Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Prologue -- Vorwort -- 1 Inklusion in Australien Was kann Deutschland von "Down Under" lernen? -- 1.1 Integration und Inklusion -- 1.2 Inklusion -- 1.3 Inklusion aus deutscher Sicht -- 1.4 Inklusion aus australischer Sicht -- 1.5 Umsetzung in der Ausbildung von Fachkräften -- 1.6 Fazit -- 1.7 Literatur -- 2 Inclusion in Australian Public New South Wales Primary Schools: What Germany can learn from "Down Under" -- 2.1 Abstract -- 2.2 Integration and Inclusion -- 2.3 Inclusion -- 2.4 Inclusion: German Context -- 2.5 Inclusion: Australian Context -- 2.6 Summary and Future Recommendations -- 2.7 Conclusion -- 2.8 References -- 3 The Role of Parents, Teachers and Social Workers in the German and Australian Education Systems -- 3.1 Abstract -- 3.2 Introduction -- 3.3 Literature Review -- 3.4 The NSW Education System -- 3.5 The German Education System -- 3.6 Comparison of the German and Australian education systems -- 3.7 Methodology -- 3.7.1 Semi-structured, informal interviews -- 3.7.2 Choice of schools -- 3.8 Demographic Profiles -- 3.8.1 School A (Primary) -- 3.8.2 School B (Primary) -- 3.8.3 Primary Schools -- 3.8.4 School C (Primary) -- 3.8.5 The Secondary School D -- 3.9 Data Analysis -- 3.9.1 Participant observation -- 3.9.2 Summary -- 3.10 Discussion -- 3.10.1 The German Education System: -- 3.10.2 The NSW Education System: -- 3.10.3 Future Recommendations -- 3.11 References -- 4 Die Rolle von Eltern, LehrerInnen und SozialarbeiterInnen im deutschen und australischen Bildungssystem -- 4.1 Zusammenfassung -- 4.2 Einleitung -- 4.3 Literaturüberblick -- 4.3.1 Das Bildungssystem in NSW -- 4.3.2 Das deutsche Bildungssystem -- 4.3.3 Vergleich des deutschen und des australischen Bildungssystems -- 4.4 Methodik -- 4.4.1 Halbstrukturierte, informelle Interviews -- 4.4.2 Auswahl der Schulen -- 4.5 Demografische Profile.

I.FAMILY BACKGROUND, DIPLOMATIC CAREER, ROLE IN WORLD WAR I --The Oppenheims --The Charm of the Orient --Attaché in Cairo. "The Kaiser's Spy" --The Spectre of Pan-Islamism and Jihad. The Background of Oppenheim's 1914 Denkschrift betreffend die Revolutionierung der islamischen Gebiete Unserer Feinde --Oppenheim's 1914 Denkschrift --Promoter of German Economic Expansion and the Berlin-Baghdad Railway --PART II.THE ARCHAEOLOGIST: TELL HALAF --Discovery and Excavation, Publications and Critical Reception --Financial Difficulties. The Fate of the Tell Halaf Finds --PART III."THE KAISER'S SPY" UNDER NATIONAL SOCIALISM. "LEBEN IM NS-STAAT" --Questions --The Oppenheims and their Bank under National Socialism --Waldemar and Friedrich Carl von Oppenheim, so-called "Quarter-Jews", during the National Socialist Regime: Work for the Abwehr (German Counter-Intelligence) and Association with the Conservative "Widerstand" (German Resistance) --Max von Oppenheim, "Half-Jew," during the National Socialist Regime --Middle East --Oppenheim on the Race Question --Support of the Regime --Plotting for Nazi Germany. Oppenheim's Role in the Middle East Policy of the Third Reich --Max von Oppenheim's Last Years --PART IV.MAX VON OPPENHEIM'S RELATION TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM IN CONTEXT. SOME RESPONSES OF "NON-ARYAN" GERMANS TO NATIONAL SOCIALISM --Two Jewish Organizations: the Verband nationaldeutscher Juden (Association of German National Jews) and the Reichsbund jüdischer Frontsoldaten (Jewish War Veterans Association) --Some Individuals: Schoeps, Pevsner, Kantorowicz, Landmann --By Way of Conclusion.

Cover -- DESPITE NATIONALIST CONFLICTS -- Contents -- Preface -- CHAPTER 1 International Relations, Nationalism, and Territorial Revisions -- THE ARGUMENT -- NATIONALISM: THE PREVIOUSLY NEGLECTED ISSUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS -- Primordialism -- Modernization -- REALISM, NATIONALISM, AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS -- DOMESTIC POLITICS: THE LINK BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- CHAPTER 2 Theoretical Framework: Coercing Imperialists and Accommodating Consolidationists -- TERRITORY: THE NEGLECTED ISSUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS -- Demands for Territorial Revision -- Threat Perception and Territorial Demands -- Indicators of Territorial Demands -- RESPONSES TO DEMANDS FOR TERRITORIAL REVISION -- Coercive Threats: Deterrence and Compellence -- Appeasement and Conciliation as Accommodation -- Coercion and Accommodation: The Firm-But-Flexible Strategy -- RESEARCH METHOD AND DESIGN -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- CHAPTER 3 Bismarck and German Unification -- EUROPE AND THE GERMAN STATES: 1815-1862 -- Austria's German Policy -- Prussia and the German States -- THREE WARS OF GERMAN UNIFICATION: 1863-1871 -- DENMARK AND SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN: 1863-1864 -- AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN WAR: 1866 -- Britain and France Fail to Respond -- FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR: 1870-1871 -- Luxembourg and Belgium: Crises Leading to War -- The Hohenzollern Candidature and the Outbreak of War: 1870-1871 -- Alsace-Lorraine: Conflicting Nationalisms -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES -- CHAPTER 4 Bosnia and the Breakup of Yugoslavia -- HISTORICAL BACKGROUND -- ORIGINS OF THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA: 1980S-1990 -- Responding to the Breakup of Yugoslavia -- COMPETING CONSOLIDATIONIST DEMANDS IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA -- Responding to the Breakup of Bosnia-Herzegovina -- Peace Plans -- ASSESSING THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE -- TERRITORIAL SOLUTIONS -- CONCLUSION -- NOTES.

Conspirators in the Polish Blue Police and Polish Criminal Police in Kraków during 1939‒1945 The article describes the history of Polish pre-war policemen who were forced to continue their service in the Polish Police in the General Government (the so-called Blue Police), created by German occupying authorities. Many of these policemen, faithful to the oath they had made before the war, worked for the Polish Underground State. In Kraków, the capital of the General Government, in the Autumn of 1939, Polish policemen began to create conspiracy structures, which gradually became one of the most effective Polish intelligence networks. Thanks to them, the Home Army, subordinated to the Polish Government-in-exile in London, could learn the secrets of the Kraków Gestapo and the German police. Despite the enormous efforts of the German counter-intelligence machine and the losses among the conspirators, they worked out the exact structure of the German forces in Kraków, helped the persecuted population and infiltrated secret German institutions. In post-war Poland, many of them experienced persecution at the hands of the communist regime. Most of them preferred to keep their wartime experiences secret. To this day their activities are poorly known, being suppressed by the popular image of a Polish policeman-collaborator created by the media.

Researching the history of the establishment and development of the European integration process, as well as the legal nature of the European Union, we have seen that in the scientific literature there is very little information not only on the use of imperial experience in the integration process, but also on the concept of imperial federalism, which used to be rather popular at the end of ХIX and in the early twentieth century in the European empires. If in the English-language literature one can find a lot of literature on the theory and practice of imperial federalism in Great Britain, similar studies concerning the German and Austro-Hungarian empires practically had not been not carried out. Much more often it is possible to find out books about the German or Austrian federalism, but they generally deal with selected current issues or with the functioning of German or Austria federalism overall. In consideration of the importance of Germany in the European Union's development and functioning, it seems clear that the study of the German experience of integration within the framework of the German Empire under the Constitution of 1871 is long overdue. The purpose of the paper is to provide an overview and to close another gap in the literature on the role of the imperial concept of federalism in the development of modern integration process in Europe.

This article explores how 'ordinary' German migrants in the United States reflected upon their local integration and transnational belonging with reference to their language practice in the period 1820–1970. The analysis is based on approximately 8,000 letters sent by around 700 German-speaking migrants who wrote, over varying time periods, to family members and friends still living in their places of origin. These letters provide insights into the migrants' transnational communication networks over an extended time and from across the United States. Until the emergence of a fully centralised bureaucracy during the interwar period, most legislation affecting the living conditions of migrants varied significantly between US states. This raises the question whether the practices and narratives of belonging captured in the personal letters vary accordingly across locations, especially with regard to the balance between local and transnational belonging. Tracing this variation in sub-national destination characteristics, we argue that feelings of transnational belonging are not directly responsive to shifts in political conditions and resulting policies but rather pragmatic adaptations tailored to a particular local context. The maintenance of the German language or German community ties expressed in the letters also conveys an everyday practice of resistance or adaptation to local language policies in the US and remits concrete ideas about what it means to uphold a German identity.

Unter dem Motto 'Brücken gestalten – mit Deutsch verbinden: Menschen – Lebenswelten – Kulturen' fand 2017 in Freiburg (CH) die XVI. Internationale Tagung der Deutschlehrerinnen und Deutschlehrer (IDT) statt. Die Ziele der IDT sind: - über den aktuellen Stand von Forschung und Entwicklung im Fach Deutsch als Fremdsprache (DaF) und Deutsch als Zweitsprache (DaZ) informieren; - die Zusammenarbeit der DaF- und DaZ-Akteure weltweit und innerhalb der deutschsprachigen Länder fördern; - bildungspolitische Akzente setzen. Die drei Tagungsbände widerspiegeln diese Ziele in vielfältiger Weise und konturieren sie zukunftsgerichtet. Dieser Band versammelt eine Auswahl der Hauptvorträge der IDT 2017. Die Beiträge zeichnen Entwicklungslinien des Faches nach, diskutieren aktuelle Arbeitsfelder und zeigen durch Einbezug von Bezugswissenschaften wie der Linguistik, der Spracherwerbsforschung und der Mehrsprachigkeitsdidaktik die Interdisziplinarität des Feldes auf. Darüber hinaus widmen sich die Beiträge konkreten Lehr- und Lerngegenständen, der Diskussion um Schwerpunkte in der Ausbildung von Lehrpersonen sowie der kulturellen Dimensionen des Sprachunterrichts. Die Beiträge richten sich an Forschende und in der Praxis tätige Personen und können diesen neue Impulse und Anregungen für ihre Tätigkeiten geben. The XVI International Conference of German Teachers (IDT), which in 2017 took place in Freiburg (CH), went under the slogan "Designing bridges - connecting through German: people – environments – cultures". The goals of the IDT are: • to inform about the current state of research and developments in the subjects German as a Foreign Language (DaF) and German as a Second Language (DaZ); • to promote the cooperation of DaF and DaZ stakeholders worldwide and within the German-speaking countries; • to highlight relevant topics within educational politics. The conference proceedings (in three volumes) reflect these objectives in a variety of ways and outline them in a forward-looking manner. Volume 1 brings together a selection of ...

Slavic nobility, language and names between the rivers Saale and Elbe (10th-13th centuries) – In 2018 the archbishopric Magdeburg will celebrate its 1050th anniversary of existence. Therefore several questions in connection with interethnic relations between Slavic population and German governers are treated. From 930 up till 1150 a. Chr. a Slavonic majority was dominated by a German minority in all districts between the rivers Saale and Elbe. The author gives different answers and arguments by linguistic material to demonstrate mutual acknowledgement and tolerance by two different ethnics. The historical view allows results about interethnic communication since the 10th century. Furthermore an important fact can be made evident: German government accepted and preserved the old Slavic castles, regional names and lots of toponyms as signs of the former structure of the Slavic territory. The article offers special attention to the members of Slavic nobility. The author verifies about hundred persons with their names as examples of Slavic noble born representatives. Historical documents explain these persons' duties as well as their secular and clerical charges in the time of Middle Ages. Some can be shown in top functions near to the German king or his margrave. German representatives apparently used the so called lingua Slavica misssionarica not only as language of Christian conversion, but also when it was necessary to discuss and to treat themes of administration.

This article discusses the relationship between German and Scandinavian orientalists during the era of National Socialism. To begin with, the author examines the ideological and political interests that served to uphold oriental research in Nazi Germany. The article then continues with an inquiry into why Nazi German authorities were especially keen to maintain scientific relationships with Scandinavian orientalists during World War II. Traditionally, Scandinavian orientalists, many of whom had studied at German universities, tended to feel strongly connected with German Academia. Hence, the second part of the article considers the main reasons for the shift in attitude of Scandinavian scholars to Germany and underlines the turning points in the relationship, which, in most cases, led to an alienation from Germany and their German colleagues. In the third and last part of the article, the author looks into the impact of the National Socialistic era on the scientific orientation of Scandinavian orientalists after World War II. With regard to the international leading role of Scandinavian Assyriology, particular attention will be paid to the history of this sub-discipline. As far as research perspectives are concerned, the article not only suggests future research topics on the global history of oriental studies but also encourages comprehensive research on the history of Scandinavian universities in the shadow of the Third Reich. ; Peer reviewed

This thesis provides an in-depth theoretical discussion of the functional and spatial logic of the knowledge economy. It investigates empirically the functional polycentric patterns and interlocking networks of Advanced Producer Services and High-Tech firms in the German space economy. Starting from a conceptual background that brings together the locational behaviour of multi-branch, multi-location firms with a value chain approach, it looks at the extent to which the functional urban hierarchy within the German space economy is associated with different spatial scales – global, national, regional – and economic sectors of the knowledge economy. The results provide evidence that the functional urban hierarchy in the German space economy is steeper than is claimed by the political debate on German Mega-City Regions. The author advises German policy-makers not to prevent this urban hierarchy. Rather, the emergence of a steep functional urban hierarchy must actively be managed and shaped. ; Dieser Beitrag liefert eine fundierte theoretische Aufarbeitung der funktionalen und räumlichen Logik der Wissensökonomie. Basierend auf einer umfassenden empirischen Untersuchung wird gezeigt, welche großräumigen Netzwerkstrukturen und funktional-räumlichen Hierarchien wissensintensive Dienstleister und High-Tech Firmen in Deutschland abbilden. Die internen und externen Standortverflechtungen dieser Unternehmen werden auf drei räumlichen Maßstabsebenen in ihrer Intensität betrachtet: global, national und regional. Die Forschungsergebnisse zeigen, dass die funktional-räumliche Hierarchie im deutschen Städtesystem deutlich steiler ist, als die politische Debatte um Metropolregionen vermuten lässt. Die zentrale Herausforderung der deutschen Raumordnungspolitik besteht nicht darin, diese Hierarchie zu verhindern, sondern räumlich konzentrierte und global vernetzte Innovationskreisläufe aktiv mitzugestalten.

This article reconstructs French readings and debates of German approaches toVölkerpsychologie. Irrespective of its academic credentials,Völkerpsychologiewas a symptomatic approach during a transformative period in German, and indeed European, intellectual history: based on the idea of progress—both scientific and moral—and on the belief in the primordial importance of theVolk, it represented the mindset of "ascendant liberalism" in an almost pure form. The relevance and importance ofVölkerpsychologiecan be gauged from a list of scholars and intellectuals who discussed its merits as well as its problems. Moreover, the reception ofVölkerpsychologiewas not restricted to German academics: it was in France where central elements ofVölkerpsychologiehad the most profound effect on scholars who tried to establish a social science. Some of the best-known French academics and intellectuals of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries—Théodule Ribot, Célestin Bouglé, Ernest Renan, Alfred Fouillée, Emile Durkheim, and Marcel Mauss—commented extensively on the works of Moritz Lazarus, Heymann Steinthal and Wilhelm Wundt, and developed their concepts of a "social science" that would reach beyond traditional philosophy, philology and history in a close dialogue with their German colleagues. HenceVölkerpsychologiewas not a German oddity, but an integral part of the debates that led to the establishing of the modern social sciences, as its French reception shows.

В статье на основании малоизвестных источников исследуется отношение правительства России, командования русской армии и российской общественности к немцам-колонистам и их земельной собственности в годы Первой мировой войны. Главное внимание уделяется истории ликвидации земельной собственности немцев-колонистов и использовании их земли для расселения беженцев из Галиции и награждения солдат-фронтовиков. Рассматривается также реакция населения российских губерний, либералов, националистов и представителей немецкой диаспоры на принудительное переселение немцев-колонистов из прифронтовых районов. Делается вывод, что «ликвидационная политика» и антинемецкая кампания не дали ожидаемых результатов. В частности, не оправдались расчеты на подъем патриотических настроений на фронте и в тылу. ; The article based on little known sources examines the gradual change in the attitude of Russian government, military command and general public towards the German colonists and their land ownership during the World War I. Main attention is paid to the deprivation of the German colonists of their lands that were then given to Galician refugees and army veterans. The response of the Russian population, liberals, nationalists, and the German diaspora representatives to the deportation of the Germans from the front-line area is also considered. A conclusion is made that the amotion policy and anti-German propaganda did not yield expected results. In particular, the hopes for the patriotic upsurge were not justified on the front and in the rear.

Criticism of 'the West' and of 'Western civilization' in Germany in the early 20th century is generally most familiar today as a conservative force of the age. It is well-known that at the outbreak of war in August 1914 a longstanding German complex of resentment of the Western European powers exploded in a call to arms. Yet it needs to be stressed that not all prominent German bourgeois writers endorsed a wholly militant reading of the motif of German national-cultural 'protest at the West'. By 1918 an array of voices could come to discern another kind of salient work of contention that refused apology for any kind of violent Kulturkrieg. The thesis defended in this article is that in sophisticated humanistic writing of the era, a German mood of antagonism with the West represents not a regressive ideology but the productive and intelligent outcome of a longstanding preeminence of philosophical questioning in German academic life since the later 19th century about European world pictures and their claims to universal validity on the stage of world history. A range of statements are shown here to anticipate debates of the present day about 'late', 'reflexive' or 'post-Eurocentric' conditions of Western modernity.

In the early 1960s, West German intellectuals began to discuss the role and importance of Mao Zedong. Recognition of Mao as a political icon soon spread into subcultural left-wing networks and publics. Driven by a desire to change the social and political conditions of West German society, artists and members of the growing student movement adopted the idea of Mao's Cultural Revolution and reconfigured it for the West German context. At the same time, iconic images of Mao also entered popular culture. After the decline of the student movement, left-wing intellectuals' accounts of Mao became trendsetting texts for a broad subcultural milieu. During the 1970s, an estimated 100,000-150,000 extra-parliamentary activists turned into adherents of Maoist cadre parties. Living directly at the European frontline of the Cold War, the appeal of Maoist ideology for West German activists derived from its promise to open up a "third way" beyond US capitalism and Soviet communism. The Chinese example inspired hopes for social liberalization, fundamental political change, and, for some, even national reunification. This paper traces how Mao acquired his iconic status among different West German networks and publics throughout the 1960s and 1970s and attempts to identify key agents in this process as well as their acts of trendsetting and gatekeeping.

Hitler's coming to power in Germany had its key consequences upon the fate of the German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. The German community in Romania constituted no exception. After 1933, a process of radicalization can be noticed in the case of the Transylvanian Saxons, one of the several German-speaking groups in Romania. The phenomenon has already been analyzed in its political and economic dimensions, yet not so much in its social ones. This article looks at the latter aspect, its argument being that the Nazification of the Transylvanian Saxon community can be best comprehended by using a conceptual framework developed by political scientist Donald Horowitz in the early 1970s. The analysis uses a series of contemporary sources (diaries, issues of the official periodical of the Lutheran Church in Transylvania,Kirchliche Blätter), but also a wide range of secondary sources, academic and literary. Consequently, the article shows that especially after 1933, the Lutheran affiliation, highly relevant for the production and reproduction of the traditional model of Transylvanian Saxon identity, shifted from the status of a criterion of identity to a mere identification indicium. At the same time, the attraction of a (Pan-) German identity, with its Nazi anchors, became stronger and the center of gravity for Transylvanian Saxon identity radically moved towards German ethnicity, in its National-Socialist understanding.