Suchergebnisse

Immigration scholars routinely overlook the 1968 U.S. Senate ratification of the United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, an international treaty defining a refugee in ideologically neutral terms. They dismiss this moment as symbolic because U.S. law continued to define a refugee as someone fleeing communism until the passage of the 1980 Refugee Act. We use archival documents, interview data, and court cases to argue that legal and bureaucratic mobilization by refugee advocates throughout the 1970s drew on the Protocol, achieving incremental policy change even before 1980, and ultimately shaped the provisions of the Refugee Act itself.

The Iraqi exodus has invoked security concerns among many international observers. Sectarian violence in Iraq prompted fears that the new arrivals in Syria, the main destination country for Iraqi refugees, would bring sectarian conflict. No such development has taken place, prompting
questions about whether Iraqi refugees embrace sectarian ideologies. Here I suggest that sectarianism has been actively resisted by Iraqi refugees in Damascus, offering explanations for why so many analysts have stressed the risk of 'spillover' of sectarian conflict. One central factor, I
argue, is that a sectarian master narrative has been imposed on Iraq.

The security consequences associated with refugee flows are among the most widely studied aspects of forced migration. While the majority of this research program has focused on how refugee movements affect the risk of political violence, scant scholarly attention has been paid to violence perpetrated against refugees. Building upon the state repression literature, we argue that refugees are particularly vulnerable to the violation of their physical integrity rights in the wake of terrorist attacks in host states. Governments are pressured to respond to security crises but prefer to take actions without jeopardizing public support. In this context, refugee groups can be strategically attractive targets of repression because they lack electoral power and citizens are often supportive of government crackdown against foreigners in times of security crises. Given that leaders have stronger incentives to respond to voters' demands quickly in democracies, we expect the effect of terror attacks on violence against refugees to be stronger in democratic host states. Using a novel global dataset on anti-refugee violence between 1996 and 2015, we show that refugees are more likely to be exposed to violence by the coercive agents of the state in the wake of security crises. We provide suggestive evidence that the repression of refugees is more consistent with a scapegoating mechanism than the actual ties and involvement of refugees in terrorism. The findings reveal that the well-being of uprooted populations is particularly at risk when host countries face a security threat.

ABSTRACT. The public and researchers alike view global/humanitarian and local/national logics as based on different, and even contradictory, regimes of justification. In this paper, however, I argue that these logics are complementary in the case of refugees. By asking 'who is a refugee?' within the Israeli case study, I empirically ground the claim that nationalism and humanitarianism should be grasped as Glocal. Content analysis of the Israeli case reveals how the Israeli establishment 'translates' the universal notion of humanitarianism. Humanitarian discourse does not offer an answer to the refugee problem by invoking a universal identity, nor is it just a euphemism for particularistic interests. On the contrary, the humanitarian logic is in fact based on the national order, and does not attempt to replace it. The political meaning of the term 'refugee' is an endless transcription of the national logic, and thus cannot be cosmopolitan.

By early 1981, almost six years after the communist victories in Indochina, the flow of Indochinese refugees seemed to have become self-perpetuating. The recipient states consequently started to take measures to reduce the flow. While the methods employed have been criticized, the result seems to have been a downward trend in new arrivals. There was also progress with respect to the Orderly Departure Program (ODP) from Vietnam in early 1982. This factor and simultaneous changes in U.S. resettlement processing from first-asylum areas helped to modify what previously had been a tragic anomaly in the refugee program: the mode of departure, rather than reasons for departure, had become a principal criterion for bestowing refugee status, thus turning the process into a human obstacle course where those willing to risk the perilous flight to first-asylum areas were rewarded with refugee status. The new momentum in the ODP and signs of a diminishing flow were certainly welcomed in the first-asylum countries—mainly the ASEAN members of Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and the Philippines. However, fears of being left with a residual refugee population still remain and may encourage the ASEAN countries to limit first asylum further and to explore alternative strategies of response.

After the breakout and the escalation of the Syrian civil war and because of its humanitarian consequences, Turkey now hosts the largest refugee community worldwide. This paper attempts to investigate the role of the international community in assisting Syrian refugees in Turkey. Beyond looking at the main elements of the Turkish government policies, this study focuses on the Emergency Social Safety Net Programme of the European Union, the World Food Programme and the Turkish Red Crescent. It also reviews the Turkish aspects of the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan of the United Nations. The primary purpose of the study is to provide a comparative analysis of the two programmes alongside the main objectives, results and difficulties. Beyond reviewing the essential international literature, the examination of this issue is principally based on data analysis of the reports of relevant international organisations. The Turkish government plays an important role in this crisis and the actions of international organisations complement the country's domestic policies. Two international aid programmes are compared and a conclusion is reached that the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan tries to balance urgent humanitarian needs with durable solutions, while the Emergency Social Safety Net Programme is determined by humanitarian aspects. Nonetheless, both initiatives address the challenges to the Turkish host community which are posed by the protracted refugee issue. While acknowledging the remaining gaps, challenges and the obvious complexity of the refugee situation in Turkey, it can be concluded that the aid initiatives discussed have developed innovative solutions to address this protracted crisis.

Migration Policy Centre ; Since the beginning of the revolt in Syria in March 2011, the number of Syrian refugees in Lebanon has significantly gone up with the escalating violence, spreading all over the country, particularly in Homs, Deir ez-Zor, Hama, Damascus, Idleb and Aleppo. Estimates vary from 5 000 individuals at the beginning of December 2011, to 15,800 individuals by the beginning of April 2012 according to the Ministry of Social Affairs (MSA), 30,000 individuals in mid-May 2012 according to Caritas, and 33,142 individuals according to the Coalition of charitable organisations for the aid of displaced Syrians to Lebanon. In its most recent report on displaced Syrians in Lebanon, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) underlined that, in collaboration with the Lebanese government and the local authorities along with international and local partners, it brings aid to over 67,000 Syrian refugees who settled in different regions in Lebanon. Before this, UNHCR had noted the exodus of some 18,000 Syrians to Lebanon through the border post at Masnaa, following the explosion that shook Damas 18 July 2012. This study covers the Syrian refugee problem in Lebanon, following the popular uprisings which developed into an armed conflict in November 2011. It aims to understand the reasons for their growing numbers; their main characteristics; the assistance structure; the political framework. It will analyze also the official position regarding the conditions of the refugees; the repercussions of the refugees' arrival on the delicate balance of the Lebanese political system; and the mobilisation of the institutions of the country and the international community. The collection of information was carried out from early May to 30 September 2012. Focus group discussions with refugee families and interviews with managers of the organisations concerned, representatives of political parties and experts, were conducted. Press and internet sites have equally been used. ; The MPC is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

We study the process of asylum legislation and its impact on refugees. The preliminary chapter presents the history of refugee flows and asylum policies, the reasons for migration and the philosophical stakes of the subject. The second chapter studies the influence of asylum policies on refugee flows. We analyse the impact of different types of asylum law restrictions on decisions of refugees choosing their country of destination and whether to apply for asylum. The use of traffickers indirectly influences the size of the immigration flows and the number of asylum claims. The third chapter describes the choice of the level of asylum standard chosen by different levels of government. This choice is made as a result of the expected result of a standard on refugee flows. Chapter four compares different institutional choices for asylum legislation in the European Union. Taking objectives concerning illegal immigration into account, it compares the level of standards that would be adopted by national governments, by the Council of the European Parliament, and in co-decision. The fifth chapter studies the structure of grants given Member states by the European Refugee Fund (ERF). The ERF grants both fixed funds and subsidies that complement project funding. Taking transaction costs into consideration, we study the impact of different grant structures on spending on refugees. ; Nous étudions le processus de création de droit d'asile et son impact sur les réfugiés. Le chapitre préliminaire présente l'histoire des flux de réfugiés et du droit d'asile, la recherche sur les raisons de migration ainsi que les enjeux du sujet. Le deuxième chapitre a pour objet l'influence du droit d'asile sur les flux d'immigration de réfugiés. Nous analysons l'impact des restrictions des différents types de mesure du droit d'asile sur les décisions des réfugiés en terme d'émigration et de demande d'asile. A travers les passeurs, un impact indirect influence la taille des flux et le nombre de demandes. Le troisième chapitre décrit le choix ...

We study the process of asylum legislation and its impact on refugees. The preliminary chapter presents the history of refugee flows and asylum policies, the reasons for migration and the philosophical stakes of the subject. The second chapter studies the influence of asylum policies on refugee flows. We analyse the impact of different types of asylum law restrictions on decisions of refugees choosing their country of destination and whether to apply for asylum. The use of traffickers indirectly influences the size of the immigration flows and the number of asylum claims. The third chapter describes the choice of the level of asylum standard chosen by different levels of government. This choice is made as a result of the expected result of a standard on refugee flows. Chapter four compares different institutional choices for asylum legislation in the European Union. Taking objectives concerning illegal immigration into account, it compares the level of standards that would be adopted by national governments, by the Council of the European Parliament, and in co-decision. The fifth chapter studies the structure of grants given Member states by the European Refugee Fund (ERF). The ERF grants both fixed funds and subsidies that complement project funding. Taking transaction costs into consideration, we study the impact of different grant structures on spending on refugees. ; Nous étudions le processus de création de droit d'asile et son impact sur les réfugiés. Le chapitre préliminaire présente l'histoire des flux de réfugiés et du droit d'asile, la recherche sur les raisons de migration ainsi que les enjeux du sujet. Le deuxième chapitre a pour objet l'influence du droit d'asile sur les flux d'immigration de réfugiés. Nous analysons l'impact des restrictions des différents types de mesure du droit d'asile sur les décisions des réfugiés en terme d'émigration et de demande d'asile. A travers les passeurs, un impact indirect influence la taille des flux et le nombre de demandes. Le troisième chapitre décrit le choix ...

Discusses the Platform for European Red Cross Co-operation on Refugees, Asylum seekers, & Migrants in Europe (PERCO). In 1997, a couple of National Societies founded PERCO with the aim of (1) providing a framework to facilitate cooperation & networking among national societies, (2) strengthening the advocacy role of European national societies in order to influence European policies & developments in the field of asylum & migration, (3) improving the capacity of European national societies & the federation in work with refugees, asylum seekers, & migrants, & (4) promoting tolerance & fight racism, xenophobia, & social exclusion. PERCO has worked out different guidelines for the work with refugees, asylum seekers, & migrants & is seen as a good model for transnational cooperation. E. Sanchez