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Transformation is apparent in Nepal, a country that underwent a decade of civil war 1996–2006, abolished the monarchy to become a republic in 2007, agreed on a new constitution in 2015 and is currently struggling to implement federalism. Decentralisation and minority repre-sentation are being put on the political agenda alongside efforts to rebuild infrastructure dam-aged through two major earthquakes. Beyond this, Nepal appears to have developed into South Asia's beacon of gender equality. Since 2016 Nepal has had a woman president, a woman chief justice and a woman speaker of parliament. Implementing a quota of 33 per cent women in politics, women politicians now come from a great variety of backgrounds reflecting Nepal's ethnic, cultural, regional and educational diversity. This study takes the entry of 197 female members into the constituent assembly of Nepal in 2008 as a baseline to study the transforma-tion of "patriarchy" and its impact on the heterogeneous group of women politicians in high office in Nepal.

Modern contraception is widely recognized as a crucial component of family planning services and is recognized as a reproductive right under international human rights law. However, unmet need for contraception remains high, as many women in the developing world lack access to family planning services. This Note examines the role of the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and its powers as a treaty monitoring body in increasing access to modern contraception. Drawing on empirical research, the example of CEDAW's influence on abortion rights, and the domestic politics theory of treaty compliance, this Note argues that, under certain conditions, CEDAW can effectively pressure member states to reduce unmet need for contraception by mobilizing domestic actors to influence national policies, laws, and investments aimed at increasing access to contraception. This Note presents specific CEDAW enforcement mechanisms that are particularly effective and argues that CEDAW should focus its attention on two countries in particular--Sierra Leone and Haiti.

International audience ; Whereas the recent Refugee Studies with geographical approach often focus on the state-refugees nexus and living conditions in refugee camps or accommodation centres, we propose an analysis of the refugees' residential insecurity and institutional constraints, questioning how they generate and influence individual strategies of urban integration and resettlement. Hence, our approach is to compare the politically established, multi-scaled "spatial management" of refugees with the refugees' individual actions and decisions within their spaces of arrival. For this, we compare Marseilles' and Berlin's accommodation systems and urban specificities that come within two different national and local settings in terms of politics and migration patterns. The core question we address is to understand if and how these two barely comparable political and administrative systems can still lead to similar refugee resettlement patterns within urban spaces. The studies are based on the authors' intensive ethnographic fieldwork in both cities that helped carry out in-depth case studies on Syrian nationals.

[Excerpt] "I've always thought that the problem with the literary and cultural politics of the Anglophone world was that we've never had an actual, formal surrealist movement. Yes, there are writers and thinkers in the English-speaking world that are verifiably surreal (though not members of the official movement) and many that are described as surrealist, for example the writer who is the focus of this essay, the recently deceased Guyanese novelist, critic, and visionary, Wilson Harris, who passed away in March of this year. And yes, the impact of the Surrealist International was global. As I will discuss, it had a significant impact in the Caribbean, which is partly what justifies discussing Wilson Harris in this context. Though seen as a minor or cult figure, or an example of "art brut," I'd like to help make clear his standing in a richer tradition of thinking and writing than previously acknowledged. I'd like to also suggest ways that his legacy can and should make a difference." ; http://asapjournal.com/wilson-harris-an-ontological-promiscuity-louis-chude-sokei/ ; Published version

INTRODUCTIONNitrogen (N) fertilisation is a key element to ensure crop yield and thus food security. Amongst numerous other factors, the amount of N applied in fields is driven by the type of culture and soil, as well as by economics and temporal factors. However, this fertilisation is also a source of multiple environmental impacts (soil acidification, water eutrophication, global warming and air quality depletion). In order to mitigate the impacts, politics are developed at large scale, usually national, whereas the impacts happen at a finer scale. Besides, the range of products available for famers is always wider. Detailed information on the N fertilisation is thus crucial to develop mathematical models to evaluate yields and/or environmental impacts. This study is aiming at presenting on overview of the organic and mineral N fertilisation in France for the crop years 2005-06 and 2010-11. A focus is carried on the latter as the available information is more precise

The main purpose of the paper is to present and discuss some Keckermann's thoughts on history and the art of historiography, expressed in the treatise De natura et proprietatibus historiae commentarius (Hanovie 1610), published posthumously by his student, David Schumann. According to the humanist from Gdańsk, history is not art, science, or discipline, because it does not have own commonplaces (loci communes), regarded as the basis for method. Nevertheless, history plays an important role in teaching of the practical arts such as politics or economy, because it is an inexhaustible source of examples, taken from narratives about the past events to illustrate general rules related to human life and actions. An excellent historian would be only someone who is able to combine searching for the truth with frankness in its telling. Therefore, he is obliged to use a simple style without almost any rhetorical devices. In relation to single events history serves as a tool of description and explication. Thus it provides the necessary illustrative material in the form of examples for the practical disciplines.

This narrative study seeks to give prominence to Indigenous women's leadership stories, particularly Yukon First Nation women chiefs. Chiefs, who deserve to be honoured for their political leadership during the dawn of Aboriginal Self-Government in the Yukon. I collected, analyzed, and presented the leadership stories of Yukon women chiefs in a traditional Indigenous storytelling format mixed with narrative inquiry. Biographical narratives will inform the reader about how these women developed as leaders, how they have been strengthened and sustained, their roles and responsibilities, and how they perceive the impact of their gender and Self-Government on their role as leader. This research as ceremony (Wilson, 2008) parallels construction of a ziibaaska'iganagooday that signifies and celebrates the journey of women's leadership development. This study may be of interest to Aboriginal women interested in politics, to those assisting Aboriginal youth in leadership mentorship, and to other Aboriginal scholars seeking to honour their heritage by conducting Indigenized research (Weber-Pillwax, 2001). ; Yukon First Nation ; Aboriginal ; Indigenous ; women ; leadership

In order to address major changes in the operational environment, companies can (i) define scenarios that characterize different alternatives for this environment, (ii) assign probabilities to these scenarios, (iii) evaluate the performance of strategic actions across the scenarios, and (iv) choose those actions that are expected to perform best. In this paper, we develop a portfolio model to support the selection of such strategic actions when the information about scenario probabilities is possibly incomplete and may depend on the selected actions. This model helps build a strategy that is robust in that it performs relatively well in view of all available probability information, and proactive in that it can help steer the future as reflected by the scenarios toward the desired direction. We also report a case study in which the model helped a group of Nordic, globally operating steel and engineering companies build a platform ecosystem strategy that accounts for uncertainties related to markets, politics,and technological development. ; Peer reviewed

This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.

Ethnicity often occupies a core role in integrated social, economic, and political development processes, which have mostly been studied within specific countries. Across countries, social and economic development may be supported by political capabilities achieved by ethnic kin abroad, although there is little hard evidence on politico-economic interactions through ethnic networks. We fill this gap by providing the first robust empirical evidence of the substantial effects of political predominance of transborder ethnic kin on local economic development in Africa. This is achieved by specifying and estimating dynamic spatial models of geolocalised luminosity and matching these data with other geolocalised information on geographic, political, and ethnic characteristics. Spatial and ethnic network effects are separately identified and jointly analysed. Not only distinct spatial effects and transborder ethnic effects are exhibited, but also are their complex dynamics and spatial distribution features in terms of local development. The results draw attention to the relevance of a broader international perspective on policies affecting ethnic politics within countries.

Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs' shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.

The conventional wisdom of electoral politics suggests that parliamentary candidates who run for office under candidate-centred mechanisms tend to conduct more intense and personalised campaigns than those who run under party-centred ones. But what about the campaigns put in place by candidates who simultaneously run under both systems? Using original data from the 2016 Welsh Candidate Study, this article shows that dual candidates' campaign behaviour is distinct from that of their constituency and regional list counterparts. Their campaign effort tends to be more intense as well as complex than that put in place by candidates who stand in one tier only. In addition, the findings show that dual candidates' campaign messages tend to be more personalised than those of regional list candidates, but less personalised than those of constituency candidates. These results indicate that the electoral campaigns put in place by dual candidates combine elements of campaigning under candidate-centred and party-centred electoral systems.

The trilogy La Modernidad without prejudice is reviewed here. Religion in American public life, by Dr. Antonio Sánchez-Bayón, specialist in Political-Legal History and Philosophy, as well as Law and Comparative Politics. Although separated in three volumes, these three monographs (one of cultural foundations, another of normative politico-legal and the last on discourses) actually correspond to a single work, complete and round (on the influence of religion in public life American and its idiosyncratic development as a people). ; Se reseña aquí la trilogía La Modernidad sin prejuicios. La religión en la vida pública estadounidense, del Dr. Antonio Sánchez-Bayón, especialista en Historia y Filosofía Político-Jurídica, además de Derecho y Política Comparada. Aunque separada en tres volúmenes, estas tres monografías (una de fundamentos culturales, otra de normativa político-jurídica y la última sobre discursos) en realidad se corresponden con un sola obra, completa y redonda (sobre el influjo de la religión en la vida pública estadounidense y su desarrollo idiosincrásico como pueblo).

In the early 1960s, Ursula Le Guin wrote 'The Masters', a short novel that offers a sharp contrast to the 'maths for all' discourse of contemporary mathematics education reforms. Le Guin writes of a world – Edun – where 'mathematical prohibition' is law. Mathematical reason is banned for all people by the Priests of Edun, and failure to obey is punishable by death. Despite the threat of this totalitarian anti-math regime, some citizens create a collective heterotopia in which they practice mathematics in secret. Le Guin's story is an opportunity to conduct a thought experiment: 'what if maths became forbidden?' This 'what if' experiment (Haraway 2016) allows us to consider how statements such as 'maths for all' or 'no to maths' are grounded in rationalisations that construe mathematical subjectivity as a determined actor for citizen agency in contemporary societies. The paper suggests that we need to move beyond a 'maths for all' or 'no to maths' dichotomy by interrogating how they both operate as 'states of exception' around politics of fear producing in/exclusions.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article aims to present the stand of relationship between Germany and Poland in context of changes that took place in the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy and New East Policy of Germany and Germany's Russia policy deeply infl uence threw aggressive Russian policy agents Ukraine and adders postsoviet countries. Author also analyses Poland's "resets" with Germany and Russia and interested in changing German-Russian relationship in the future. German see Russia as a partner due to its global role while Poles see it as a partner due to its geographic proximity and needs to stabilize the region. While Germans do not see Russia as a direct threat Poles understand why Ukraine, Belarus, and the Caucasus see it as a threat. Poland and Germany has consistently supported the strengthening of cooperation between member states within Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy of the European Union with an aim of making this international organization gain a status of the key player in the international politics in the future.