsabilità penale delle imprese multinazionali per i crimini internazionali, sugli elementi tipizzanti il fatto illecito e sul relativo disvalore penale. E' bene precisare che i crimini internazionali sono, generalmente, di esclusiva competenza della Corte penale internazionale, salva l'applicazione del noto principio della giurisdizione penale universale. In tal modo si garantisce l'intervento giurisdizionale anche dei Tribunali interni, che possono sindacare la illiceità della condotta offensiva. In astratto, non vi sarebbero ostacoli a riconoscere la responsabilità penale delle imprese multinazionali per i crimini internazionali. Ma, in concreto, le perplessità persistono. Il primo problema che è stato affrontato attiene alla copertura normativa. L'analisi ha consentito di comporre un adeguato sostrato normativo, partendo dalla bozza dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale e da autorevole dottrina e completando con il rapporto del 2013 del Segretario Generale delle Nazioni Unite. Quindi, il problema attinente alla copertura normativa è stato risolto, ma ciò che ha destato immediate difficoltà è stata l'individuazione degli elementi costitutivi della responsabilità penale delle imprese multinazionali e, di conseguenza, l'imputazione diretta della violazione dei diritti umani. La responsabilità delle imprese multinazionali per crimini internazionali, attualmente, si può risolvere in un duplice modo: 1. non intervenire con lo strumento sanzionatorio, ma ciò vorrebbe dire lasciare impunite le condotte delle imprese multinazionali; 2. riferire la condotta delle imprese multinazionali allo Stato ospite. In questo secondo caso, sono ben note le conseguenza che derivano, basti considerare che l'illecito internazionale materialmente lesivo dei diritti degli individui è subordinato alla giurisdizione dello Stato che ne è autore. Invece, per quanto concerne il primo profilo si corre il rischio di fare andare impunite le condotte delle imprese multinazionali violando indirettamente il principio di legalità e direttamente i principi sottesi alla comunità internazionale. In altri termini, se il sistema di diritto internazionale non aziona gli strumenti previsti dalla normativa sopra esaminata a tutela dei diritti umani si può determinare una doppia violazione a danno di quest'ultimi. Di conseguenza, l'esigenza di attivare strumenti idonei previsti dall'ordinamento internazionale ha fatto sì che si possa utilizzare uno strumento idoneo a riscontrare la diretta imputabilità delle imprese multinazionali, ossia l'interpretazione estensiva . E' noto che il sistema penale ripudia l'analogia, ma allo stesso tempo consente l'interpretazione estensiva . Avvalendosi dell'interpretazione estensiva l'interprete può adoperare gli strumenti che sono contenuti nel Progetto 2001, ove si tiene conto della responsabilità dello Stato. Di conseguenza, anche per le imprese multinazionali sarà possibile riscontrare, a seguito dell'interpretazione estensiva, la sussistenza degli elementi costitutivi del fatto illecito. Pertanto, si configura anche in capo alle imprese multinazionali l'elemento oggettivo della violazione delle norme internazionali e l'elemento soggettivo attinente alla diretta imputazione del comportamento antigiuridico. In tal modo entrambi gli elementi sono riconducibili direttamente alla condotta delle imprese multinazionali, che, come più volte chiarito, può essere intesa come una condotta attiva ovvero una condotta omissiva. In altri termini, la condotta può essere attiva quando le imprese violano direttamente per un profitto proprio le disposizioni di legge a tutela dei diritti umani determinando effetti incidenti sugli individui, che sono collocati stabilmente nell'area ove operano le imprese multinazionali; invece, la condotta è omissiva, quando le imprese multinazionali omettono di adottare le misure di prevenzione (che potrebbero corrispondere ai c.d. compliance programs) finalizzate a ridurre o eliminare le conseguenze offensive derivanti dalla loro condotta a danno dei diritti umani. In definitiva, accertato che l'attività delle imprese multinazionali è coperta normativamente da atti delle organizzazioni internazionali e ritenuta ammissibile l'interpretazione estensiva degli elementi essenziali costitutivi del fatto illecito dello Stato, le imprese multinazionali possono essere responsabili per i crimini internazionali. In conclusione, la soluzione positiva offerta è stata frutto di una ricostruzione che ha preso le mosse principalmente dagli esempi degli ordinamenti nazionali e ha trovato la sua ratio nella bozza dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale, ma nonostante ciò la scelta incriminatrice non vuole essere esaustiva di una tematica che dispone di un notevole ambito operativo e che è risultata essere connessa con diversi fattori (economici, politi e sociali) non sempre di facile comprensione. ; The research activities within the framework of the PhD "People, businesses or jobs: domestic law to the international" made it possible to study and discuss a new subject of international law, i.e. "the responsibility of transnational corporations for international crimes". The research project has been structured on three sections devoted respectively to legal subjectivity of various MNEs liability profiles that may be related to transnational corporations and, finally, the criminal liability that may be disputed. As regards the first chapter, "The multinational enterprise as a multiform reality", the analysis focused primarily on the notion of multinational enterprise and its problem of eligibility of legal personality under international law of multinational enterprises. The Definitory profile has been the subject of an argumentative process that moved along the analysis of sources of international law and the modus operandi of the multinational companies. In light of this, the survey definition ended inclinations for a notion of multinational enterprise must be specified in concrete terms through its constituent elements. Ultimately, the multinational firm is an organization that carries on his production activity in countries other than the country of origin through affiliated companies, which, although they are classified as satellites of multinational companies, have legal personality and legal autonomy. Fixed issue Definitory, the investigation has focused on a complex issue, which has prompted the intervention of the most authoritative doctrine. On the other side of the debate that has been doctrinaire, currently you might lean towards the legal personality of multinational enterprises. The recognition that resulted was determined by a series of "symptomatic criteria". It is not limited to the reference to their participation in court proceedings and arbitral tribunals to ensure that the statutory rights (example you can indicate in the establishment of the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal dating from 1981, which was the subject of the report of the High Commissioner for human rights of the United Nations, where it has been explicitly declared guilty of multinational enterprise that is tolerant or ignores the facts private human rights criminals.). The first chapter is an introduction to the second chapter entitled "international legal regulation of the activities of transnational corporations". The second part of the thesis had such a scope object of investigation rather extended, which was not difficult to monitor because the underlying problems have found adequate responses through a doctrinaire, but especially through the intervention of the law and the work of the legislature. The activity of multinational enterprises is bound inexorably with the issue of social responsibility of multinational companies (referred to by the acronym CSR, Corporate Social responsibility). The only instruments capable of providing an adequate response to the conduct of disciplinary multinational enterprises can be found in the codes of conduct, also called ethical codes. The most important examples of codes of conduct, which were the subject of a detailed analysis, are to be found in the ILO Tripartite Declaration on multinational enterprises and social policy (1977/2000/2006), in the OECD Guidelines for multinational enterprises (2000-2011) and the United Nations Global Compact (2000/2010). For the sake of completeness, the second chapter systematically took account also of the so-called private codes of conduct, which documents voluntarily undertaken by transnational corporations involving non-binding standards and principles designed to govern the conduct of business on the market. It remains to consider the central part of the thesis that focuses on international responsibility of transnational corporations for international crimes. The third, fourth and fifth chapter are at the heart of the doctoral thesis, which refer to an international law which is unexplored and concentrate the many concerns of national and international doctrine. The research activity has been following a certain thread of investigation taking into account also that the research project is part of the doctoral cycle entitled "People, businesses or jobs: domestic law with international law". In other words, the survey took account of the responsibility of the criminal multinationals from the internal legislation of the Italian law, which as you know is marked by d.lgs. No. 231 of 2001. Beyond the structural choice that marks the third, fourth and fifth chapter, it is good to point out that the criminal responsibility of transnational corporations was allegedly operating scope defined. Indeed, the investigation has focused primarily on the admissibility of criminal liability of multinational corporations to international crimes, on particular toxins the tort and criminal disvalue. It is good to point out that international crimes are, generally, the exclusive jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, without prejudice to the application of the principle of universal criminal jurisdiction. This ensures the jurisdiction of domestic Courts, which can review the unlawfulness of conduct offensive. In principle, there would be obstacles to recognise the criminal liability of multinational corporations to international crimes. But, in practice, the concerns persist. The first problem that has been addressed as far as the regulatory coverage. The analysis made it possible to compose an appropriate regulatory milieu, starting with the draft statute of the International Criminal Court and by authoritative doctrine and completing with the 2013 report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Then, the problem pertaining to legislation coverage is resolved, but what aroused immediate fix was the identification of the constituent elements of criminal responsibility of transnational corporations and, consequently, on charges of human rights violations. The responsibility of transnational corporations for international crimes, currently, you can resolve in a twofold way: 1. do not use the instrument of sanctions, but that would mean leaving unpunished the conduct of multinational enterprises; 2. report the conduct of transnational corporations to the host State. In this second case, are well known the consequence arising, suffice it to note that the international offence materially detrimental to the rights of individuals shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the State which is the author. On the other hand, as regards the first profile you run the risk of making go unpunished the conduct of multinational companies indirectly violating the principle of legality and the principles governing the international community. In other words, if the international law system propels the tools foreseen by examined above legislation protecting human rights can determine a double violation to the detriment of the latter. As a result, the need to activate suitable instruments under international law meant that we could use a suitable tool to experience the direct eligibility of multinational enterprises, i.e. the interpretation. It is known that the penal system rejects the analogy, but at the same time allows for broad interpretation. Using the interpretation the interpreter can use tools that are contained in the 2001 Draft, which takes into account the responsibility of the State. As a result, even for multinational enterprises will encounter as a result of the interpretation, the existence of the constituent elements of the tort. Therefore, it also configures in Chief for multinational enterprises the objective element of the violation of international standards and the subjective element relating to objectionable material behavior directly attributable. Thus both elements can be traced back directly to the conduct of multinational enterprises, which, as repeatedly explained, can be understood as active behaviour or conduct of omission. In other words, the conduct can be activated when companies violate directly for a profit its legal provisions for the protection of human rights, causing accident effects on individuals, who are placed firmly in the area where multinational enterprises operate; Instead, the conduct is of omission, when multinational companies fail to adopt prevention measures (which might correspond to so-called compliance programs) designed to reduce or eliminate offensive consequences resulting from their conduct to the detriment of human rights. Ultimately, ensured that the activity of multinational enterprises is covered by law from international organizations and acts deemed eligible for the interpretation of the essential elements constituting the tort State, multinational companies may be responsible for international crimes. In conclusion, the positive outcome was the result of a reconstruction that took the moves primarily by examples of national laws and found its ratio in the draft statute of the International Criminal Court, but nevertheless the choice event is not intended to be exhaustive of a subject that has significant operational and scope that was found to be connected with various factors (economicpolitical and social), not always easy to understand. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Persona, impresa e lavoro: dal diritto interno a quello internazionale (XXVI ciclo)

Almost two years since his election, as Obama's popularity continues to sink, many are left wondering what went wrong with his presidency. But before that question can be answered, a more careful consideration of the situation he inherited seems in order: two unwinnable wars, the Guantánamo legal limbo, a badly damaged international reputation and an economic crisis of a magnitude not seen since the Great Depression, during which close to ten million jobs were lost. That was the state of the country when he came to power in 2008. In two years Obama has not solved any of these problems completely, but has made headway in many of them. In the context of a slow and jobless economic recovery, and faced with a vociferous opposition which has turned down every chance at bipartisan cooperation, the question should perhaps then be how Obama's level of support among the population remains this high (43%).The President still has the backing of Democratic voters, but has lost the support of Independents. Even those who would never consider abandoning him are suffering from an "enthusiasm gap" that may affect their turnout in the November 2 mid-term elections. With unemployment still hovering around 9.5% and with little prospect of change in the near future, the disillusionment of the electorate is understandable (43% support Obama today, compared with 60% in early 2009). But it is worth pondering how much of this discontent against the party in power is derived from the failure of policy and how much from the divisive political game played by the opposition.In all fairness to Obama, shrill accusations of socialism and big government were raised against him as soon as he came to power and had to immediately address the banking, mortgage and automobile meltdowns. Acerbic Republican opposition to any measure adopted by the Executive since then, has dominated the political discourse and made it almost impossible for the Administration to present evidence that, without its actions, the economic recovery would have taken even longer. It is hard to prove a negative proposition. Republicans have had a receptive audience in the low, mostly white middle class, many of who have taken to the streets under the Tea Party banner, to fight in one voice both against government "take over" of health care and (incongruously) in defense of Medicare (the government-sponsored health program for senior citizens).There is rich irony in hearing the word "socialist" hurled as the ultimate insult to a President who has bailed out the big financial institutions and the two largest automobile industries without nationalizing them, and who has signed a health care reform bill that does not include the controversial public option, which had been the centerpiece of his planned reform but was deemed too liberal by members of his own party. But reason and logic have no role to play in the polarized political atmosphere that we are experiencing today. Emotion and fear are much more productive in the views of the opposition, to help them re-take the House and perhaps even the Senate in this fall election.Timid Democrats in the House and Senate, afraid to lose their newly acquired seats in states and districts that voted for McCain in the 2008 presidential election are also abandoning the president. A posse of four or five of Senate "Blue Dog" Democrats has helped dilute the health care legislation by removing the public option from the bill, and have taken off the table legislation to curb carbon emissions and promote green energy sources. There are different hypotheses of why Obama has been unable to maintain high support rates in spite of having had important legislative victories (TARP, Stimulus spending package, extension of unemployment benefits, health care and financial reform). Former (Clinton's) Labor Secretary Robert Reich and NY Times columnist and Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman argue that Obama's stimulus was ridiculously small, given the state of the economy in January 2009. They blame the President for not using the majorities in the House and Senate to pass bolder legislation. By compromising, Obama disappointed the liberal wing of his party, but more importantly, lost the Independents at the center, who simultaneously believed the Republican rhetoric about "Big government Socialist take over" but resented Obama's bailout of Wall Street. Contrary to the fear-mongering claims of the deficit hawks about the debt, Krugman points out that "far from fleeing US debt, investors are eagerly buying it, driving interest rates to historic lows". Reich insists that Obama missed an opportunity to push the limits of politics, establish a new framework of redistributive policies and regulations, and become a transformative president. Although this view undoubtedly has some merit, it ignores the brutal backlash against government spending that affected every Democrat in the House and Senate and made them fear for their jobs. A larger stimulus would have faced even stronger opposition from among the party's own ranks and seen some defectors. Obama is a pragmatic leader who governs as best he can, given the huge constraints of the current political context.Jay Cost from Real Politics offers a different explanation: Obama's geographic coalition was never broad enough because he failed to win the hearts and minds of middle and rural America. It is from those sectors that Independents have abandoned support for the administration in droves. In other words, Obama's major constituencies were in the major cities on the two seaboards and from the suburbs, and included Blacks, youth and university educated white professionals. Even in those cases in which they voted for Obama, white rural America, and blue collar workers never were quite convinced that he would fight for them, and the Wall Street bailout confirmed their suspicion. Underlying it all, there is, of course, the prevalent racism that permeates most sectors of American society and emerges in the form of distrust toward the Commander in Chief: Obama has to prove his loyalty to the country in ways not demanded from others. He has to pay the price of being the first Black president.A third hypothesis that is circulating among pundits is that Obama's focus on health care was misplaced, that he should have concentrated all his attention on economic recovery and job creation instead. Indeed, it was during the 2009 summer of discontent that the electorate became irreconcilably divided and that Republican-launched corrosive ads dominated the airwaves, and rumors about death panels and "pulling the plug on grandma" pervaded City Hall meetings. A general distrust of the federal government and of all incumbents inside the DC belt, while nothing new among the American electorate, re-emerged with new virulence.It is in this context that the Tea Party movement cut its teeth and started dominating the headlines. Spurred by the GOP with the intention of mobilizing the population around anti-tax, anti-federal government sentiments, the Tea-partiers launched national campaigns against all incumbents, and in the process became a voice for the profound anger, fear and frustration that the poor state of the economy and the sustained unemployment rate has caused in the population. Pleased at the frenzy stirred up by the movement, Republicans have complacently let it lead the way, exercising no restraint on their wildest propositions (see below) and allowing it to do the work for them as the voice of the opposition. This is already having unwanted consequences, as extremist Tea-party –fielded candidates from outside party ranks are challenging party insiders in gubernatorial as well as Congressional primary races.Like the eponymous rebellion that took place in Boston in 1773, the Tea Party's main philosophical thrust is against taxes, centralization of power and government overreach. Unlike it, it is also anti-immigrant. Because of the prevalent uncertainty about the economy, their discourse resonates with the electorate. To fight the federal government initiatives, they are finding their best institutional allies in the State governments, courts and legislatures. Indeed, judging by the poisonous political environment, the polarization of the electorate, and the state-based challenges to the federal government, at times it seems that only a Lincolnian figure can save America from another civil war.The so- called "States Revolution" is visible in many fronts. Five states have passed legislation against parts of the federal health reform law, and around 20 states are challenging its constitutionality through the court system. Several states legislatures are getting ready to pass laws modeled after the anti-immigration law in Arizona, which was deemed unconstitutional by a district court but has broad support in the population. It will probably end up in the Supreme Court, as challenges and counter-challenges continue. Interestingly, Obama is in fact deporting more undocumented workers than any of his predecessors, but his reform proposal would give a pathway to citizenship to these workers if they have a job, register with the US government, and pay a fine and back taxes. Immigration has been a thorny issue, with allies and foes on both sides of the aisle. After all, it was Ronald Reagan who gave amnesty to all illegal immigrants in 1986, and George Bush's proposal in 2006 was very similar to Obama's. This is hardly a philosophical issue on which the two parties diverge; it is just a populist cause that is being used by Republicans to stoke the flames of right-wing populism and racism prevalent in main sectors of the population.The backlash against undocumented workers is of such magnitude that it has come to encompass all immigrants. It has now taken the unlikely form of a movement to abolish or amend the 14th Amendment, a foundational provision dating from 1868 which grants citizenship to all born in the United States. The changing of the birth right rule is "worth considering" according to House Minority leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) because "it gives an incentive for people to come to the United States illegally to give birth here." This is outrageous pandering by the Republican Party who has always fathomed itself to be the staunchest defender of the Constitution, which they consider a sacred text to be read literally, with minimal interpretation. Such is the spirit of the times. Republican Senators Lindsay Graham and John McCain, the two most important and moderate voices on Immigration Reform have changed their positions (Mc Cain because he is facing a tough primary in his state of Arizona, against, who other, but a Tea Party candidate!) and have both agreed that it is worth a debate. This is not only unprincipled on their part, but also terrible long-term politics, since by taking this stance on immigration they are removing the possibility of regaining the support of the largest growing group of voters, namely the Hispanic or Latino population for years to come.Given the strong anti-incumbent and anti-Washington sentiment prevalent in the population, the results of the mid-term election are hard to predict because some Republicans may lose seats, too. However, the current projections of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia give the Republicans a net win of 32 seats in the House, 7 seats in the Senate (they would need 10 to become the majority) and 6-7 governor seats. The coming mid-term election is being compared to the 1994 "revolution" led by Newt Gingrich which gave Republicans a majority in both the House and Senate. Just like Obama, Clinton was an "outsider" who was handed the presidency partly thanks to his charisma, but mainly because people were disappointed at George Bush Senior, and did not re-elect him. Clinton made health care reform the centerpiece of his first term but failed to get it through Congress. He did manage to pass a controversial crime bill that included a ban on assault weapons, which the Right traditionally opposes. He also raised taxes. Republicans attacked him with an abrasive campaign in favor of lower taxes, second amendment rights and smaller government, and won. Two years later, however, with a brighter economic outlook and a pledge to balance the budget, Clinton was re-elected.But the parallel should not be exaggerated since there are many differences as well. First, Obama did pass health care reform, and that should count have some weight among his supporters, hopefully enough weight to bring them to the polls November 2. Second, the Republican Party's image was not as tarnished in 1994 as it is today, mainly because they hadn't had a majority in Congress for a long time. A New York Times/CBS News poll this past February found that 57% of those polled has negative views of the Republicans this time. The anger is aimed at Washington as a whole and this may help Democrats. The main concern of Democrats in the House and Senate today is the demographics of mid-term elections: older (over 60) white voters, who are the core group of the Tea Party movement and the most outspoken against Obama and this Congress, are also the most likely to vote in mid-term elections. And the "enthusiasm gap" on the Left may induce many Obama supporters to stay home. On the other hand, the Democratic Party learned the lesson of 1994 and is better prepared for the fight: they have been raising money from early on, setting up voters' registration campaigns and trying to mobilize the same base that brought Obama to power two years ago. They stress his activist legislative agenda and its accomplishments: financial reform, health care, extension of unemployment benefits, an energy bill that came short of cap and trade but will meet some green energy goals. More importantly, they are framing the election as a choice between going back to the policies that got the country into the Great Recession, or moving forward with the new policies of corporate responsibility, accountability and more federal supervision of financial institutions in order to avoid similar crises.However, what is clear is that the anemic state of the economy and the high and sustained unemployment rate make all other tactics irrelevant. Uncertainty rules supreme in the minds of the electorate and with it, a fear of what the future may bring and a lack of confidence in the federal government. The Republican opposition is united and vociferous and its message simple and clear: no more taxes, no more deficits, no more government intervention, close borders to immigrants and focus on private job creation through tax cuts; what the federal government won't do, states will. The President should probably counterattack in kind and engage in this ideological battle, but he is not temperamentally suited for it. He dislikes ideological arguments because he wants to be the President of all Americans, as he pledged during his campaign. The next big decision Obama needs to make is whether to let the Bush tax cuts expire after Labor Day or to extend them for two or three years. He has announced his intention to maintain them for the middle class but to end them for the wealthiest individuals, those in the highest 2% income bracket. It would bring their income tax up from 35% to 39%, not a dramatic raise but one that will be resisted strongly by the opposition. Although Obama has a good argument to make (that the $700 billion dollars thus raised would help him reduce the deficit dramatically), there is fear in Congress Democrats that a two- week debate about tax cuts will help Republicans. In a perversely cynical way, perhaps a Republican win in the congressional elections may not be a bad thing after all, and may yet help Obama: let the Republicans make his case for him, that he himself is reluctant to make. Let them stand the public scrutiny and let the public judge if they can provide better, more novel solutions to job creation, to Afghanistan, to immigration reform. A weak performance by a Republican-dominated 112th Congress, an economy that is bound to recover as it enters its next cycle, and a Palin-Huckabee ticket may still get Obama re-elected in 2012.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

La Cuarta Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer (la "Conferencia de Beijing") fue un acontecimiento histórico desde el punto de vista de las políticas, pues en ella se estableció un marco mundial de políticas para hacer progresar la igualdad de género. Trascurridos 10 años desde la Conferencia de Beijing, en marzo de 2005, la Comisión de la Condición Jurídica y Social de la Mujer de las Naciones Unidas presidió una reunión intergubernamental que tuvo lugar en Nueva York para examinar los avances alcanzados en el cumplimiento de los compromisos adquiridos en virtud de la Declaración de Beijing y la Plataforma de Acción. Este acontecimiento, conocido como "Beijing +10", tuvo un perfil decididamente bajo. Su meta no era definir una agenda, sino confirmar la agenda existente; no se proponía formular políticas, sino afirmar las existentes. La pregunta que se hacen muchos movimientos femeninos internacionales es si este evento forma parte de un esfuerzo mundial en curso a favor de la igualdad de género o si señala el deterioro de este proceso. En el presente trabajo, que se alimenta de la investigación que se hiciera para el informe de UNRISD titulado Igualdad de género: La lucha por la justicia en un mundo desigual, se reflexiona sobre la historia ambivalente de los avances que han logrado las mujeres en las últimas décadas y se examina la forma en que el entorno de políticas ha cambiado durante todo el tiempo transcurrido desde que se celebrara el evento que ha constituido el punto culminante de los movimientos femeninos mundiales. A partir de una serie de indicadores utilizados comúnmente para medir el "avance de la mujer", el documento sostiene que el historial de logros en materia de igualdad de género es más ambivalente y las influencias causales más diversas y menos unidireccionales de lo que en ocasiones se supone. También se indica que las políticas de desarrollo tienen un importante papel que desempañar para garantizar la obtención de resultados y que la primera fase de las reformas estructurales (que datan desde principios de los años 80) fue en muchos sentidos negativa para la mujer. En los 10 años transcurridos desde la Conferencia de Beijing, se han dado algunos cambios importantes en la política de desarrollo internacional y una valoración cada vez mayor de la necesidad de formular políticas sensibles a la cuestión de género. Para finales de los años 80, el "fundamentalismo de mercado" y la terapia de choque habían perdido buena parte de su atractivo, abriendo así espacio para nuevas ideas y enfoques sobre políticas y prácticas de desarrollo. El creciente descontento con los efectos sociales de las reformas y las críticas que han formulado importantes economistas de las instituciones financieras internacionales (IFI) han generado un cambio de políticas que con frecuencia se denomina el "Consenso post-Washington". Las nuevas políticas han demostrado una disposición a brindar mayor atención a las inquietudes sociales y políticas, lo cual puede constatarse en conceptos como "capital social" y "buen gobierno". La política social y, en especial, la reducción de la pobreza lograron ascender en la escala de prioridades internacionales durante los años 90. No obstante, tras este aparente consenso que se forjase en torno al vocabulario compartido de "pobreza" y "protección social", existen interpretaciones encontradas de la política social en razón de las diferencias en cuanto a los valores, prioridades y visiones de la responsabilidad del Estado. Existen serias preocupaciones sobre si se está brindando o pueden brindarse opciones sostenibles para superar la pobreza en un contexto donde no existen medidas apropiadas de creación de empleos y de regeneración regional. Habida cuenta de que la mayor parte de la responsabilidad por el trabajo doméstico no remunerado recae sobre la mujer y que tiene menos acceso al dinero y a las oportunidades de generación de ingresos, es probable que la redefinición de la responsabilidad del Estado y el papel preponderante conferido a las fuerzas de mercado incidan negativamente sobre el tiempo y el acceso de la mujer a los beneficios sociales. El retiro del fundamentalismo de mercado ha permitido una rehabilitación parcial de la función del Estado como actor protagónico en el desarrollo, y se ha enfatizado el "buen gobierno" a través de la democracia, la participación, la descentralización y la integración de la sociedad. Una interpretación integral de la agenda del "buen gobierno" abarcaría la liberalización política, la participación, los derechos humanos y atender los problemas de desigualdad social como parte del compromiso fundamental con la democracia. Esta agenda comprendería cuestiones como la legitimidad del Estado y problemas de capacidad y rendición de cuentas que los movimientos sociales y los movimientos femeninos han confrontado durante décadas. Si bien las reformas de la gobernanza pueden y deben atender las cuestiones relativas a la legitimidad del gobierno y la participación pública de los grupos socialmente marginados, tales reformas se han visto frecuentemente dominadas por una preocupación más limitada. De allí que, si bien la reciente atención que han prestado los donantes al "buen gobierno" es un acontecimiento positivo, mucho depende de cómo se interprete tal hecho. Una buena parte depende de si, por un lado la democratización de la política y la participación de los grupos sociales marginados se entienden como parte integral de los objetivos de la reforma y se incorporan al cambio institucional y, por otro lado, si la reducción de las desigualdades sociales y de género figura entre los principios fundamentales que orientan el programa de transformación institucional del Estado. Existen algunos aspectos del actual clima político internacional que limitan las posibilidades de que esto se cristalice, a saber, el aumento del poder político de las fuerzas conservadoras en los Estados Unidos y otros países y los sucesos del 11 de septiembre. Aunque el primero de estos hechos ha llevado a la adopción, por parte de Estados Unidos y con el apoyo de las fuerzas religiosas, de políticas conservadoras en cuanto a los derechos reproductivos y sexuales de la mujer, el último ha llevado a que se preste más atención y se asigne más financiamiento a la "seguridad", en detrimento del desarrollo y los derechos humanos. En este trabajo se analizan la forma en que estos cambios en la política y el clima político internacionales en la última década han propulsado el surgimiento de nuevos problemas y desafíos para quienes participan en los movimientos femeninos mundiales. ; The 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women (the "Beijing conference") was a landmark in policy terms, setting a global policy framework to advance gender equality. Ten years after Beijing, in March 2005, the UN's Commission on the Status of Women presided over an intergovernmental meeting in New York to review the progress achieved on the commitments made in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. This "Plus Ten" event was decidedly low key. Its aim was not agenda setting but agenda confirming; not policy formulation, but policy affirmation. Whether it proves to be part of an ongoing worldwide movement in support of gender equality, or whether it marks the decline of that process, is a question that many in international women's movements are asking. This paper, drawing on research undertaken for the UNRISD report, Gender Equality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal World, reflects on the ambivalent record of progress achieved by women over the last decades and considers how the policy environment has changed over the period since the high point of the global women's movements. Drawing on a number of commonly employed indicators of "women's progress", the paper argues that the record of achievement regarding gender equality is more ambivalent, and the causal influences more diverse and less unidirectional than is sometimes assumed. It also argues that development policies have an important role to play in securing outcomes, and that the first phase of the structural reforms (dating from the early 1980s) was in many respects negative for women. In the ten years since the Beijing Conference there have been some significant shifts in international development policy along with a growing appreciation of the need to develop gender aware policies. By the end of the 1980s, "market fundamentalism" and shock therapy had lost much of their appeal, opening up a space for new ideas and approaches in development policy and practice. Growing discontent over the social effects of the reforms, as well as criticism from leading economists in the international financial institutions have brought about a policy shift, which is sometimes referred to as the "post- Washington Consensus". The new policies have shown a willingness to give social and political concerns greater attention, expressed under indicative headings such as "social capital" and "good governance". Social policy and, in particular, poverty relief moved up the scale of international priorities in the 1990s. But behind the apparent consensus forged by a shared vocabulary of "poverty reduction" and "social protection", there are conflicting understandings of social policy based on different values, priorities and understandings of state responsibility. There are serious concerns over whether sustainable routes out of poverty are being provided or can be provided in the absence of appropriate job creation measures and regional regeneration. Given women's greater share of responsibility for unpaid care work and their less advantageous access to cash and income-earning opportunities, the redefinition of state responsibility and the greater role given to market forces are likely to impact adversely on their time and their access to social benefits. The retreat from market fundamentalism has seen a partial rehabilitation of the state as a significant actor in development, and emphasis has been placed on "good governance" through democracy, participation, decentralization and community ownership. A broad understanding of a "good governance" agenda would embrace political liberalization, participation and human rights, and would address problems of social inequality as part of a fundamental commitment to democracy. Such an agenda would encompass the kinds of issues of state legitimacy, capacity and accountability that social movements and women's movements have confronted for decades. Although governance reforms can and should address issues of government legitimacy and the public participation of socially excluded groups, they have often been dominated by a much narrower preoccupation. Hence, while the recent donor attention to the question of "good governance" is to be welcomed, much depends on how it is interpreted. A great deal depends on whether the democratization of politics and the participation of marginalized social groups are seen as integral to reform objectives and are embraced in institutional change; and on whether reducing social and gender inequalities are among the core principles guiding the programme of state institutional transformation. There are aspects of the current international political climate that place limits on this occurring, namely the rise to political power of conservative forces in the United States and elsewhere, and the attacks of 11 September 2001. While the first has seen the adoption by the United States of conservative policies with respect to women's reproductive and sexual rights, supported by religious forces, the latter has focused more attention and funding on "security" at the expense of development and human rights. The Paper examines how this ensemble of changing international policy and political climate over the past decade has given rise to new issues and challenges for those active in global women's movements. ; La Quatrième Conférence mondiale sur les femmes (dite "Conférence de Beijing"), tenue en 1995, a marqué un tournant en définissant dans les grandes lignes les politiques à appliquer dans le monde pour progresser vers l'égalité des sexes. Dix ans après Beijing, en mars 2005, la Commission de la condition de la femme de l'ONU a présidé une reunion intergouvernementale à New York pour examiner dans quelle mesure les engagements pris dans la Déclaration et le Programme d'action de Beijing avaient été honorés. Cette réunion "Plus 10" s'est faite résolument discrète. Son but était non pas d'établir un programme mais de le confirmer, non pas de définir des politiques mais de les réaffirmer. S'inscrit-elle dans une évolution mondiale favorable à l'égalité des sexes ou marque-t-elle le déclin du processus? C'est une question que beaucoup se posent dans les mouvements féminins internationaux. Ce document, qui s'inspire de recherches effectuées pour le rapport de l'UNRISD, Egalité des sexes: En quête de justice dans un monde d'inégalités, revient sur le bilan contrasté qui a été dressé des progres accomplis par les femmes au cours des dernières décennies et étudie en quoi l'environnement politique a changé depuis ce moment fort dans la vie des mouvements féminins. Se fondant sur un certain nombre d'indicateurs couramment employés pour mesurer les "progrès des femmes", les auteurs font valoir que les réussites en matière d'égalité des sexes sont plus ambivalentes et les causes plus diverses et moins unidirectionnelles qu'on ne le suppose parfois. Elles montrent aussi que les politiques de développement contribuent largement aux résultats et que la première phase des réformes structurelles (qui remonte au début des années 80) a été, à bien des égards, néfaste pour les femmes. Au cours des dix ans qui se sont écoulés depuis la Conférence de Beijing, la politique internationale du développement a connu des revirements importants et l'on a pris conscience de la nécessité de définir des politiques prenant en compte le genre. A la fin des années 80, le "fondamentalisme marchand" et la thérapie de choc avaient perdu beaucoup de leur attrait, laissant place à des idées et approches nouvelles dans la politique et la pratique du développement. Le mécontentement croissant suscité par les répercussions sociales des réformes, ainsi que les critiques formulées par des économistes haut placés dans les institutions financières internationales (IFI) ont entraîné un changement de politique que l'on appelle souvent "l'après-Consensus de Washington". Les nouvelles politiques ont témoigné de la volonté d'accorder plus d'attention aux préoccupations sociales et politiques, qui s'est manifestée par l'emploi de titres révélateurs comme "capital social" et "bonne gouvernance". Dans les années 90, la politique sociale et, en particulier, la réduction de la pauvreté ont remonté dans l'échelle des priorités. Mais bien que l'emploi d'un vocabulaire commun, celui de la "pauvreté" et de la "protection sociale", donne l'apparence d'un consensus, la politique sociale fait l'objet de conceptions contradictoires qui reposent sur des valeurs, des priorités et des représentations différentes de la mission de l'Etat. Est-il possible d'arracher durablement des populations à la pauvreté en l'absence de mesures suffisantes de création d'emplois et de relance des régions? La question suscite de sérieuses préoccupations. Les femmes assumant une plus grand part des soins non rémunérés et ayant moins d'occasions d'être rétribuées en espèces et de percevoir un revenu, la redéfinition de la responsabilité de l'Etat et le rôle plus grand laissé au marché risquent de se traduire pour elles par une limitation de leur temps libre et un moindre accès aux avantages sociaux. Le recul du fondamentalisme marchand s'est accompagné d'une réhabilitation partielle de l'Etat comme acteur important du développement et l'accent a été mis sur une "bonne gouvernance", réalisable par la démocratie, la participation, la décentralisation et la réappropriation par la population. Un programme de "bonne gouvernance", compris au sens large, couvrirait la libéralisation politique, la participation et les droits de l'homme et amènerait à s'attaquer aux inégalités sociales comme engagement fondamental à la démocratie. Un tel programme engloberait aussi les questions de la légitimité de l'Etat, de sa capacité et de son obligation de rendre des comptes, ce que réclame les mouvements sociaux et féminins depuis des décennies. Bien que les réformes de la gouvernance puissent et doivent tenter de résoudre les questions de la légitimité gouvernementale et de la participation aux affaires publiques des groupes sociaux exclus, leur souci dominant a été souvent beaucoup moins noble. Ainsi, s'il faut se réjouir de l'attention que les donateurs accordent depuis peu à la "bonne gouvernance", encore faut-il savoir ce que l'on entend par là. La démocratisation politique et la participation des groupes sociaux marginalisés font-elles partie intégrante des objectifs de réforme et sont-elles inscrites au programme du changement des institutions? La réduction des inégalités sociales et entre les sexes figure-t-elle parmi les principes de base qui doivent guider la transformation des institutions de l'Etat? Certains aspects du climat politique international actuel, notamment l'arrivée au pouvoir de forces conservatrices aux Etats-Unis et ailleurs et les attentats du 11 septembre, freinent cette évolution. Si l'arrivée au pouvoir de forces conservatrices aux Etats-Unis a eu pour consequence l'adoption, avec l'appui de forces religieuses, de politiques conservatrices sur les questions des droits des femmes en matière de procréation et de sexualité, les attentats du 11 septembre ont focalisé l'attention et les crédits sur la "sécurité" au détriment du développement et des droits de l'homme. Les auteurs examinent comment ces différents facteurs, qui ont modifié la politique internationale et le climat politique depuis dix ans, ont été pour ceux qui militent dans les mouvements féminins à travers le monde à l'origine de nouvelles questions et difficultés.

The paper features the fi rst general description in the Russian language of two necropolises located in Campochiaro (Campobasso, Italy) – Vicenne and Morrione, dating back to the period from the last third of the 7th – the beginning of the 8th century AD. The cultural content of the necropolises refl ects their strong ties with the population of Central Asian origin. The most important feature of the necropolises are burials with a horse, corresponding to the Eurasian nomadic burial rite. The author supported the conclusions of European researchers according to which it is highly probable that the necropolises were left by the Bolgars of the duke–gashtald Alzeko, originally recorded by Paul the Deacon in the 8th century in the territories of Bojano, Sepino and Isernia. The similarities of the Campochiaro necropolises with the burials of the Avar Khaganate imply the presence of the Bolgars in the Avar society with a similar burial ritual. Out of the thousands of horse burials left by the Avar population, a large portion could have been left by the Bolgars. The Avars and Bolgars constituted the basis and ruling elite of the Khaganate. The Alzeko people were the part of the Bolgars who in 631 AD fought for the Khagan throne, which indicates the high position of the Bolgars and their large number. After the defeat, this group of the Bolgars migrated to Bavaria, Carantania and Italy. Several decades of living in the Venedian, and later in the Lombard and Roman environment resulted in the heterogeneity of the funerary inventory, but did not change the rite itself. The Bolgars of the Lombard kingdom formed a new military layer - professional cavalry, which received land plots. This equestrian squad is an early example of the European feudal military and social class which was later referred to as chivalry. ; Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. Народ Алзеко являлся той частью булгар, которая в 631 г. боролась за каганский престол, что указывает на высокое положение булгар и их большое количество. После поражения эта группа булгар мигрировала последовательно в Баварию, Карантанию и Италию. Несколько десятков лет проживания в венедской, а затем в лангобардской и романской среде привели к гетерогенности погребального инвентаря, но не изменили сам обряд. Булгары лангобардского королевства составляли новый военный слой, который представлял из себя профессиональную кавалерию, получивший землю. Эта конная дружина является ранним примером европейского феодального воинского и социального сословия, которое станет называться рыцарством. Библиографические ссылки Акимова М.С. Материалы к антропологии ранних болгар // Генинг В.Ф., Халиков А.Х. 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