Suchergebnisse

Review of the book by Roberto Dominguez, EU Foreign Policy Towards Latin America, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. ; Reseña del libro de Roberto Dominguez, EU Foreign Policy Towards Latin America, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

Compares opinions on Denmark's foreign policy, based largely on 1988 survey data. View that differences are caused by salience of foreign policy, political mobilization of women, and available political alternatives in a given election.

Any theory of policy evaluation has to address the problem of the choice of criteria for decision making. In most theories of policy rationality, derived from economic theories of the utility-maximizing individual and a positivist conception of valuation, such values are to be regarded as the "preferences" of the policy maker. The stipulation and ordering of standards of judgment is not considered to be part of policy rationality itself. This conception of rationality is not obligatory. Understanding rationality as having good reasons for an action, and policy judgment as a process of argument, enables us to stipulate certain standards at the metapolitical level which any system of policy evaluation must meet. It is possible to identify a logical sense in which such classic principles as authority, justice and efficiency can be understood as necessary considerations in any rationally defensible policy appraisal.

The subject of the book is an attempt to look for the theoretical foundations of the central bank policy of a future European Central Bank. In part 1, the Bundesbank's current monetary policy is described as an example for a pragmatic monetarist approach to central bank policy. This approach is critisized from an 'endogenous money` point of view, which is defined, econometrically elaborated and historically exemplified. Part 2 at first analyzes the way to stage 3 of European Monetary Union (EMU) in general and its relation to the proposed central bank policy. The economic conditions and the changein economic policy in the EC-Countries necessary in order to meet the criteria of convergence imposed by the Maastricht treaty are analyzed and controversally discussed. The role of fiscal policy for a successful EMU is stressed and a suggestion for modelling the transmission mechanism in an'endogenous money` framework is made. Furthermore the instruments of a European Central Bank and the role of the private Ecus during the transitionto stage 3 are analyzed. The contributions in part 3 discuss the widening ofEC and EMS to Northern and Eastern Europe and the role of the Ecu as an international reserve currency for the countries of Eastern Europe during their transition to a market economy

Traffic accidents in Indonesia each year show an alarming trend. The causes of traffic accidents are many factors. Still, there are dominant factors as the cause of traffic accidents, i.e., the inconsistency of policy implementers as the holder of political authority to implement policy. In this case, Law Number 22 the Year 1999 on Traffic and Road Transportation. Political policy discusses how policy formulation is done through a political process. Its implementation is done with positive intervention by the executor of policy as a party having political authority, so the target group that society receives benefit from implementing policy, which is safety in traffic and road transport in the decrease in traffic accidents. ABSTRAK Kecelakaan lalu lintas di Indonesia setiap tahun menunjukkan tren memprihatinkan. Penyebab kecelakaan lalu lintas banyak faktornya, namun terdapat faktor dominan sebagai hulu penyebab kecelakaan lalu lintas yaitu tidak konsistennya pelaksana kebijakan sebagai pemegang otoritas politik untuk melakukan implementasi kebijakan dalam hal ini Undang-Undang Nomor 22 tahun 1999 tentang Lalu Lintas dan Angkutan Jalan. Politik kebijakan membahas mengenai bagaimana perumusan kebijakan dilakukan melalui proses politik, kemudian implementasinya yang dilakukan dengan intervensi positif oleh pelaksana kebijakan sebagai pihak yang mempunyai otoritas politik, sehingga target group yaitu masyarakat menerima manfaat dari implementasi kebijakan, yaitu keselamatan dalam aktivitas lalu lintas dan angkutan jalan dalam kongkritisasi menurunnya angka kecelakaan lalu lintas.

This paper inquires into the overall picture of the Turkish foreign policy toward Western Balkans, and especially Albania, on the geopolitical plan. It explores the new Turkish policy principles, Davotuglu's strategic vision, and the extent to which the geopolitics of both Turkey and Albania inform Turkish foreign policy. This paper also delineates the perceptions of Albania towards Turkey's foreign policy and contradictions of the same policy. According to Davutoglu, the architect of Turkish foreign policy, Turkey is a Middle Eastern, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea country, can simultaneously exercise influence in all these regions and thus claim a global strategic role, rejecting the perception of Turkey as a bridge between Islam and the West, as this would relegate Turkey to an instrument for the promotion of the strategic interests of other countries. To achieve this, Turkey should capitalise on its soft power potential. Davutoglu argues that Turkey possesses "strategic depth" due to its history and geographic position and lists Turkey among a small group of countries which he calls "central powers". Taking such a role Turkey has also great interest in Albania as it is considered the best state to promote Turkish interests within the Western Balkan region. However, there are several obstacles limiting Turkey's full penetration into the Western Balkans.

This study examines the link between decentralization policy and sustainable development using empirical data of 33 provinces from 1995-2017. The study is structured into three parts. The first section analyzes the degree by creating the Sustainable Local Development Index (SLDI). This is based on a four-dimensional model, namely economic, social, environmental, and institutional dimensions. Secondly, the study examines the relationship between the decentralization policy and the degree of sustainable development with the panel data analysis. Lastly, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were used to provide the basis for evaluating the constraints and opportunities of decentralization policy and discuss further policy in dealing with this development in Indonesia. The results showed that the social and economic dimensions have a more robust influence on the increase of the degree of sustainable development in Indonesia than the environmental and institutional. The environmental dimension has slightly deteriorated, while the institutional remained stable. All provinces continue to experience a gradual yearly increase in development. From 1995-1999 this increment was relatively smaller compared to 2000-2017. An increase in the SLDI was relatively higher from the provinces in the western part of Indonesia than those in the eastern part. Besides, the effective decentralization policy is linked to the quality of sustainable development based on the panel data analysis. The result of multiple regression analysis showed that some decentralization policy indicators, such as the percentage of females as parliamentarians, the ratio of local government officers per people, the General Allocation Fund (DAU), and the Local Own-Source Revenues (PAD), positively and significantly affect sustainable local development. Furthermore, based on in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, decentralization and sustainable development policies are dynamic and interdependent approaches across regions. The enormous upheavals of the policy in Indonesia are not a linear-consistent process and do not produce similar outcomes in each government unit. Decentralization improves local governance and political democracy in the spirit of reform with undesirable effects on the creation of disparities and environmental degradation. Some constraints influence local governments in responding to new opportunities towards achieving sustainable development, such as insufficient political will, incompetence in leadership, lack of local capacity, poor administrative management system, lagging renewable energy production, and shortcoming of public partnerships. Therefore, it is necessary to produce adaptive-responsive policies, such as interdisciplinary approaches, integrated planning designs, political-bureaucratic reform, leadership development, capacity building, strengthening public partnership, and local environmental knowledge according to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2015-2030.

In this article I attempt to explain the differentiated development of the politics of recognition – that is the process of formal recognition of cultural diversity and indigenous peoples' rights – in Mexico, particularly in the states of Oaxaca and Chiapas. I follow an explanatory framework that proposes that the recognition agenda emerges in the context of armed conflict and/or legitimacy and governability crises, and evolves successfully when indigenous actors get access to the decision-making process and form alliances with key political actors. I find that government legitimacy has eroded in both states, and that governability has been severely threatened in Oaxaca and disturbed by armed conflict in Chiapas. However, only in the former have indigenous actors influenced the decision-making process and made alliances with the key decision-makers. This latter finding – fundamental within the explanatory framework followed – begs a further question – why was an alliance between the indigenous and the government elite possible in Oaxaca but not in Chiapas? I go beyond the original explanatory framework and identify a series of structural, contextual and agent-related factors that account for the uneven development of the politics of recognition in each state.

Globalization of higher education, finance and industrial production has contributed to the internationalization of scientific and technical human capital (STHC). STHC is generated by and includes research and development (R&D) personnel, but also includes the knowledge, know-how and learning capacity embedded in their knowledge networks. As science and technology (S&T) personnel develop their careers and networks, they draw upon and contribute to the development of dispersed knowledge networks and consequently STHC. Drawing on a recent survey of publishing scientists and an analysis of publication patterns in the biological sciences, this article seeks to document and reveal the policy implications of dispersed knowledge networks for Australian science and innovation capacity.

O trabalho trata da aplicabilidade da Lei 11.645/2008, que determina a inclusão de História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Indígena nos currículos da Educação Básica, preferencialmente nas áreas de educação artística e de literatura e história brasileiras. Objetiva averiguar a aplicabilidade dessa lei quanto à obrigatoriedade do ensino de História e Cultura AfroBrasileira e Indígena, em práticas de professores de História do Ensino Médio. Utilizouse uma abordagem qualitativa e usou-se como técnica a entrevista semiestruturada. Os professores, historiadores entrevistados, atuam em escolas públicas estaduais em uma cidade do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Realizou-se uma reflexão a respeito dos processos de formação e capacitação desses docentes e dos impactos dessa lei em suas práticas de ensino. Os professores reconhecem a importância dessa legislação, mas não a consideram suficiente para provocar mudanças efetivas nas escolas, no sentido da superação de preconceitos enraizados em práticas sociais fortemente presentes em nossa sociedade. A exigência de conteúdos de História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Indígena na referida lei não garante sua aplicabilidade no ensino de História, diante de lacunas identificadas nos processos de formação inicial e continuada dos professores das escolas pesquisadas. É vital que os professores de História recorram, em suas práticas de ensino, à valorização da memória dos diversos grupos étnicos que compõem a nossa sociedade, como um instrumento de consolidação da cidadania e da democracia, o que demanda processos de formação docente nas universidades e nos espaços de atuação do professor. ; The paper deals with the applicability of Law 11,645/2008, which determines the inclusion of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous History and Culture in the Basic Education curricula, preferably in the areas of Art education and Brazilian literature and history. The objective is to investigate the applicability of this law in relation to the obligation of teaching Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous History and Culture, in the teaching practices of high school history teachers. A qualitative approach was used and the semi-structured interview was used as a technique. The teachers, historians interviewed, work in state public schools in a city in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. A reflection was made about the processes of training and qualification of these teachers and the impacts of this law on their teaching practices. Teachers recognize the importance of this legislation, but do not consider it sufficient to bring about effective changes in schools, in order to overcome prejudices rooted in social practices strongly present in our society. The requirement for Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous History and Culture content in the referred law does not guarantee its applicability in the teaching of History, given the gaps identified in the initial and continuing education processes of the teachers surveyed. It is vital that history teachers resort in their teaching practices to value the memory of the various ethnic groups that make up our society as an instrument of consolidation of citizenship and democracy, which demands processes of teacher education in universities and in the teacher's practice spaces.

Policy research involves two acts of translation: translation of the problem from the world of reality and policy into the world of scientific method, and then a translation of the research results back into the world of reality and policy.1Since the political scientist, David Easton, commented critically in 1959 on the state of the study of politics by anthropologists,2 many interesting changes have taken place in the analyses of African politics – in fact, of politics of non-western societies in general.

AbstractThe Lewis model is widely cited, and its implications for the transfer of workers from low productivity to higher productivity jobs have been reflected in recent discussions of 'growth‐retarding' structural change in economies where the manufacturing share in GDP is declining. What is less well known is Lewis's recommendations on industrial policy in the context of low income economies. This paper reviews Lewis's position and links it with contemporary debates on the role of industrial policy and the challenges facing Africa. In relation to specific policy proposals, his emphasis on modest and temporary levels of support (either through trade protection or other means), with government provision of infrastructure and support for training, is now a standard part of policy discussion. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article is concerned with cultural policy for diversity in contemporary European societies. What it argues for is the need now to move beyond the national frame within which diversity policy has been hitherto conceived. A key development comes from the global migrations that have been occurring through the last twenty years, and which have brought a new cultural complexity to the European space. What this article suggests is that this complexity might actually be a productive resource for European culture generally. And what it maintains is that, in order to realize this potential, there is a need to address cultural policy from a perspective that is both transnational and transcultural. Transcultural diversity policy is crucial to the elaboration of a new European cosmopolitanism.