Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Developing international constitutional law, apart from difficulties concerning its definition, faces certain well-known problems – ranging from its pluralistic mode of creation to its enforceability, but has also to scrutinise its aims. If its aim is to at least provide a global reference framework for constitutional principles and concepts – since serving as a common set of values does reach its own limits rather quickly eg concerning fundamental issues such as the role of women in society or sustainability – it has to be inclusive in nature. Certain areas of international law, such as human rights – via Universal Periodic Review or treaty monitoring bodies such as CAT – or WTO law interact closely with national constitutional and/or regional international law (ECHR) and or regional constitutional/public law (eg EU Law). Therefore, their ideas may be taken up – voluntarily through courts or academia, due to examination mechanisms through governments or tribunals – be modified (if necessary to fit into a national constitutional system or supranational constitutional framework) and transported back into the global community (eg as feedback within a WTO case or an UPR). This, however, is event driven. Therefore, it cannot be a carefully conceptualised coherent law such as national constitutions. National (and land constitutions, which may also provide important ideals) constitutions in general serve several functions: as set of values eg in the area of fundamental rights, for structuring the state functions by setting up institutions and modes of operation, and as reference for the interpretation of norms eg in court cases. Their overall purpose is to provide a coherent inner regime. Nevertheless, by promoting certain selected 'institutionalisable' constitutional ideas (for example through the rule of law initiative) we can aim to strive from a fragmented towards a more coherent global framework.

Der Autor stellt unterrichtspraktische Überlegungen für die Einführung eines Kurses der Studienstufe Gymnasium in das Thema "Internationale Politik" vor. Hiermit wird das Angebot eines groben Unterrichtsganges für zentrale Unterrichtsthemen ebenso offeriert wie ein flexibler, Alternativen bietender gedanklicher Rahmen. Darüber hinaus soll zahlreiches Material zur Anregung und Auswahl dienen. (LSW).

What is today in the United States conventionally known as international relations is a subject different in content and emphasis from its counterpart of even two decades ago. Much of what seemed important in 1929 seems irrelevant, and some of it even trivial, in 1949. Another twenty years may perhaps bring a similar judgment on work now being done. But we ought at least to be aware of the direction in which we have been moving if we are to control the future development of the field.In 1930 the following statement passed unchallenged in a discussion among some of Ameria's leading social scientists: "The emotional drive is so highly developed in the kind of person who goes into the international relations field that it often leads to unclear thinking." The implication that no one without this drive could conceivably be persuaded to enter the field is a commentary on the disesteem with which international relations research was then regarded.

En este artículo se analiza cómo las administraciones internacionales que ejercen un poder gubernamental en territorios post conflicto justifican su autoridad política sin tener legitimidad democrática. En el artículo se estudia el establecimiento, los mandatos y las prácticas de gobierno de las administraciones de Bosnia, Kosovo y Timor Oriental y se identifican cinco fundamentos de la autoridad: el consentimiento, la delegación, el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad, el fomento de los derechos humanos y la democracia, y la disposición para gobernar. No obstante, todos estos aspectos son cuestionables. En concreto, la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales se debilita debido a sus prácticas, a que no existe la obligación rendir cuentas y a la efectividad limitada a la hora de disponer gobierno. Para concluir, en el artículo se destacan algunas posibles vías de refuerzo de la autoridad de las administraciones internacionales ; In this article there is analyzed how the international administrations that exercise a governmental power in post conflict territories justify their political authority without having democratic legitimacy. In the article it is studied, both the establishment, the mandates and the practices of government of the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor, and they are identified five sources for this authority: the assent, the delegation, the maintenance of the peace and the safety, the promotion of the human rights and the democracy, and the disposition to govern. Nevertheless, all these aspects are questionable. Concretely, the authority of the international administrations is weakened due to its practices, to the unexistence of any obligation for accountability and to the limited efficiency at the moment of arranging government. To conclude, in the article are outlined some possible ways for the reinforcement of the authority of the international administrations.

[ES] The main assignments of the University are training and research. The latter is a source of knowledge and innovation for businesses. The economic competition between the European Union and the mountainous and emerging countries is a permanent challenge. To respond to this challenge, the European Union has started a process of structuring and mutualising research in the member countries within the European Research Area. The funding of transnational cooperation research projects under the Seventh Framework Programme encourages researchers to group together to respond to several calls with one excellence criterion. For example in Europe, the states, the institutes also define their policies for international relations in the field of training and research. If international experience is an element of development, progress and completeness for researchers, it is also a formidable area of freedom for their profession. ; 147 157 9 3 ; [ES] The main assignments of the University are training and research. The latter is a source of knowledge and innovation for businesses. The economic competition between the European Union and the mountainous and emerging countries is a permanent challenge. To respond to this challenge, the European Union has started a process of structuring and mutualising research in the member countries within the European Research Area. The funding of transnational cooperation research projects under the Seventh Framework Programme encourages researchers to group together to respond to several calls with one excellence criterion. For example in Europe, the states, the institutes also define their policies for international relations in the field of training and research. If international experience is an element of development, progress and completeness for researchers, it is also a formidable area of freedom for their profession. ; OJS ; [ES] The main assignments of the University are training and research. The latter is a source of knowledge and innovation for businesses. The economic ...

"Much of what can be subsumed under the label of 'political cosmopolitanism' argues that some internationalization of political authority is desirable because of the superior capability of international institutions in solving transnational problems. Surprisingly, however, few scholars have asked whether ordinary citizens share this way of thinking. To address this question, falsifiable hypotheses about the quality and scope conditions of such a 'public political cosmopolitanism' are derived from the literature and tested using the results of a representative survey of German citizens. I show that there is significant support for what I call the 'interdependence model' of cosmopolitan politicization: German citizens' perception of transnational interdependencies (in terms of functional sensitivity as well as moral commitments) fosters beliefs in the capability of international institutions to solve problems. This model has significant explanatory power over different levels of education, and thus disproves a common claim that cognitive mobilization is a crucial scope condition of cosmopolitan politicization. Remarkably, however, the relationships specified by the interdependence model are only marginally moderated by German citizens' sense of their own vulnerability, i.e. their beliefs that the national government is incapable of solving such problems." (author's abstract)

The proposed IFC investment (of approximately 300,000 US dollars) would help finance the establishment of an export-oriented software company, WBI Advanced Technology Limited, in Coonoor in South India. The concept of the project is to make use of the large pool of educated, skilled and relatively low-cost Indian manpower to provide a wide variety of computer software services to the international market. (Econom. Voorlichtingsdienst)

This book gives an analysis of the legal issues raised by the international fight against money laundering. A comparative research of the criminal and preventive law aspects from an international perspective, it contains the most detailed overview yet published on the rules and practices of international co-operation in this area

Das Abkommen vom 29. Juli 1987 zur Herstellung von Frieden und Normalität in Sri Lanka; Kontext des Abkommens; Unterzeichnung des Abkommens; Hauptbestimmungen des Abkommens und die Frage der Gegenseitigkeit. (AA)

What did the United States Supreme Court mean when it famously said, "International law is part of our law, and must be ascertained and administered by the courts of justice of appropriate jurisdiction, as often as questions of right depending upon it are duly presented for their determination"? Perhaps the Court was suggesting that, in an interdependent world, United States courts should not decide cases without paying "a decent respect to the opinions of mankind," in the memorable words of the Declaration of Independence. The framers and early Justices understood that the global legitimacy of a fledgling nation crucially depended upon the compatibility of its domestic law with the rules of the international system within which it sought acceptance. Their recognition seems both prudent and sensible. Even today, for any nation consciously to ignore global standards not only would ensure constant frictions with the rest of the world, but also would diminish that nation's ability to invoke those international rules that served its own national purposes.