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Rulemaking is central to policymaking in the United States. Additionally, regulatory authority is devolved to the states in many instances. However, our knowledge of state-level rulemaking is not as advanced as that related to federal rulemaking. To advance the scholarship on state rulemaking, this study compares environmental rulemaking across three environmental issues (renewable portfolio standards, concentrated animal feeding operation regulations, and hydraulic fracturing disclosure rules) in five states (California, Colorado, Michigan, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania) to understand procedural and stakeholder participation commonalities among the cases. Using data from public rulemaking documents, stakeholder comment during rulemaking, and in-depth interviews with agency staff and stakeholders, the findings suggest that there are common patterns of pre-process informal stakeholder consultation, public comment and outreach mechanisms, and corollary issues related to stakeholder access across these cases. These findings advance our knowledge of state-level rulemaking as it relates to public input and procedural equity for stakeholders.

Federal courts play a significant role in the management and execution of public programs. Judicial intervention is evident in examples ranging from prisons to mental hospitals to schools. To clarify the appropriateness of federal judicial intervention, the authors construct a so-called full and fair judicial and administrative capacity standard. Where state judicial and administrative capacities are evident, federal courts do well to refrain from exercising jurisdiction. The analysis of the authors also reflects consideration of the capacity of the federal judiciary to manage a state administrative scheme.

The priorities of British and American trade unions center predominantly on the economic rewards received by union members. Collective bargaining and strikes typically focus on how much employers must pay for labor (in wages, pensions, and other benefits) rather than on how the labor, once purchased, may be used. Basic decisions regarding the organization of production are not considered by most unionists as legitimate issues for negotiation. Disputes over working conditions do arise, of course, but rarely concern securing for labor the rights of management. They involve instead efforts to protect jobs and work practices from encroachment by employers or poaching by other unions. In short, labor's goals are largely economistic, defensive, and sectional.

There is now a considerable body of work arguing for the importance of industrial clusters, networks, and linkage to the process of innovation and economic dynamism. Increasingly, as well, this has been drawn on in a policy context with the aim of emulating high-growth/innovative localities. This paper presents a brief review of this work, emphasising the different theoretical and conceptual traditions on which it has drawn. It then presents a critical appraisal of the attempt of the State Government of Victoria, Australia, in the late 1980s and early 1990s to boost innovation and technologically advanced economic development by means of spatially focused 'Technology Precincts'. It looks at the origins, implementation, and aftermath of the initiative, noting both the contingent impacts of economic and political shifts on the initiative but also the more fundamental problems inherent in attempting to emulate high-profile international exemplars of successful industrial districts and spatially focused innovation.

This article builds on recent attempts to explain why sub-state nationalist parties in West Europe and North America pursue varying discourses and policies in response to immigrant-generated diversity. It analyses the dynamics of immigrant integration in two comparable cases of sub-state nationalism: Catalonia and the Basque Country. In contrast to the hypothesis that sub-state nationalism and immigration are inherently antagonistic, nationalist parties in both cases have experimented with multiculturalism to make diversity a new marker of national identity. The recent assimilationist turn in Catalonia, however, demonstrates that regional electoral competition can sometimes complicate matters of identity. Adapted from the source document.

In this article we use the idea of the 'marriage divide' to describe the transformation of the family to meet the needs of the information economy and the divisions that the transformation has created. In doing so, we emphasise three types of 'marriage divides' in the United States: class and racial, ideological and political, and family law/gender ideology.

In the quasi‐federal democratic polity that India has, lobbying for central funds by the states is often done in a subliminal fashion. Hence, it becomes difficult to get an account of how much lobbying has been done to a particular end. Our paper attempts at constructing certain political proxy variables to quantify the extent of such lobbying in India. We quantify lobbying through the ministerial representation in the council of ministers. We also use several time and state dummies to account for the constituent states' political alignment with the center as well as the coalition and the reform period breaks in the Indian system. Taking panel data that cover 29 years and 14 major states we show that our constructed variables do explain disparity in central fiscal disbursements under the non‐formulaic "discretionary" head in a robust way. Our findings remain true even after we take into account the impact of endogeneity of net state income on the transfers. Additionally, our exercise brings to the fore the fact that the coalition governments and economic reform measures impact upon state lobbying at the center in a significant manner.

Much of the state court literature assumes that decisions reached by state courts of last resort are independent of other state courts of last resort. Each state court has its own ideology as well as a particular set of institutional constraints and confronts different governors, publics, and state legislatures in rendering decisions. Scholarly research and its assumption of the independence of state‐level judicial decision making and policy impact stands in marked contrast to much of the literature on the state‐level adoption of policy. This diffusion literature has shown that states learn from and emulate similarly situated states that have previously adopted the policy under consideration. These national or state legislatures look to other nations and states for leadership in particular policy domains. In this manuscript, we apply the concept of diffusion to state courts. We do so through the examination of three waves of court‐ordered state education finance reform. Using a dyadic data set covering the period from 1974 until 2002, we find that state courts do emulate other state courts but that emulation is different from legislative emulation and different for each wave of reform.