This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. • Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. • El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). • Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 • Finlayson, J .2005. Habermas, a very short introduction. Oxford University Press. • Florida, M .2003. Cities And The Creative Class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. • Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 25 • IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. 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Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. • Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. • Obregon, J .2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. • Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 • Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)26 • Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. • Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. • Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A. Companion of the City. 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In this dissertation, we are mainly interested in the interactions between poverty and one of its greatest dimensions1, namely health. More specifically, we will focus on their inequalities: does poverty inequality have more effect on poverty than health level? Does health inequality matter to poverty? Poverty and health are two related concepts that both express human deprivation. Health is said to be one of the most important dimensions of poverty and vice-versa. That is, poverty implies poor health because of a low investment in health, a bad environment and sanitation and other living conditions due to poverty, a poor nutrition (thus a greater risk of illness), a limited access to, and use of, health care, a lower health education and investment in health, etc2. Conversely, poor health leads inevitably to poverty due to high opportunity costs occasioned by ill-health such as unemployment or limited employability (thus a loss of income and revenues), a lower productivity (due to loss of strength, skills and ability), a loss of motivation and energy (which lengthen the duration of job search), high health care expenditures (or catastrophic expenditures), etc3. But what are the degree of correlation and the direction of the causality between these two phenomena? Which causes which? This is a classic problem of simultaneity that has become a great challenge for economists. Worst, each of these phenomena (health and poverty) has many dimensions4. How to reconcile two multidimensional and simultaneous events? 1 Aside the income-related material deprivation. 2 Tenants of the ?Absolute Income? hypothesis for instance show that absolute income level of individual has positive impact on their health status (Preston, 1975; Deaton, 2003). Conversely, lack of income (and the poverty state it implies) leads unambiguously to poor health. For other authors, it is not the absolute level per se, but the relative level (i.e. comparably to others in the society) that impacts most health outcomes. This is the ?Relative Income? hypothesis (see van Doorslaer and Wagstaff, 2000, for a summary). 3 See Sen (1999) and more recently Marmot (2001) for more information. 4 Poverty could be seen as monetary poverty, human poverty, social poverty, etc. Identically, one talks of mental health, physical health, ?positive? and ?negative? health, etc. So a one-on-one causality could not possibly exits between the two, or will be hard to establish. We?ve chosen the first way of causality: that is, poverty (and inequality) causes poor health. As justification, we consider a life-cycle theory approach (Becker, 1962). An individual is born with a given stock of health. This stock is supposed to be adequate enough. During his life, this stock is submitted to depreciation due to health shocks and aging (Becker?s theory, 1962). We could think that the poorer you are, the more difficult is your capacity to invest in your health5. Empirically, many surveys (too numerous to be enumerated here) show that poor people6 do have worse health status (that is, high mortality and morbidity rates, poor access to health services, etc.). It has been established that poor children are less healthy worldwide, independently of the region or country considered. It is generally agreed that the best way to improve the health of the poor is through pro-poor growth policies and redistribution. Empirically, one of the major achievements of these last two decades in developing countries is the improvement in health status of populations (notably the drop in mortality rates and higher life expectations) following periods of (sustained) economic growth. However, is this relation always true? In some countries as we will see later in this thesis, while observing an improvement in the population?s welfare, the converse is observed in its health status, or vice versa. If health and poverty are so closely related, they should theoretically move in the same direction. But the fact that in some countries we observe opposite trends suggests that some dimensions of health and poverty are not or may not be indeed so closely related, as postulated, and that they may depend of other factors. 1. The Purpose of the Study. 5 Another justification is that many authors have studied the problem the other way. Schultz and Tansel (1992, 1997) for instance showed that ill-health causes a loss of revenues in rural Cote d?Ivoire. Audibert, Mathonnat et al. (2003) also showed that malaria caused a loss of earnings of rural cotton producers in Cote d?Ivoire. 6 Usually defined from some income or expenditure-related metric or some assets-based metric. The ultimate goal of our dissertation in its essence is to measure inequality in health7 in developing countries using mainly Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS, henceforth)8. It deals with interactions between poverty and one of its greatest dimensions, putting aside the income-related material deprivation, namely health. It therefore measures inequality in health status and access to health and discusses which policies should be implemented to correct these inequalities. That is, it aims to see how much rich people are better off and benefit from health interventions, as compared to the poor, and how to reduce such an inequality. The present dissertation contains four papers that are related to these questions. Our main hypothesis (that will be tested) is that poverty impacts health through inequality effects9. Graphically, we can lay these simple relationships as: The dashed line in the figure above suggests that income inequality could impact health directly. But we consider that this direct effect is rather small or negligible, as compared to the indirect effect through inequality in health. Therefore, inequality in health is central to our discussion. To measure inequalities in health, we face three challenges: 7 And corollary health sanitation (access to safe water, toilet and electricity). Though electricity is more a measure of economic development that health measure per se, we add it here as a control for sanitation and nutrition: for example women could read more carefully the drugs? notices, or warm more quickly foods; more generally, electricity often improves the mental and material wellbeing of households. It also conditions health facility?s performance. 8 And potentially other surveys. In this case, we mention explicitly the survey(s). 9 The other important factor that could impact health is the performance of the health system. This is discussed in the Chapter 3. Health Assets Inequality Health Inequality Poverty (Assets Index) - measuring welfare (income metric) and subsequently inequality in welfare, - measuring health, - and measuring inequality in health. The measurements can be conducted using two approaches (Sahn, 2003): - Directly by ranking the households or individuals vis-à-vis their performance in the health indicator; we thus have a direct measure of inequality in health. This is suitable when the health indicator is continuous (such as weight, height or body mass index). According to Prof. David E. Sahn, that approach ?which has been referred to as the univariate approach to measuring pure health inequality, involves making comparisons of cardinal or scalar indicators of health inequality and distributions of health, regardless of whether health is correlated with welfare measured along other dimensions?. - Indirectly by finding a scaling measure such as consumption or income or another indicator (assets index for instance)10 that would help ranking the households or individuals (from the poorest to the richest), and see what are their performance in the health variable of interest. We are therefore measuring an indirect health inequality. The indirect method is mostly suitable when the health indicator is dichotomous (for example whether the individual has got diarrhoea last 2 weeks, or ?have the child been vaccinated?, or ?place of delivery?) or is a rate (such as child mortality). Again, quoting Prof. Sahn, ?making comparisons of health across populations with different social and economic characteristics is often referred to in the literature as following the so-called `gradient? or `socioeconomic? approach to health inequality. Much of the motivation for this work on the gradient approach to health inequality arises out of fundamental concerns over social and economic justice. The roots of the gradient will often arise from various types of discrimination, prejudice, and other legal, social, and economic norms that may contribute to stratification and fragmentation, and subsequently inequality in access to material resources and various correlated welfare outcomes?. While the first method would appear quickly limited for dummy or limited categorical health variables because of the small variability in the population, the second approach could also be 10 Or more generally any other socioeconomic gradient such as education, gender or location. impossible when no information is available to scale the units of observation in terms of welfare. We?ll be mostly focusing on the second approach, as did many health economists, and also due to the nature of the DHS datasets in hand and the indicators that we are investigating. 2. Strategy, Methods and Structure. Measuring wealth-related inequality in health implies in the first stage defining and characterizing the poor. Who are indeed the poor? Traditionally, monetary measures (income or consumption) have been used to distinguish households or people into ?rich? and ?poor? classes. Indeed, it is agreed that the ?incomemetric? approach is one of the best ways to measure welfare11. However, it sometimes, if not often, happens that we lack this essential information in household survey datasets. Especially in our case, the DHS datasets do not have income nor consumption information. Then, how to characterize the poor in this situation? For a long time, economists have eluded the question. But soon, it became evident that an alternative measure is needed to strengthen the ?poverty debate?. In the first part of our dissertation, we start by providing a theoretical framework to find a proxy for wellbeing, in the case where consumption or income-related data are missing, namely by discussing the use of assets as such a proxy. The first part of this thesis is relatively long, as compared to the second. However, this is justified, due to its purpose. The goal of the first part of the dissertation is to participate to the research agenda on poverty. It attempts to measure it in a ?non traditional?12 way. 11 There is a consensus in the economic literature that income is more suitable to measure wealth or welfare in developed countries while consumption is more adequate for developing ones due to various reasons such as irregularity of incomes for informal sector, seasonality, prices, recall periods, trustworthy, etc. (see Deaton 1998 for detail). 12 i.e. a non monetary way. The main rationale for this first part therefore is thus to find a new, non monetary measure to characterize in best, life conditions, welfare and then the poor. This measure is referred to as the ?assets index?. Indeed, as the majority of developing countries are engaged more and more in fighting poverty, inequality and deprivation, more and more information on the state of poverty13 is needed. If in almost all these countries, many household surveys have been implemented to collect information on socioeconomic indicators, the major indicator that is needed to analyze poverty (namely income or consumption data) is unfortunately not often collected due to various reasons (time, cost, periodicity, etc.). Even, if they were collected, the quality of the data is often poor. Therefore, economists tend to rely more on other indicators to compensate for the absence of monetary measures. One of the indicators often used are the assets owned by households. The question arose then how to use these assets to characterize the poor in this context? How to weight each of them? In a first attempt, many economists built a simple linear index by assigning arbitrary weights to the assets14. In a seminal paper, Filmer and Pritchett (2001) propose to construct the so-called ?assets index? which could be used as a proxy for consumption or income. It is commonly agreed that their methodology follows a ?scientific? approach, thus is more credible. In their case, they use a Principal Component Analysis (PCA, henceforth) to build their assets index. Since, many other economists have followed in their footsteps which we label in our dissertation, the ?material? poverty approach (as opposed to the monetary one) since it is based on materials (goods and assets) owned by the households or individuals. Because of the importance of the subject (poverty) and because the method is pretty new and original, this first part of our thesis is as said quite long as compared to the second one and has two papers which focus mainly on poverty and inequality issues and their connections with economic growth. In this part, we start by presenting a methodology of measuring non monetary (material) poverty, when a consumption or income data is not available. We show how one can obtain robust results using assets or wealth variables. Once the method is clearly 13 And more generally welfare. 14 For example a television is given a weight of 100, a radio 50, and so on. But this is clearly not a `scientific? way to proceed, as there is no rational ground in giving such weights. tested and validated, it is then confronted to real data. We show that the index shares basically the same properties with monetary metrics and roughly scales households in the same way as does the consumption or income variables. We discuss the advantages and also the limitations of using the assets index. The important thing to bear in mind is that, once it is obtained, it could be used to rank the observational units by wealth or welfare level. - The first chapter defines in a first section poverty and how it is usually measured (by the income metric approach). We discuss the limitations of the use of income/expenditure and what could be alternative measures. We then propose in section 2 the assets metric as a proxy for poverty measurement and test the material poverty approach on international datasets collected by the DHS program. We explore the material poverty and inequality nexus in the world and how Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA)15 compares with other regions. We show, using that index and DHS data, that poverty, at least from an assets point of view, was also decreasing in SSA as well as in other regions of the world. This result contrasts with other findings such as Ravallion and Chen (2001) or Sala-i-Martin (2002) that show that, while other regions of the world are experiencing a decline in their (monetary) poverty rates, SSA is lagging behind, with rates starting to rise over the last decade. Therefore, two different measures of welfare could yield opposite results and messages in terms of policies to implement to combat poverty. Moreover, the method we use not only allows observing changes over time for each country, but also provides a natural ranking among countries (from the poorest to the richest). In this chapter, aside the measure of welfare and poverty, we also discuss in a final section the impact of demographic transition on economic growth and therefore on poverty. Indeed, demographic transition is a new phenomenon that is occurring in developing countries, especially African ones. Its negligence could lead to underestimating poverty measures (both material and monetary) by underestimating real economic growth rates. We show that changes in the composition and the size of households put an extra-pressure on the development process. While traditional authors have not considered the impact of these 15 SSA countries are Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Chad, Comoros, Republic of Congo, Côte d?Ivoire, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The ?rest of the world? is represented by Armenia, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Egypt, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, Morocco, Nepal, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Vietnam and Yemen. changes, we show that taking this into account implies higher economic growth rates than those actually observed or forecasted. - Once the assets index approach is established and tested on international data, the question arose how it performs as compared to the monetary metric. Indeed, if monetary measures remain the reference, then our assets index should share some common properties with them. The second chapter assesses the trends in material poverty in Ghana from the assets perspective using the Core Welfare Indicators Questionnaires Surveys (CWIQ). It then compared these trends with the monetary poverty over roughly the same period. We show that the assets index could be used and yields the same consistent results as using other welfare variable (such as income, consumption or expenditure). Therefore, using two consecutive CWIQ surveys, we find that material poverty in Ghana has decreased roughly by the same magnitude as monetary one, as found in other studies by other authors such as Coulombe and McKay (2007) using Ghanaian GLSS16 consumption data. Thus, this chapter could thus be viewed as providing the proof that the material and the monetary approaches could be equivalent. The second part of our dissertation seeks how to define and measure health and inequality in health. While the definition of health is not obvious, we propose to measure it with child mortality rates. Our main rationale in doing so is that low child mortality generates, ceteris paribus, higher life expectancy17, thus is an adequate measure of a population?s health. This may not be true in areas devastated by wars, famines, and HIV and other pandemics where child mortality could be high (in this case, the best measure should be life expectancy by age groups). Also, the reader should bear in mind that in fact, child mortality could be itself is a good indicator for measuring the (success of the) economic development level of a society as a whole (Sen, 1995), mainly because in developing countries, child mortality is highly correlated to factors linked to the level of development such as access to safe water, sanitation, vaccination coverage, access to health care, etc. - In the third chapter, we focus on measuring overall population?s health. For this, we estimate child mortality in SSA and compare it to the rest of the world. We explore the 16 Ghana Living Standard Surveys. 17 By construction, life expectancy at birth is highly correlated and sensitive to child mortality (it is based on child mortality rates for various cohorts). Lower child mortality rates lead to higher life expectancy and vice versa. determinants of child mortality using mainly a Weibull model and DHS data with socioeconomic variables18 as one of our major covariates. The use of the assets index information is to see how these quintiles behave in a multivariate regression framework of child mortality (i.e. how they affect child mortality). We find, among others, that mother?s education and access to health care and sanitation are one of the strongest predictors for child survival. Controlling for education and other factors, family?s wealth and the area of residency do not really matter for child survival in SSA, contrasting with results found elsewhere. - The fourth and last chapter answers the ultimate goal of this dissertation, that is, the scope of health inequalities in the developing world, particularly in SSA. It uses the factor analysis (FA) method of Chapter 1 to rank household according to their economic gradient status19 and then studies inequalities in various health indicators in relation with these groups. The intention is to analyze inequality rates between rich and poor for various health variables. In this chapter, we concentrate solely on inequality issues in health and health-related infrastructures and services. Mainly, we analyze inequality in access to sanitation infrastructures (water and electricity20) and various health status and access to health indicators (such as child death, child anthropometry, medically assisted delivery and vaccination coverage) using a Gini and Marginal Gini Income Elasticity approach (GIE and MGIE, henceforth) on one hand, and the Concentration Index (CI) approach on the other. Results show that, while almost all countries have made great efforts in improving coverage in, and access to, these indicators, almost all the gains have been captured by the better-offs of the society, especially in SSA. We extend the analysis to compare GIE estimates to those of CI and find consistent results yielding quite similar messages. 18 Quintiles groups derived from an assets index. 19 By grouping usually households in 5 quintiles from poorer to richer ones. 20 On the rationale of using electricity, see footnote 7 above. 3. Results and Policy Implications. As said above, the major goal in conducting this thesis research is to analyze inequality in health status, health care and health-related services using DHS data. To reach our objective, we follow two intermediate steps: - For assets poverty, results show that assets poverty and inequality are decreasing in every region of the world, including Sub-Saharan Africa. This tends to support our hypothesis that, contrary to common beliefs, African households use assets and building ownerships as saving tools and buffer to economic shocks. The first paper also shows however that the demographic transition actually occurring in developing countries could impede on economic growth and trigger a bullet on policies aiming at combating poverty. - Our third paper shows that child mortality is decreasing in all parts the world. However, the 1990s and early 2000s have been a lost decade for the African continent where many countries have witnessed an increase in rates that is mostly attributable among other factors to the economic and financial turmoils of the 1990s and early 2000s and the HIV epidemic. Our hypothesis is that these phenomena have destabilized the organization of the health care system, cut its funding and hampered its performance. High levels of health inequality can also be part of the puzzle. Coming back to the particular case of HIV/AIDS, the reader should observe that it affects more and more the less poor so that it can also lead to a decline in assets inequality (richer people are dying) along with an increase in child mortality and thus explain in great part our paradox. This setback (the rise in mortality over recent periods despite poverty reduction) will make impossible for these countries to reach the millennium development goals, at least for child mortality. The conclusion to this is that African population?s health has been stagnant over the period 1990-2005. Regression analysis reveals no strong correlation between our measure of welfare (assets index) and child mortality. More important are mothers? education and access to health care and sanitation services. - Finally, our inequality estimates show that they are quite high for all indicators considered. For ill-health indicators (child malnutrition and death), rates are excessively concentrated in poor and rural groups. Concerning access to health care services, rich and urban groups tend to be more favoured than poor and urban ones. But the high level of inequality tends to be reducing at the margin over time, as the poor have increasing access. Finally for access to sanitation services, results show that while the majority of countries have made substantial efforts to increase coverage on the first two periods, the rich and urban classes have benefited more and inequality (which is at high levels) tends to rise at the margin over time, especially for the poor. More preoccupying is the fact that rates are falling between 1995-2000 and 2000-2005, probably because of the privatization of these services and the new costs they impose on households. Overall, inequality in all variables considered is more pronounced in SSA than the rest of the world (expect for death and malnutrition). The sub-continent is still disadvantaged in terms of access to services or ill-health. Where to go from here? In the African sub-continent, we have the following picture: a decreasing (material) poverty and inequality but coupled with a stagnant child mortality situation, a stagnant or increasing malnutrition. This is mostly due to high levels of, and an increasing inequality at the margin in access to sanitation and electricity services coupled with a decreasing access to these services. Thus, despite the fact that we observe a decreasing inequality at the margin in access to health care (even though the average level of inequality is still high) the missing link in health-related services coupled with an overall high inequality in these two types of services hugely impact child health and survival. Therefore, as access to health care services and health-related sanitation services is essential to child survival, our findings call for vigorous policies to promote access of the poor groups and rural areas to these services. African Governments should continue to favour access of the poor to health care and reverse the inequality trends in access to water, sanitation and electricity. This is vital for the health of the population and for the development of Africa. Funding can come from various sources: the Government Budget, International Assistance but also from households themselves (since the first part of our thesis has demonstrated that they are getting richer (and various surveys show that they are willing to pay for quality health care), an adequate fees policy could benefit to the health care system). Measures should be put in place to strengthen the performance of the health system and to mitigate the negative effects of macroeconomic imbalances, economic crises and HIV/AIDS. Only on these conditions the Sub-Continent could hope to eradicate poverty and promote health for all. 4. Contribution of this Thesis. This thesis seeks to analyze empirically the inequality in health and access to health in SSA and how this region compared to the rest of the world. To do so, it develops a new method to characterize poor households and to analyze assets-based poverty, when the monetary measure is unavailable. Such a method is indeed necessary as almost all developing countries have collected many surveys that lack the consumption or income information. Once a poverty measure and a correct measure of health have been found, and their core determinants clearly established, we then proceed to the health inequality analysis, along with its determinants, using two methodologies: the traditional CI and the more recent GIE approaches. These approaches have been the mostly used to explore the inequality in health and access to health these last years. Though already studied in the literature, and sometimes applied on DHS or some groups of DHS datasets, our dissertation differs in its purpose and scope and its large scale. No paper to our knowledge used the totally to-date freely available DHS datasets to study poverty and inequality topics and provide basic statistics. Our main contribution is to shed a new light on the welfare-inequality-health nexus in Africa, how it evolves over time and how it compares to other regions around the world, using all available information. It also put numbers on various important socioeconomic indicators such as poverty, inequality, child health and mortality, access to health-related infrastructures, etc., for developing countries, especially African ones. As we sometimes lack these important information, this thesis proves finally to be a very useful exercise. ; Cette thèse part d'un postulat simple : « l'amélioration du niveau de vie s'accompagne de l'amélioration de l'état de santé générale d'une population » et teste sa validité dans le contexte de l'Afrique au Sud du Sahara (ASS). Si cette hypothèse se vérifie en général dans le contexte de l'ASS en ce qui concerne le niveau (plus le pays est riche, plus sa population est en bonne santé), il l'est moins en ce qui concerne les dynamiques, du moins à court et moyen terme. Notamment, les pays qui connaissent une amélioration tendancielle de bien-être matériel ne connaissent pas forcément une amélioration de la santé de leurs populations. Ceci constitue un paradoxe qui viendrait invalider notre postulat. En écartant tout effet de retard ou de rattrapage qui pourrait l'expliquer car nous travaillons sur une période de 15 ans réparties en 3 sous-périodes (1990-1995, 1995-2000 et 2000-2005), nous expliquons ce paradoxe, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, par deux canaux principaux qui peuvent interagir : - la performance du système de santé et - l'inégalité en santé. Si le premier est plus évident mais aussi plus difficile à prouver empiriquement du fait du manque de données sur des séries longues, ou du fait que ces données sont trop agrégées et éparses, le second canal est testable avec des bases de données adéquates qui, elles, sont disponibles au niveau microéconomique (ménages). Les bases de données que nous avons privilégiées sont les Enquêtes Démographiques et de Santé (EDS) du fait de leur comparabilité dans l'espace et le temps (mêmes noms de variables standardisées, même méthodologie d'enquête, mêmes modules, etc.). Ces atouts sont d'autant plus importants que les comparaisons de pauvreté et de bien-être basées sur les enquêtes de revenus ou de consommation butent sur de sérieux problèmes à savoir la comparabilité de ces enquêtes (méthodologies différentes, périodes de rappel différents, prix souvent non collectés de la même manière, etc.). Pour montrer ces effets de l'inégalité de santé sur les niveaux et les tendances de la santé des populations et la pauvreté et le bien-être, nous avons axé notre recherche autour de 3 axes principaux : 1- Comment mesurer le niveau de richesse et donc le bien-être des ménages en l'absence d'information sur la consommation et le revenu ? Les chapitres 1 et 2 de notre thèse se penchent sur cette question. Nous avons privilégié, à l'instar de plus en plus d'économistes, l'utilisation des biens des ménages et les méthodes de l'analyse factorielle et d'analyse en composantes principales pour construire un indice de richesse. Cet indice de richesse est pris comme un substitut du revenu ou de la consommation et sert donc de proxy pour la mesure du bien-être. Bien qu'il comporte quelques lacunes (notamment le fait qu'il ne concerne que les biens matériels et durables du ménage alors que la consommation ou le revenu sont des concepts plus globaux de bien-être, il ne prend pas en compte les préférences des ménages, il ne comporte aucune notion de valeur car le prix n'est pas pris en compte, de telle façon qu'une petite télévision en noir blanc vieille de vingt ans est mise au même niveau qu'un grand écran plasma flambant neuf, etc.), il n'en demeure pas moins que d'un côté, avec les EDS, il n'y a pas moyen de faire autrement en l'état actuel des choses, mais aussi et surtout parce que ces données permettent d'éviter les problèmes évoqués plus haut, notamment celui de la comparabilité des données pour faire de la comparaison spatiale et inter-temporelle des données en matière de pauvreté. Dans le premier chapitre, en nous basant sur cet indice et une ligne de pauvreté définie a priori à 60% pour la première observation dans notre échantillon (Benin, 1996), et en utilisant les données EDS et une analyse en composantes principales (ACP), nous avons pu mesurer la tendance de la pauvreté dite « matérielle » (en opposition à la pauvreté monétaire, basée sur la métrique monétaire). Cette méthode qui est privilégiée par des auteurs comme Sahn et Stifel est d'autant plus intéressante qu'elle donne non seulement les tendances de la pauvreté dans chaque pays, mais elle permet aussi une classification naturelle de ces pays par ordre de grandeur de pauvreté. Cependant, dans la mesure où les biens des ménages et la dépenses de consommation sont disponibles, l'analyste devrait estimer les deux types de pauvreté (matérielle via l'indice de richesse et monétaire via le revenu ou la consommation) car les études montrent souvent que les biens matériels et la consommation ou le revenu ne sont pas très bien corrélés, et donc le choix de l'indicateur de bien-être est crucial en termes de politiques économique et de santé. En effet, si l'indicateur sous-estime le vrai niveau de pauvreté ou d'inégalité (ou les surestime), les dépenses publiques qui en résultent peuvent être plus ou moins surévaluées, de même que les réponses apportées se révéler inadéquates. Donc dans la mesure du possible, il conviendrait de se pencher sur la question du choix de l'indicateur. Les résultats de notre méthodologie montrent que l'ASS reste la région la plus pauvre du monde en termes de possession d'actifs. La région orientale de l'ASS est la plus pauvre au monde (75%) suivie de l'Asie du Sud (64%), le Sud de l'ASS (61%), l'Afrique Centrale (57%), l'Afrique de l'Ouest (55%), l'Asie de l'Ouest (40%), l'Asie du Sud-Est (19%), l'Amérique Latine (18%), les Caraïbes (17%), l'Afrique du Nord (6%), l'Asie Centrale (2%) et l'Europe de l'Est (1%). Notre analyse nous montre que la pauvreté baisse dans l'ensemble des pays Africains au Sud du Sahara (sauf la Zambie), à l'instar des autres pays du monde dans l'échantillon. En effet, en considérant les trends, nous voyons que la moyenne de l'ASS passe de 63% de pauvreté matérielle entre 1990-1995 à 62% en 1995-2000 et 58% entre 2000 et 2005. La baisse est modeste et lente mais non négligeable et surtout, elle est en accélération sur les 2 dernières périodes. Mais elle demeure toutefois beaucoup plus marquée dans le reste du monde. Concomitamment à la baisse de la pauvreté, nous observons aussi une baisse de l'inégalité. Nous terminons ce chapitre par une réflexion sur l'effet de la transition démographique sur la croissance économique et la pauvreté en ASS et dans les autres pays en développement. En effet, la chute de la fertilité et de la mortalité couplées à un exode rural font que le nombre de famille se démultiplie du fait de la transition vers des tailles plus réduites. Ceci impose plus de contraintes (et donc peut avoir un impact négatif) sur la croissance économique et risque de sous-estimer le niveau réel de pauvreté. Il convient, une fois que la pauvreté matérielle et ses tendances ont été bien calculées avec les biens durables (et la transition économique prise si possible en compte), de tester la validité de cette méthode en la confrontant avec les résultats issus de l'analyse monétaire de la pauvreté. Les EDS ne comportant pas données d'information sur la consommation, nous nous sommes tournés vers une autre source de données. Dans le chapitre 2, nous avons testé la robustesse de notre méthode dans le cas particulier du Ghana, en utilisant les enquêtes du Questionnaire Unifié sur les Indicateurs de Base de Bienêtre (QUIBB), et en confrontant les résultats issus de la méthode ACP avec ceux issus de la méthode traditionnelle monétaire et trouvons grosso modo les mêmes résultats (10% de baisse avec la méthode monétaire traditionnelle et 7% avec notre méthode sur la période 1997- 2003). Ceci valide donc le fait que la méthode que nous proposons (à savoir, mesurer le bienêtre et la pauvreté par les biens durables des ménages) est tout aussi valide que la méthode plus traditionnelle utilisant des métriques monétaires. Une analyse fine dans le cas du Ghana montre que la baisse de la pauvreté est due à une croissance économique particulièrement pro-pauvre mais aussi à des dynamiques intra et intersectorielles (réallocation des gens des secteurs moins productifs vers ceux plus productifs) et aussi une forte migration des campagnes vers les villes. Nos simulations montrent que les migrants ruraux ont aussi bénéficié de cette croissance dans les villes où ils trouvent plus d'opportunités. 2- Une fois établie que la pauvreté est en recul en ASS, nous avons voulu mesurer la tendance de la santé de sa population (approximée par les taux de mortalité infantile et infanto-juvénile). Nous discutons dans le chapitre 3 de trois méthodes pour estimer et comparer les taux de mortalité des enfants : - la méthode des cohortes fictives (sur laquelle l'équipe de l'EDS se base pour estimer les taux « officiels » de mortalité), - la méthode non paramétrique (Kaplan et Meier) que privilégient un certain nombre d'économistes et - la méthode paramétrique (Weibull) de plus en plus utilisée pour sa souplesse et sa robustesse. Les deux premières méthodes ont tendance à sous-estimer le vrai niveau de mortalité et de ce fait nous avons privilégié le Weibull. De plus, avec cette dernière, nous pouvons évaluer l'effet de chaque variable spécifique (comme l'éducation ou l'accès à l'eau) sur le niveau de mortalité. Une étude des déterminants de cette mortalité montre qu'outre l'effet attendu de l'éducation des mères, l'accès aux infrastructures de santé (soins médicaux et surtout prénataux durant et lors de l'accouchement) et sanitaires (accès aux toilettes et dans une moindre mesure à l'eau potable) en sont les principaux facteurs. L'effet de richesse joue peu en ASS (mais pas dans le reste du monde), une fois que nous contrôlons pour le lieu de résidence (urbain) et le niveau d'éducation. Ce résultat nous surprend quelque peu, même s'il a été trouvé dans d'autres études. Ensuite, nous avons calculé la mortalité prédite des enfants. De toutes les régions du monde, l'ASS a le niveau de mortalité le plus élevé (par exemple en moyenne 107 décès pour la mortalité infantile contre 51 pour le reste du monde, soit plus du double). Ce résultat était toutefois attendu. Par contre nous avons été quelque peu surpris en ce qui concerne les tendances. Le constat est que sur les 15 ans, la mortalité des enfants a très peu ou pas du tout baissé dans le sous-continent africain (et est même en augmentation dans certains pays, alors qu'ils enregistrent une baisse de la pauvreté matérielle sur la même période). En moyenne, considérant les enfants de moins d'un an, les taux sont passés de 95%o à 89.5%o pour remonter à 91.5%o pour les 3 périodes 1990-1195, 1995-2000 et 2000-2005. Ainsi sur 15 ans, la mortalité infantile n'a baissé que de 3 points et demie en moyenne et surtout, elle remonte sur la période 1995-2005. Un examen des taux de malnutrition des enfants confirme ces tendances. On pourrait dire que ces résultats sont plutôt encourageants et normaux si on fait une analyse d'ensemble du sous-continent. En effet pour l'ensemble de l'ASS, cette légère baisse semble en conformité avec la baisse de 5 points des taux de pauvreté matérielle (63% en 1990-1995 à 58% en 2000-2005). Mais l'ordre de grandeur est faible en termes de magnitude, et surtout si compare au reste du monde où on observe une baisse de la mortalité beaucoup plus conséquente. Mais c'est l'arbre qui cache la forêt. Une analyse plus fine par pays montre en effet une situation plus contrastée. Notre postulat de départ nous dit que sur une période suffisamment longue, une amélioration de bien-être s'accompagne d'une amélioration de la santé. Or on constate que certains pays qui connaissent une baisse de la pauvreté matérielle connaissent également une recrudescence de la mortalité des enfants. Pour une même année, ce résultat peut être normal, traduisant un simple décalage pour que l'amélioration de bien-être se traduise par un meilleur état de santé de la population. Mais à moyen terme (période de 5 ans), nous observons la même absence d'effet. Nous sommes donc face à un paradoxe qu'il nous faut comprendre et tenter d'expliquer. Une des pistes pour comprendre ces résultats est d'analyser la performance des systèmes de santé en Afrique. Les facteurs qui expliquent notamment cette performance sont : des facteurs « classiques » comme la performance économique des périodes passées, les montants et l'allocation des dépenses de santé, l'organisation des systèmes de santé, la baisse de la fourniture de services de soins de santé (vaccination, assistance à la naissance, soins prénataux, soins curatifs, .), la malnutrition, le SIDA, les guerres, la fuite des cerveaux notamment du personnel médical, etc., à côté de facteurs plus « subtils » ou ténus car moins saisissables comme les crises financières des années 1990s qui ont plombé certaines des économies de la sous-région, la qualité des soins, la corruption et les dessous-de-table, l'instabilité de la croissance économique (même si elle est positive), etc. La seconde voie que nous examinons pour expliquer le manque de résultat en santé dans certains pays concerne l'inégalité en santé et ceci fait l'objet de notre dernier chapitre. 3- Expliquer l'absence de lien entre santé et pauvreté dans certains pays de l'ASS : l'effet de l'inégalité en santé. Dans le chapitre 4, nous émettons l'hypothèse que le fort niveau d'inégalité dans l'accès aux services de santé et d'assainissement couplé à la faible performance du système de santé (avec en toile de fond l'impact du Sida) peuvent servir à expliquer en partie notre paradoxe. Nous considérons deux types de services : - soins de santé (vaccination, assistance médicale à la naissance et traitement médical de la diarrhée) et - hygiène et assainissement (accès à l'eau potable et à l'électricité, accès aux toilettes propres). Le choix de ces services est motivé par le fait que le modèle Weibull dans le chapitre 3 nous montre que toutes choses égales par ailleurs, ils sont cruciaux pour la survie des enfants, en particulier en Afrique. Les niveaux d'accès montrent une baisse tendancielle des taux pour les services de santé (surtout pour la vaccination) et une légère augmentation de l'accès à l'électricité et dans une moindre mesure à l'eau potable. L'accès aux toilettes propres demeure un luxe réservé à une petite fraction de la population. Pour les calculs d'inégalité, nous considérons deux indicateurs: - l'indice de concentration (pour mesurer le niveau moyen d'inégalité) - et l'élasticité-revenu du Gini (inégalité « à la marge » quand le revenu d'un individu ou d'un groupe augmente d'un point de pourcentage). Globalement, les pays d'ASS ont un niveau d'inégalité beaucoup plus élevé comme on s'y attendait par rapport au reste du monde. Pour les tendances, nous remarquons que l'inégalité marginale s'accroît pour les services d'assainissement (eau, toilette et électricité), mais qu'elle diminue pour les soins de santé. En ce qui concerne l'inégalité moyenne, elle indique une disproportion dans l'accès des classes riches par rapport à celles pauvres. Même si les groupes pauvres « rattrapent » ceux riches dans la provision de certains services, cela se fait de façon trop lente. De fait, le haut niveau d'inégalité couplé à une recrudescence de cette inégalité à la marge pour certains services tendent à annihiler les effets positifs de la croissance économique et de la réduction de la pauvreté et maintiendraient la mortalité, la malnutrition et la morbidité des enfants en Afrique à des niveaux relativement élevés et plus particulièrement concentrées dans les groupes les plus pauvres. Tout ceci appelle à des politiques économiques, sociales et sanitaires pour renverser fortement les tendances de la mortalité des enfants. En particulier, nos résultats suggèrent qu'il faudrait que les pays Africains puissent entre autres : - accroître les services de soins de santé, notamment les soins préventifs comme les services essentiels à la santé de l'enfant dès sa naissance (vaccination, services prénataux et assistance à la naissance), les soins curatifs et les campagnes de sensibilisation. - renverser la tendance baissière dans la provision des services sanitaires (eau, électricité, environnement et assainissement, prise en charge des déchets, etc.). - améliorer la nutrition et l'environnement immédiat de ces enfants et les comportements des ménages (espacement des naissances, éducation des mères en matière de santé, etc.). - plus généralement comme le montrent d'autres études, il faudrait aussi améliorer la performance globale de leur système de santé en empêchant la fuite des cerveaux, en allouant un budget suffisant à la santé, en organisant mieux les différents organes, de même que les ciblages des politiques de santé, en empêchant la corruption, en améliorant la qualité (accueil, propreté des centres de soins, etc.), en équipant les centres en médicaments, vaccins, moyens de transport et de communication, etc. Intégrer si possible les systèmes plus traditionnels de soins (comme les matrones et les guérisseurs) et le secteur privé, de même qu'une meilleure organisation du système pharmaceutique. Ces politiques constituent un tout et doivent être mise en oeuvre rapidement, ou renforcées le cas échéant. A cette seule condition les pays Africains pourraient espérer rattraper leur retard dans les Objectifs du Millénaire.
ILLUSTRIERTE GESCHICHTE DES WELTKRIEGES 1914/15. ZWEITER BAND. Illustrierte Geschichte des Weltkrieges (-) Illustrierte Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Zweiter Band. (Zweiter Band) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. beobachtet von einer der Höhen von Jaroslau aus den Übergang der Hannoveraner, Oldenburger und Braunschweiger über den San. ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Kriegskalender zur Original-Einbanddecke der Illustrierten Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Zweiter Band enthaltend die Ereignisse vom 1. Januar bis 30. Juni 1915 ( - ) Januar. Februar. ( - ) März. ( - ) April. ( - ) Mai. ([I]) Juni. ([I]) Inhaltsverzeichnis. ([III]) Kunstbeilagen. (IV) Karten. (IV) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 26 (Heft 26) ([1]) [Abb.]: Übergang der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen über die Drina nach Serbien auf einer von Pionieren errichteten Brücke. ([1]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch-ungarische Proviantoffiziere vor ihren Zelten bei Passeys. (2)Der Vormarsch des k. u. k. Infanterieregiments Nr. 72 durch einen Sumpf. (2) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unsere Waffenbrüder: Österreichisch-ungarische Artillerie in Beney bei Toul. (2)Erdhöhlen als Biwak österreichisch-ungarischer Infanterie. (3) [Abb.]: Der Sturm auf die Höhen von Fresnoy. ([4 - 5]) [Abb.]: Brückenwache bei Lille. (6) [Abb.]: Lille, die Hauptstadt des französischen Departements Nord, nach der Einnahme durch die Deutschen. Im Hintergrund das Stadttheater. (7) [Abb.]: Einsturz eines von Granaten getroffenen Hauses in der Hauptstraße von Lille. (8) [Abb.]: Auf Bäumen postierte Turkos werden von den Deutschen heruntergeschossen. ([9]) [Abb.]: Ostende, vom Leuchtturm aus gesehen. (10) [Abb.]: Deutsche Truppen auf dem Wege nach Ostende: Ein Lager in der Nähe von Brügge. ([11]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (12) Die Geländeschwierigkeiten in Galizien und Russisch-Polen. (12) [Abb.]: Schwieriger Geschütztransport bei Przemysl. (12) Die Einnahme von Lille. (14) [Abb.]: Krankenpflegewagen für Schwerverwundete. (14) [Abb.]: Im Vorratswagen eines Lazarettzuges. (15) Mit dem Lazarettzug in Feindes (15) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Apotheke mit allen erforderlichen Arzneien und Verbandstoffen im Lazarettzug. (2)Das Innere eines Krankenwagens im Lazarettzug. (15) [Abb.]: Scarborough: Südansicht der befestigung. (16) [Karte]: Karte vom östlichen Kriegschauplatz. ( - ) [Abb.]: Die Beschießung der englischen Ostküste bei Scarborough durch ein deutsches Geschwader am 16. Dezember 1914. ([17]) [Abb.]: Montenegrinische Flüchtlinge - Moslims - aus Preblje, die sich unter den Schutz der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen stellten, auf der Fahrt nach Bosnien, wo sie, die nach dem Balkankrieg zu Montenegro kamen, eine neue Heimat zu finden hofften. Die Jungen unter ihnen traten in das k. u. u. Heer als Freiwillige ein. (18) Der deutsche Flottenangriff auf die englische Küste. (18) [Abb.]: Aufbruch einer Motorradfahrerpatouille. (18) Das Motorrad im Kriegsdienst. (19) [Abb.]: Sieben N.-S.-Motorräder der Motorradfahrerabteilung Saarbrücken. (19) [Abb.]: Am 1. Januar 1915 meldete die deutsche Heeresleitung einen Bestand von 577 875 Mann und 8138 Offizieren, darunter 7 französische, 18 russische und 3 belgische Generale, in den deutschen Lagern für Kriegsgefangene; nicht einbegriffen in diese Zahlen waren die Kriegsgefangenen der letzten Kämpfe in Russisch=Polen, die noch unterwegs befindlichen und die Zivilgefangenen. Die obigen Figuren veranschaulichen durch ihre Größe, welcher Anteil davon auf die verschiedenen feindlichen Völker kommt. Nimmt man die Stärke eines Armeekorps mit 40 000 Mann an, so bedeuten die in deutschen Händen befindlichen Kriegsgefangenen einen Verlust von rund 15 Armeekorps für unsere Feinde. (20) Die Gewehr der europäischen Mächte*). 1. Feuertaktik des Fußvolks. (20) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 27 (Heft 27) ([21]) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. im Felde. ([21]) [Abb.]: König Wilhelm II. von Württemberg im Hauptquartier des deutschen Kronprinzen. ([21]) [Abb.]: Der Hafen von Sebastopol. (22) Prinz Salar ed Dauleh. (23) [Abb.]: Kurden aus Nordpersien (23) [Abb.]: Die Türken bei El Kantara am Suezkanal: Mohammedanische Truppen gehen zu den Türken über. ([24 - 25]) [Abb.]: Suez. (26) [Abb.]: El Kantara am Suezkanal, wo die türkischen Truppen nach einem überraschend schnellen Vormarsch zuerst den Suezkanal erreichten. (27) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie Freiherr v. Scheffer=Bonadel (28) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie Litzmann. (28) [Abb.]: Deutscher Vormarsch auf Warschau. ([29]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (30) Die Türken bei El Kantara am Suezkanal. (30) [Abb.]: Ein deutscher Stabsarzt mit seinen Assistenten in einem Feldlager in Frankreich. (31) Der Argonnenwald. (31) [Abb.]: Vorgehen einer Patrouille im Argonnenwald. (31) [Abb.]: Erstürmung von Vienne=Le=Chateau im Argonnenwald am 7. November 1914. (32 - 33) Der Durchbruch bei Lodz. (32 - 33) Im Höllenfeuer von Dirmuiden. (34) [Abb.]: Leichtverwundete aus der Schlacht am Bzura=Rawka=Abschnitt kehren aus der Feuerlinie zurück (34) [6 Abb.]: Bilder vom russisch=polnischen Kriegschauplatz. (1)Laubenhaus in Dzorkow. (2)Beim Tee auf dem Markt in Dzorkow. (3)Einschüsse von Granaten in einem Wohnhaus in einem Vorort von Lodz. (4) Nachsehen der Pässe in Pabjanice. (5)Gefangene sibirische Soldaten in Hohensalza. (6) Wache im Lager. ([35]) [Abb.]: Zerschossene Straße in Dirmuiden, das, nach Erstürmung durch die Deutschen am 11. November 1914, von französischen Granaten in einen Trümmerhaufen verwandelt wurde. (36) Die österreichisch=ungarische Artillerie. (36) [Abb.]: Im Höllenfeuer von Dirmuiden. ( - ) Das Gelände von Ypern-Ostende aus der Vogelschau. ( - ) Persönliche Feldzugseindrücke im Kriege gegen Frankreich (38) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Leopold Salvator. (38) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische schwere Artillerie auf dem Marsch (39) Artilleriekampf und Fesselballon. (39) [Abb.]: Die österreichisch-ungarischen Motormörserbatterien auf dem Wege nach Lowicz. (39) Ein Ulanenstücklein. (40) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 28 (Heft 28) ([41]) [Abb.]: Lauf= und Schützengräben österreichisch=ungarischer Truppen zwischen den Gehöften von Ernabara. ([41]) [Abb.]: Einschlagen und Krepieren einer österreichisch=ungarischen 30,5=cm=Granate. (42) [6 Abb.]: Die österreichisch=ungarischen Mörserbatterien. (1) (2) Der Mörser in Ladestellung. (3)Der Granate wird der Hebegürtel umgelegt. (4)Transport der Granate. (5)Vorstoßen der Granate in den Geschoßraum. (6)Der 30,5=cm=Mörser hinter einem Gebüsch feuerbereit. ([43]) [Abb.]: Vertreibung der Russen aus dem Uszoker Paß in den Karpathen. ([44 - 45]) [Abb.]: Russische Kosakenwache in Ezernowitz. (47) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Ulanen auf dem Marsch bei Hermanovice. (48) [Abb.]: Erstürmung der russischen Höhenverschanzungen bei Turka am 30. Oktober 1914 durch die österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen. ([49]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (50) Die österreichisch=ungarischen Mörserbatterien. (50) [Abb.]: Zurückkehrende Flüchtlinge auf der Straße nach Neu=Sander. (50) Die Kirche von Liedersingen und das Bahnwärterhaus bei Conthil. (50) [Abb.]: Das Bahnwärterhaus bein Conthil an der Strecke Chateau=Salins-Mörchingen. (51) Die Beschießung von Soissons. (51) [Abb.]: Kirche in Liedersingen. (51) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie v. Lochow. (52) [Abb.]: Generalleutnant Wichura (52) Natürliche und künstliche Hindernisse im Feldkrieg. (52) [Abb.]: Beschießung von Soissons. ([53]) [Abb.]: Von fünfhundert deutschen Pionieren in fünf Tagen hergestellte Brücke über das ganze Überschwemmungsgebiet an der Oser. (54) Die Schlacht bei Sommaisne. (54) [Abb.]: Wolfsgruben und Drahtverhaue, die unsere Truppen bei ihrem Vordringen auf dem westlichen Kriegschauplatz zu überwinden hatten. (55) [Abb.]: Das von Drahtverhauen umgebene Fort Nr. 7 von der zweiten Fortlinie vor Antwerpen, wie die Belgier es hinterlassen haben. (55) [Abb.]: Wegeskizze zur Schlacht bei Sommaisne. (56) Deutsche Flugzeuge auf einer Erkundungsfahrt über der Nordküste Frankreichs. (56) Die Kämpfe bei Turka (56) [Abb.]: Das Kaiser=Friedrich Regiment Nr. 125 in der Schlacht bei Sommaisne. ([57]) [Abb.]: Dünkirchen ([58]) [Abb.]: Calais: Place d`Armes. ([58]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Flugzeuge auf einer Erkundungsfahrt über der Nordküste Frankreichs. ([59]) Ein nächtlicher Überfall. (60) [Abb.]: Landsturm im Osten mit Bagagewagen und Sanitätsbund. (60) [Karte): Karte vom östlichen Kriegschauplatz. (Südliche Hälfte). ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 29 (Heft 29) ([61]) [Abb.]: General v. Falkenhayn, Chef des Generalstabs der deutschen Armee. ([61]) [Abb.]: König Peter von Serbien mit seinem Stab im Felde. (62) [Abb.]: Serbischer Offizier macht Aufzeichnungen für das Hauptquartier. (63) [Abb.]: Typisches Landschaftsbild vom serbischen Kriegschauplatz (63) [Abb.]: Ein Schützengraben bei Darkehmen nach der Schlacht. (64) [Abb.]: Transportschwierigkeiten in Galizien. ([65]) [Abb.]: Maschinengewehrkompanie bei Darkehmen in Feuerstellung. (66) [Abb.]: Infanterie wird zur Besetzung der Schützengräben bei Darkehmen alarmiert. (66) [Abb.]: Unsere Feldgrauen sammeln Betten und Strohsäcke für ein warmes Nachtlager im Schützengraben ([67]) [Abb.]: Deutsche und österreichisch=ungarische Soldaten in gutem Einvernehmen mit der polnischen Bevölkerung. ([67]) [Abb.]: Eine fliegende Reparaturwerkstatt in der Gegend von Lodz. ([67]) [Abb.]: Erbeutete russische Patronenstreifen für Maschinengewehre. ([67]) [Abb.]: Die Wiedererstürmung Steinbachs i. E. (68) [Abb.]: Ein gefährlicher Pionierangriff. ([69]) [Abb.]: Admiral Anton Haus (70) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (71) Die kühne Tat des österreichisch=ungarischen "U 12" (71) [Abb.]: Angriff des österreichisch=ungarischen Unterseeboots "U 12" auf die französische Hochseeflotte in der Straße von Otranto. (71) [Abb.]: Ein Angriff in Flandern während eines Schneesturms. ([72 - 73]) Ein Angriff in Flandern während eines Schneesturms. (74) [Abb.]: Eine Windmühle wird von Franzosen als militärischer Aussichtspunkt verwendet. (74) Das zerstörte Vailly. (74) [Karte): Vogelschaukarte zu den Kämpfen in Flandern. ([75]) [Abb.]: Eine von deutschen Soldaten in Vailly erbaute Straße, die den deutschen Namen "Hüttendorfstraße" erhielt. (76) General der Infanterie v. Falkenhayn, Chef des Generalstabs der deutschen Armee. (76) [Abb.]: Nächtlicher Bajonettangriff in Steinbach i. Elsaß. ( - ) Die Kämpfe um Steinbach i. E. (77) [Abb.]: Der Marktplatz von Vailly mit der Kirche im Hintergrund. (77) [Abb.]: Schlachtenmaler E. Zimmer (x) im Felde. (78) Deutsche Unterseeboote vor Dover. (78) Ein gefährlicher Pionierangriff. (78) [Abb.]: Nächtlicher Unterseebootangriff auf Dover. ([79]) [Karte]: Die Stellung der deutschen Heeresmacht Ende Januar 1915. (80) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 30 (Heft 30) ([81]) [Abb.]: Rast einer Fuhrparkkolonne in der Rawkaniederung. ([81]) [Abb.]: Warschau von der Vorstadt Praga aus gesehen (82) [Abb.]: Deutsche Landwehrpatrouille auf den Ausläufern der Lysa Gora (83) [Abb.]: _Verschneite Schützengraben vor Warschau. (83) [Abb.]: Beim Mittagsmahl vor Warschau. (83) [Abb.]: Ein Zeppelin über der Nordsee (84 - 85) [Abb.]: Der im Seegefecht bei Helgoland schwer beschädigte englische Dreadnought "Lion". (86) [Abb.]: S. M. S. "Blücher", das, bis zum letzten Augenblick feuernd, beim Seegefecht in der Nordsee unterging. (86) [Abb.]: Gefangene im Zossener Lager, die den verschiedensten Völkern aus aller Welt angehören. (87) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Kaiser und Kronprinz besichtigen in den Argonnen einen vorüberziehenden Transpüort gefangener Garibaldianer. (88) [Abb.]: Unsere am weitesten vorgeschobenen Schützengräben an der Aisne. (88) [Abb.]: Erfolglose Jagd auf deutsche Flugzeuge in den Argonnen. ([89]) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarischer Panzerzug, dessen Besatzung sich bei den Kämpfen in den Karpathen durch hervorragende Leistungen auszeichnete. (90) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (90) Das Seegefecht in der Nordsee (90) [Abb.]: Feldzeugmeister Karl Kuk, Kommandant der Festung Krakau. (91) Feldzeugmeister Karl Kuk. (91) [Abb.]: Beförderung eines schweren österreichisch=ungarischen Belagerungsgeschützes. (91) [Abb.]: Bajonettangriff des hessischen Infanterieregiments Nr. 168 in der Schlacht bei Ypern (11. November 1914). ([92 - 93]) [Abb.]: Versammlungsplatz in Altkirch i. Els. (94) Artillerie=und Infanteriegefechte zwischen Dammerkirch und Altkirch. (94) [Abb.]: Gefecht zwischen Dammerkirch und Altkirch. ([95]) Telegraph und Fernsprecher im Felde. (96) [Abb.]: Telephondrähte werden durch eine Tannenwald gelegt. (96) [Abb.]: Tragbares Feldtelephon, das eine Fernsprechverbindung bis in die vordersten Schützengräben ermöglicht. (96) [Abb.]: Eine österreichisch=ungarische Korpstelephonstation. (97) [Abb.]: Deutsche Telegraphenarbeiter legen Kabel über eine von den Franzosen zerstörte Brücke (97) Der Sturm auf Messines. (98 - 99) [Abb.]: Die Argonen aus der Vogelschau. (98 - 99) Die Gewehre der europäischen Mächte*). 2. Vom glatten Vorderlader zum Chassepot. (98 - 99) [Abb.]: Verwundete in Russisch=Polen werden unter Bedeckung auf Schlitten in Lazarett gebracht. (100) [Abb.]: Die Uhr als Lebensretter (100) [Abb.]: Unsere jungen Regimenter bei den Kämpfen in Flandern. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 31 (Heft 31) ([101]) [Abb.]: Herzog Albrecht von Württem berg im Felde. ([101]) [Abb.]: Aufstand der Somali gegen die Engländer. (102) [5 Abb.]: Zu den Kämpfen im Oberelsaß. (1)Feldwache in Steinbach. (2)Posten vor Steinbach. (3)Mühlhausen: Eingang zur Stadt. (4)Sennheim nach der Beschießung. (5)Das Thanner Tor in Sennheim nach der Beschießung. ([103]) [Abb.]: Prinz Hussein Kamel Pascha, der von England eingesetzte Sultan von Ägypten. (104) [Abb.]: Englisches Kamelreiterkorps in Kairo. (104) [Abb.]: Verkündigung der türkischen Mobilmachung vor der Omar=Moschee in Jerusalem. ([105]) [Abb.]: Ein türkisches Panzerautomobil mit Maschinengewehr fährt durch die Straßen von Konstantinopel (106) [Abb.]: Eingang zum Suezkanal bei Port Said. (107) [Abb.]: Der Suezkanal bei Ismailia. (107) [Abb.]: Militärstraße im Kaukasus. (108) [Abb.]: Niederlage der Russen bei Köpriköj. ([109]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (110) Die Erstürmung von Hassankale durch die Türken und die Niederlage der Russen bei Köpriköj. (110) Der Sturm auf den Friedhof von La Boiselle. (111) [Abb.]: Der Kriegshafen von Batum. (111) [Abb.]: Bajonettangriff auf den Friedhof von La Boiselle am 15. Janur 1915. ([112 113]) [Abb.]: Requirierte Vorspannpferde für die österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen in Galizien. (114) Die Feuertaufe des Erzherzog=Thronfolgers Karl Franz Joseph. (114) [Abb.]: Verwundete österreichisch=ungarische Soldaten auf russischen Bauernwagen. (114) Herzog Albrecht von Württemberg. (115) In französischer Gefangenschaft. (115) [Karte]: England ([116]) [Abb.]: Der Markt von Yarmouth. (117) Das Seegefecht bei Yarmouth. (118 - 119) [Abb.]: Aus dem Seegefecht bei Yarmouth: Die deutschen Kreuzer begegnen englischen Fischern in der Nordsee (118 - 119) Unsere Landsturmdruckerei in Montmédy. (118 - 119) [Abb.]: Die Landsturmdruckerei in Montmédy: Setzerei und Expedition. (120) [Abb.]: Die Landsturmdruckerei in Montmédy: Im Drucker="Saal". (120) Rückkehr ostpreußischer Flüchtlinge in ihr zerstörtes Dorf. (120) [Abb.]: Rückkehr ostpreußischer Flüchtlinge in ihr von den Russen zerstörtes Dorf. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 32 (Heft 32) ([121]) [Abb.]: Einer der Aeroplane, durch die sich die in Przemysl belagerten Truppen mit der übrigen österreichisch=ungarischen Armee in Verbindung setzten. ([121]) [Abb.]: Vormarsch der österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen in Galizien. Munition und Gepäck werden, da die Wagen auf den schlechten Wegen nicht mehr verkehren können, auf Tragpferden zur Front befördert. (122) [Abb.]: Notlandung eines österreichisch=ungarischen Fliegers in Galizien. (123) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Infanterie im Schützengraben bei Jasienna. ([124 - 125]) [Abb.]: Die Vorhut des 5. k. u. k Dragonerregiments überschreitet beim Vormarsch den Fluß Joczinka in der Nähe von Przemysl. ([124 - 125]) [Abb.]: Ungarische Gendarmerie als Grenzschutz an der rumänischen Grenze. ([124 - 125]) [Abb.]: Am Dunajec in Galizien. (126) [Abb.]: Sturm der österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen auf die Höhe bei Gorlice. ([127]) [Abb.]: Deutsches Flugzeuggeschwader über dem Hafen von Dover. ( - ) [Abb.]: Deutscher Landsturm ohne Waffe auf dem Marsch zur Arbeitsstätte in Russisch=Polen ([129]) [Abb.]: Marsch durch ein zerschossenes polnisches Dorf. ([129]) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Husaren in einem polnischen Dorf. ([129]) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Ulanen auf dem Marsch an die ungarisch=galizische Grenze. ([129]) [Abb.]: Abschlagen eines Baumstammes zum Ausbau unserer Stellungen an der Aisne. ([129]) [Abb.]: Der Stamm wird im Sägewerk in Bretter und Balken geschnitten. ([129]) [Abb.]: Russische Artillerie vor Warschau. ([129]) [Abb.]: Hauptplatz in Limanowa. (130) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (130) Die Schlacht bei Limanowa. (130) Der Sturm bei Gorlice. (131) [Abb.]: Absuchen des Schlachtfeldes bei Limanowa. (131) In Lunéville. (132 - 133) [Abb.]: Polnische Legionäre zersprengen im Dunaject vorrückende Kosaken. (132 - 133) [Abb.]: Graf Zeppelin (X) im Felde. (134) [Abb.]: Begrüßung des greisen Generalfeldmarschalls Grafen v. Häfeler (X) in einem französischen Dorf. (134) Das Schlachtfeld einst und heute. (134) [Abb.]: Unsere Feldgrauen im Schützengraben. (135) Deutsche Schneeschuhtruppen gegen französische Jäger. (136) [Abb.]: Patrouille einer deutschen Schneeschuhtruppe im Anschlag. (136) [Abb.]: Die Offiziere einer württembergischen Schneeschuhkompanie. (136) Was unsere Sanitätshunde leisten. (136) [Abb.]: Französische Schneeschuhpatrouille in den Hochvogesen gerät in einen Hinterhalt. ([137]) [Abb.]: Überblick über ein modernes Schlachtfeld. ([138 - 139]) [Abb.]: Eine Abteilung vom Roten Kreuz mit Sanitätshunden auf der Suche nach Verwundeten. (140) [Gedicht]: Die Männer der "Emden". (140) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 33 (Heft 33) ([141]) [Abb.]: Oberstleutnant v. Heydebreck, der als Kommandeur der Schutztruppe in Deutsch=Südwestafrika seiner am 12. November 1914 erhaltenen Verwundung erlag. ([141]) [Abb.]: Major Franke, der neue Kommandeur der Schutztruppe in Deutsch=Südwestafrika. ([141]) [Abb.]: Dr. Schnee, Gouverneur von Deutsch=Ostafrika. ([141]) [Abb.]: Oberst Maritz, namhafter Burenführer gegen Botha und die Engländer. ([141]) [Abb.]: Christian Dewet, der "schwarze Teufel" des Burenkrieges, der Feind Bothas und Englands in Südafrika. ([141]) Geheimrat Ebermaier, Gouverneur von Kamerun. ([141]) [Karte): Übersichtskarte von Deutsch=Ostafrika. (Die Grenzen des deutschen Gebiets sind schraffiert.) (142) [Abb.]: Der Hafen von Tanga. (143) [Abb.]: Deutscher und Kameruner Krieger. (144) [Abb.]: Eine Abteilung Askari in Deutsch=Ostafrika (144) [Abb.]: Deutsche Schutztruppe in Okahandja in Deutsch=Südwestafrika. ([145]) [Abb.]: Schutztruppe von Daressalam im Gefecht. ([145]) [Abb.]: Geschütze in Deutsch=Südwestafrika in Gefechtstellung. ([145]) [Abb.]: In den Kämpfen am Kitwusee: Straße in Kissenji. (146) [Abb.]: Reitkamele im Dienst der Schutztruppe in Deutsch=Südwestafrika. (146) [Abb.]: General der Kavallerie Erzherzog Eugen von Österreich, der neue Kommandant der österreichisch=ungarischen Balkanstreitkräfte. (147) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarischer 30,5=cm=Mörser in gedeckter Stellung in einer Ortschaft Russisch=Polens. (147) [2 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie d`Elsa. (2)General v. Gersdorff. Die Führer der siegreichen sächsischen Infanterie bei Craonne. (148) [Abb.]: Sächsische Infanterie stürmt die französischen Linien bei Craonne. ([149]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (150) Das Treffen von Craonne am 25. Februar 1915. (150) Infanterieunterstände bei Craonne mit den deutlich sichtbaren Eingängen zu den Erdhöhlen. (150) Der Tag von Wytschaeke. I. (151) [Abb.]: Blick auf die Stadt Craonne mit den Höhen, die abwechselnd von Deutschen und Franzosen besetzt waren. Im Vordergrund Drahtverhaue, die vonlunseren Truppen im Sturm genommen wurden. (151) [Abb.]: Ankunft Verwundeter in einem Vogesendorf. (152 - 153) Erzherzog Eugen, der neue Kommandant der österreichisch=ungarischen Balkanstreitkräfte. (154) Unsere Soldaten im Oberelsaß. (154) [Abb.]: Lebensmittelempfang am Bahnhof. (155) [Abb.]: Die Beförderung der Lebensmittel für die Truppen in den Vogesen. (155) [Abb.]: General v. Rekowsky. (155) [Abb.]: Unsere treuen Gehilfen in den Vogesen. (155) [Abb.]: Schlittenbeförderung in den höheren Gebirgspässen. (155) [Abb.]: Vogelschaukarte zu den Kämpfen in den Vogesen. ([156]) [Abb.]: Der Sturm auf Wytschaeke. ( - ) Minenkrieg. ([157]) [Abb.]: Im Handumdrehen lag der Zug in Schützenlinie und feuerte auf den vorgehenden Gegner ([157]) Die Gewehre der europäischen Mächte*). 3. Von Drense über Mauser zu Mannlicher. (158 - 159) [3 Abb.]: Die Mine im modernen Seekrieg. (1)Das e nglische Minenschif "Iphigenia" beim Legen von Treibminen. (2)die deutschen Minenleger "Nautilus", "Albatros" und "Pelikan". (3) Die Sperminenanlage. (158 - 159) [Abb.]: Deutsches Unterseeboot. (158 - 159) [Abb.]: Ein Torpedo verläßt das Austoßrohr. (158 - 159) [Abb.]: Zündnadelpatrone, ältere (A.) und neuere (B.) Form. (160) [Abb.]: Visier des Zündnadelgewehrs. (160) Eine Fliegerleistung von historischer Bedeutung. (160) Eine Fliegerleistung von historischer Bedeutung. (160) [Abb.]: Vier bayrische Fliegeroffiziere als Ritter des Eisernen Kreuzes 1. Klasse. Von links nach rechts: Hauptmann Stadelmeyer. Oberleutnant König und Hailer, Leutnant Schlemmer. (160) Auszeichnung eines österreichisch=ungarischen Regiments. (160) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 34 (Heft 34) ([161]) [Abb.]: Grusinischer Kriegsweg, der von Wladikawkas über den Kasbek nach Tiflis am Kur führt und den besten Zugang von Persien nach Rußland bildet. ([161]) [Abb.]: Türkische Infanterie vor dem Palaste des Sultans, fertig zum Abmarsch nach dem Kriegschauplatz. (162) [Abb.]: Täbris, die Hauptstadt der persischen Provinz Aserbeidschan. (163) [Abb.]: Ägyptischer Kavallerist als Vorposten in der Wüste. (164) [Abb.]: Afrikanische Hilfstruppen der Franzosen werden an der algerischen Küste eingeschifft. (164) [Abb.]: Die Türken werfen am Suezkanal die Engländer aus ihren Stellungen. (165) [Abb.]: Der Staatssekretär des Reichsmarineamts Großadmiral v. Tirpitz, der Schöpfer der heutigen deutschen Flotte. (167) [Abb.]: Lager einer Gebirgstrainkolonne bei Bresgje (Montenegro). (168) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (168) Die Vernichtung der serbischen Komitadschi. (168) [Abb.]: Bosnisch-herzegowinische Infanterie und Gendarmerie erstürmt eine Stellung serbischer Komitadschi in der Herzegowina in der Gegend von Autovac. ([169]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten auf französischem Boden bei der Feldbestellung hinter der Front. (170) [Abb.]: Unsere Soldaten schneiden Weiden ab, die zu Geflechten für die Schützengräben dienen. (170) Die Niederlage der Engländer und Inder bei Festubert. (171) [Abb.]: Infanteristen kehren auf Eseln vom Requirieren zurück. (171) [Abb.]: Eine Wagenladung erbeuteter russischer Waffen wird sortiert. (171) [Abb.]: Die Niederlage der Engländer und Inder bei Festubert. ([172 - 173]) Der Tag von Wytschaeke. II. (174) [Abb.]: Ostende und die flandrische Küste. Ostende, der vielbesuchte Badeort an der belgischen Nordseeküste, ist wie die Mehrzahl der belgischen Küstenplätze von den Engländern aus Schiffsgeschützen mehrere Male rücksichtslos beschossen worden. Seitdem aber die deutschen Küstenbatterien und Uferbefestigungen angelegt sind, halten sich die englischen Schiffe in achtungsvoller Entfernung. Infolge des vom 18. Februar ab angekündigten Unterseebootkrieges gegen England wendete sich auch diesem von den deutschen Truppen besetzten Platze wieder besonderes Interesse zu. ([175]) [Abb.]: Eine deutsche Kolonne passiert das von den Russen gesäuberte Pillkallen inOstpreußen. (176) Rückzug der Russen über die Dosewicza. (176) [Abb.]: Blick auf den von den Russen zerstörten Ort Gerdauen in Ostpreußen, der von deutschen Truppen wieder besetzt wurde. (176) [Abb.]: Im Galopp reitet ein Offizier die Straße herab und ruft von weitem: "Nicht schießen, Deutscher!" ( - ) [Abb.]: Rückzug der Russen über die Dosewicza. ([177]) [Abb.]:Österreichisch=ungarische Schützenlinie an der Rida in Russisch=Polen (178) Der österreichisch=ungarische Thronfolger in Russisch=Polen. (178) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Karl Franz Josef (X) mit dem Stabe der 7. Division in Russisch=Polen. (179) Ostende und Calais. (179) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Karl Franz Joseph redet die einzelnen Leute eines Infanterietrupps an, um sich nach ihrem Ergehen zu erkundigen. (179) [Abb.]: Vier bayrische Landwehrleute mit ihrer "Gulaschkanone". (180) [Abb.]: Der Hafen von Calais. (180) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 35 (Heft 35) ([181]) [Abb.]: Zu den Kämpfen in den Karpathen: Österreichisch=ungarische Proviantkolonne am Fuße der Karpathen. ([181]) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Kavallerie in Russisch=Polen. (182) [Abb.]: Haubizenbatterie auf einer schlechten Straße in Russisch=Polen. (182) [Abb.]: Zu den Kämpfen in den Karpathen: Ruhepause einer österreichisch=ungarischen Truppenabteilung in der Nähe des Uzsoker Passes. (183) [Abb.]: Russische Bauern beim Einzug österreichisch=ungarischer Kavallerie in ein Dorf (184 - 185) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Ulanenpatrouille in Deckung. (184 - 185) [Abb.]: Ulanenvorhut in Russisch=Polen. (184 - 185) [Karte]: Kartenskizze zur Masurenschlacht (186) [Abb.]: Russen auf der Flucht nach der Winterschlacht in Masuren. ([187]) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie v. Below (188) [Abb.]: Generaloberst v. Eichhorn (188) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser bei den Truppen im Osten in Combina, bei Lotwicz a. d. Bzura, im Gespräch mit Generaloberst v. Mackensen. (189) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (189) Die Winterschlacht an den Masurischen Seen. (189) [Karte]: Karte des westgalizischen Kriegschauplatzes. (190) Die Wiedereroberung von Czernowitz. (190) [Abb.]: Gefangene russische Offiziere aus der Schlacht in Masuren. Darunter ein Oberstleutnant (X) und ein Oberst (XX). (190) Unsere Zeppeline. (191) Der Tag von Wytschaeke. (191) [Karte]: Karte des ostgalizischen Kriegschauplatzes. (191) [Abb.]: Einzug der österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen in Czernowitz. ([192 - 193]) [Abb.]: Die Wirkung einer Zeppelinbombe: Durch eine Bombe zerstörtes Haus in Antwerpen. (194) {Abb.]: Die Wirkung einer deutschen Fliegerbombe: Zerstörtes Haus in Stenay. (195) [Abb.]: Maschinengewehrabteilung geht bei Soissons im Galopp in Feuerstellung vor. (196) Die Schlacht bei Soissons vom 12. bis 14. Januar 1915. (196) [Abb.]: Maschinengewehrabteilung in Deckung gegen Artilleriefeuer erwartet den Befehl zum Vorgehen in der Schlacht bei Soissons. (196) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. beobachtet die Kämpfe bei Soissons. Nach einer Originalzeichnung von Pfrofessor Hans W. Schmidt. Im Mittelgrund geradeaus die Höhen von Bregny-Mergival. Im Tal die Bahn Soissons-Laon mit dem Dorfe Crouy. Östlich dieser Bahn fanden der Sturm und die Kämpfe in den Steinbrüchen statt. ( - ) [Abb.]: Rückzug der Franzosen über die Aisne bei Soissons. (197) [Abb.]: Kapitänleutnant v. Mücke. (198) [Karte]: Der vom Landungskorps des bei den Kokosinseln am 9. November 1914 zerstörten kleinen Kreuzers "Emden" auf S. M. Hilfskreuzer "Ayesha" (Emden)" zurückgelegte Weg nach Padang auf Sumatra und von dort durch den Indischen Ozean nach Hodeida in Arabien. (198) [Abb.]: Der auf den Kokosinseln gekaperte Dreimast=Schoner "Ayesha" (Emden II) landet mit dem Rest der Emdenbesatzung in Hodeida (Arabien). ([199]) [Abb.]: Patrouille der Schneeschuhtruppe in ihrer neuen Schneeschuhuniform, die sich ebensowenig von der Landschaft abhebt, wie die feldgraue Uniform in der schneefreien Jahreszeit. (200) Die Heldenfahrt der "Emden II". (200) [Abb.]: Die seltsame Wirkung der Beschießung eines Hauses bei La Pommeraye. (200) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15 Heft 36 (Heft 36) ([201]) [Abb.]: Ein Zug mit frischen Pferden aus Deutschland auf dem Bahnhof in Antwerpen. ([201]) [Abb.]: Das Schlachtfeld von Soissons aus der Vogelschau. (202) [Abb.]: General v. der Planitz, einer der siegreichen Führer der Sachsen bei Cravonne. (203) [Karte]: Zu den Kämpfen um den Hartmannsweiler Kopf. (204) [Abb.]: Eine Fuhrparkkolonne auf dem Wege nach den Stellungen zwischen Reims und Cravonne kommt durch Neuschátel (Aisne). (204) [Abb.]: Erstürmung des Hartmannsweiler Kopfes in den Vogesen. ([205]) [Abb.]: Auf dem Marktplatz in Mlawa. Im Vordergrund der Stadtkommandant Hauptmann Böhm im Gespräch mit em ehemaligen russischen Bürgermeister der Stadt, rechts die römisch=katholische Kirche, links die deutsche Feldpost, geradeaus im Hintergrund das deutsche Generalkommando (weißes Haus). (206) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten vor Teeverkaufsständen in Mlawa. Der Tee wird aus Samowars (Teemaschinen) ausgeschenkt. (206) [Abb.]: Deutsche Offiziere reiten durch die Warschauer Straße in Mlawa. (207) [Abb.]: Ankunft eines russischen Gefangenentransports in Mlawa (207) [Abb.]: Der Heldentod des Obersten Ritter Reyl=Hanisch v. Greiffenthal. ([209]) [Abb.]: Die "Grande Place" in Dinant. (210) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (210) Der Heldentod des Obersten Ritter Reyl=Hanisch v. Greiffenthal. (210) Die Zerstörung Dinants. (211) [Abb.]: Die von den Franzosen in Brand geschossene Kathedrale der belgischen Felsenfestung Dinant mit der gesprengten Bogenbrücke. (211) [Abb.]: Der Kampf um das Gehöft. Französischer Sturmangriff auf deutsche Schützengräben in der Champagne. ([212 - 213]) Der Kampf um das Gehöft. (214) [Abb.]: Infanteriegeschoßarten. 1. S=Geschoß des deutschen Gewehrs 98. 2. D=Geschoß der Franzosen. 3. Halbmantelgeschoß mit nackter Bleispitze. 4. Französisches D=Geschoß, maschinell hergestellt. (214) Infanteriegeschosse. (215) [Abb.]: Schrapnell= und Kugelspuren an einem Hause bei Dornach i.E. (215) [Abb.]: Zerschossener französischer Protzkasten. (216) [Abb.]: Ein zerschossenes englisches Feldgeschütz. (216) Erstürmung des Hartmannsweiler Kopfes. (216) [Abb.]: Sturm auf den Bahndamm der Lodz-Warschauer Eisenbahn im Walde von Borowo und Galkow in der Nacht vom 21. auf den 22. November 1914, eine der herrlichsten Waffentaten des Feldzugs. ( - ) [Abb.]: Wirkung des deutschen Infanteriegeschosses auf den Schutzschild eines französischen Geschützes. Dieses Bild zeigt einen Teil eines erbeuteten französischen Geschützes, das in Saarbrücken aufgestellt ist. Welche Durchlagskraft unser Infanteriegeschoß hat, ergibt sich daraus, daß die 1 cm dicke Stahlplatte des französischen Schutzschildes an zahlreichen Stellen glatt durchschlagen ist. Sogar der 15 mm starke Mantel des Geschützrohres ist bis auf den Lauf zerrissen. (217) Im Doppeldecker über Verdun. (217) [Abb.]: Militärdoppeldecker über Verdun. (218 - 219) Flucht aus montenegrinischer Gefangenschaft. (218 - 219) [Abb.]: Rasieren im Schützengraben, 70 m vom Feinde entfernt. (220) [Abb.]: Ein Gruß aus dem Schützengraben (220) Die Erstürmung des Dammes der Lodz-Warschauer Eisenbahn. (220) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. inmitten seiner siegreichen Truppen auf dem Marktplatz zu Lyck am 13. Februar 1915 ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 37 (Heft 37) ([221]) [Abb.]: Zweistöckige Erdhütten unserer Truppen auf dem östlichen Kriegschauplatz. ([221]) [Abb.]: Brotausgabe an 15 000 russische Gefangene, die vor dem Bahnhof in Augustow ihre Überführung nach Deutschland erwarten. (222) [Abb.]: Ein Zug gefangener Russen kommt durch ein russisches Dorf. ([223]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Fuhrparkkolonnen in der Ebene von Suwalki. ([223]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Siegesbeute aus der Schlacht in Masuren: Gefangene Russen und erbeutete Geschütze in Seiny. ([223]) [Abb.]: Gefangene Russen in Suwalki. ([223]) [Abb.]: Die masurische Seenplatte aus der Vogelschau. (224 - 225) [Abb.]: Ein Haus aus Ostpreußen, dem die Umfassungsmauern durch einen Volltreffer weggerissen wurden, während das Dach am Schornstein hängen blieb. (226) [Abb.]: Von einer Granate zerstörtes Haus in Ostpreußen. Die hintere Wand wurde weggerissen, worauf sich das Dach auf die Seite legte. (227) [Abb.]: Sanitätsmaßnahmen einer Infanteriedivision im Felde. ([228]) [Abb.]: Truppenverbandplatz in einem Steinbruch an der Aisne ([229]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (230) Sanitätstaktische Maßnahmen im Operationsgebiet. (230) Der Kriegschauplatz in der Bukowina. (231) [Abb.]: Flüchtlinge bei der Heimkehr in die Bukowina. (231) [Abb.]: Einzug der Honvedhusaren in Suczawa (Bukowina). ([232 - 233]) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie v. Linsingen, Führer der mit den österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen gemeinsam kämpfenden deutschen Südarmee in den Karpathen. (234) Technische Nachrichtenübermittlung. (234) [4 Abb.]: Zu den Kämpfen in den Karpathen. (1)Die deutsche Feldpost wird auf Schlitten nach dem Duklapaß befördert. (2)Deutsche Sanitätskolonnen kommen durch ein Karpathendorf. (3)Deutsche Sanitätsoldaten bringen einen verwundeten Österreicher zur Sanitätskolonne. (4)Deutsche Artillerie in den Karpathen auf dem Wege zum Duklapaß. ([235]) [Abb.]: Funkenstation des Armeeoberkommandos v. Stranz. (236) Die Helden von Wieliczka. (236) [Abb.]: Das Aufrichten eines Fontanamastes bei einer Feldtelefunkenstation in Russsisch=Polen. (236) [Abb.]: Funkenstation auf einem Auto. Mit dem Automobil ist ein Elektromotor verbunden. (237) [Abb.]: Der Generalstab der Armeeabteilung v. Strantz mit dem Oberkommando. (237) Der Tanz der Milliarden. (238 - 239) [Abb.]: Vernichtung russischer Kavallerie durch österreichisch=ungarische Maschinengewehre in Wieliczka (238 - 239) [Abb.]: Vom österreichisch=ungarischen Kriegschauplatz: Not macht erfinderisch. Ein Auto, daß durch eine Granate beschädigt wurde, wird durch eine einfache Verbindung mit einem anderen Wagen wieder gebrauchsfähig gemacht. (240) [Nachruf]: Nachruf einer Mutter, ihrem Sohne geweiht, der als Soldat des 3. Garderegiments zu Fuß am 17. Januar 1915 in Frankreich fiel. (240) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 38 (Heft 38) ([241]) [Abb.]: Türkische Meldereiter in Gallipoli. ([241]) [Abb.]: Zur Beschießung der Dardanellen durch die englisch=französische Flotte. Der Eingang der Dardanellen; auf der Anhöhe türkische Forts. ([241]) [Karte]: Europäische Türkei und Marmara-Meer. (242) [Karte]: Das englisch=französische Geschwader vor den Dardanellen. (243) [Abb.]: Ansicht von Smyrna. (244) [Abb.]: Die Dardanellenforts "Kale i Sultanijn" und "Kilid=Bahr" im Kampf mit der englischen und französischen Flotte. ([245]) [Abb.]: Bei Massiges gefangen genommene Franzosen. (246) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Kronprinz begrüßt einen österreichisch=ungarischen Offizier und dessen Abteilung. (247) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Kronprinz schreitet die Front eines Regiments ab, das sich beim Sturm auf Massiges auszeichnete. (247) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarischer Munitionstransport in den Karpathen. (248) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Artillerie auf dem Marsch in den Karpathen. (248) [Abb.]: Deutsche Artillerie in den Karpathen. ([249]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (250) Im Schneegestöber in den Karpathen. (250) [Abb.]: Versorgung unserer Marine mit Proviant. (250) [Abb.]: Eine Militärbäckerei bei Soissons. (251) Die Brot= und Fleischversorgung unserer Krieger. (251) [Abb.]: Kommissbrotvorräte in einer Militärbäckerei. (251) Die Erstürmung der Höhe 708 in Serbien. (252 - 253) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen um die Höhe 708 in Serbien. (252 - 253) Unsere tapferen Feldköche. (252 - 253) Generaloberst Karl v. Einem genannt v. Rothmaler und die Winterschlacht in der Champagne. (254) [Abb.]: Generaloberst v. Einem (254) [Karte]: Zur Winterschlacht in der Champagne. (254) [Abb.]: Infanterie in Alarmstellung hinter der Front. (255) Mit den Deutschen nach Rußland. (255) [Abb.]: Umwandlung eines Hochwasserschutzdamms der Memel in eine Verteidigungstellung (256) Im Rücken des Feindes. (256) [Abb.]: Eine Erfrischung aus der Feldküche während des Gefechts im Schützengraben. ( - ) [Abb.]: Englische Kavalleriepatrouille verfolgt ein deutsches Automobil. (257) [Abb.]: Französische Artillerie im Gefecht. (258) [Abb.]: Unsere Artillerie auf der Wacht zur Abwehr feindlicher Flieger. ([259]) [Abb.]: Geschickt verdeckte Unterstände für Munitionskolonnen hinter der Front; für Flieger unsichtbar. ([259]) Geschütz und Flieger. (260) Weit hinter einem Wald eingegrabene deutsche Batterie beim Feuern. (260) Geiseln. (260) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 39 (Heft 39) ([261]) [Abb.]: Ran an den Feind ! ([261]) [Abb.]: Der schwedische Dampfer "Svartön", der in der Nordsee auf eine Mine lief. (262) [Abb.]: Der englische Handelsdampfer "Harpalion", bei der bei Beachy Head torpediert wurde. ([263]) [Abb.]: Südost=England aus der Vogelschau. (264 - 265) [Abb.]: Mannschaften der Sanitätskompanie suchen mit Hunden das Schlachtfeld ab. (266) [Abb.]: Schwerverwundete werden im Auto zum Verbandplatz gebracht. (266) [Abb.]: Essenempfang in einem Feldlazarett unmittelbar hinter der Front (267) [Abb.]: Mannschaften der Sanitätskompanie rücken ins Gefechtsgebiet. (267) [Abb.]: Kannonenwerkstatt hinter der Front der kämpfenden Truppen in den Karpathen. (268) [Abb.]: Vergeblicher Sturm der Russen auf die Höhe von Kastelikorch am Duklapaß. ([269]) [Abb.]: Kriegsgefangener aus Französisch=Guinea (270) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (270) Die erste Hilfe im Felde. (270) [Abb.]: Kriegsgefangener vom Senegal. (271) Am Duklapaß. (271) [Abb.]: Angriff eine Turkoregiments bei Bixschoote. ([272 - 273]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Betriebsfertige elektrische Zündanlage. (2)Glühzünder. (274) Die Vernichtung eines Turkoregiments. (274) Elektrische Minenzündung. (274) [Abb.]: Magnetelektrischer Minenzünder. (274) [Abb.]: Die Dynamomaschine zur Stromerzeugung. (275) [Abb.]: Leitungsprüfer. (275) [Abb.]: Dynamitpatrone mit Zünder und Sprengkapsel. (275) [Abb.]: Schaltung mehrerer Zünder hintereinander. (275) General der Infanterie v. Woyrsch, (276) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie v. Woyrsch. (276) Amerikas Kriegslieferungen an unsere Feinde. (276) [Abb.]: Ein amerikanischer Dampfer lädt Kriegsmaterial für unsere verbündeten Gegner aus. ([277]) [Abb.]: Frühling im Argonnenwalde. (278) Die Erstürmung von Badonviller. (278) [Abb.]: Neun Argonnenhelden, die allein 130 Franzosen zu Gefangenen machten. (279) Feldpostbrief aus dem Senne=Lager. (279) [Abb.] Abgelöste Truppen kehren aus Schützengraben in das Ruhequartier zurück. (279) [Abb.]: Eine neu eröffnete Lesestube für Offiziere und Mannschaften im Ortsquartier. Außenansicht. (280) [Abb.]: Innenansicht der Lesestube für Offiziere und Mannschaften im Ortsquartier. (280) Die Zahl der Gefangenen in Deutschland. (280) [Abb.]: Im erstürmten Badonviller. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 40 (Heft 40) ([281]) [Abb.]: Korvettenkapitän Thierichsen, der Führer des Hilfskreuzers " Prinz Eitel Friedrich". ([281]) [Abb.]: Fregattenkapitän Lüdecke, der Kommandant des in den chilenischen Gewässern vernichteten kleinen Kreuzers "Dresden". ([281]) [Abb.]: Die Vertreibung der Russen aus Memel: Kampf in der Libauer Straße ([281]) [Abb.]: Der Bahnhof Suwalki unter deutscher Verwaltung. Ganz rechts der derzeitige Bahnhofkommandant Hauptmann Erlach, Professor an der Universität Königsberg i. Pr. (282) [Abb.]: Die Hauptstraße in Kolno. (283) [Abb.]: An der Pferdetränke in Kolno. (283) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten in Kolno verlassen nach dem Gottesdienst eine russische Kirche. (283) [Abb.]: Aus Kellern und anderen Schlupfwinkeln hervorgeholte Russen werden abgeführt. (284) [Abb.]: Deutsche Truppen auf dem Schlachtfeld bei Berzniki, südlich von Seiny, besichtigen erbeutete Maschinengewehre. (284) [Abb.]: Beschießung der russischen Festung Ossowiecz. ([285]) [Abb.]: Von den Russen auf der Flucht zurückgelassene schwere Artilleriemunition. (286) [Abb.]: Wechseln der Schützengräben in der Abenddämmerung. (287) [Abb.]: Rittmeister v. Kleist. (288) [Abb.]: Das Leibhusarenregiment mit Rittmeister v. Kleist an der Spitze auf dem Wege nach Prasznysz. (288) [Abb.]: Die Erstürmung von Prasznysz ([289]) [Abb.]: Blick über die Maas vom Camp des Romains. (290) [Abb.]: Wie es vor Reims über den Erdhöhlen in Baudesincurt aussieht. (291) [Abb.]: Zurückweisung eines Angriffs der Besatzung von Toul auf die von den Deutschen besetzten Höhen südlich Thiaucourt. (292 - 293) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (292 - 293) Sturmangriff der Franzosen auf die Höhen von Thiaucourt. (292 - 293) [Abb.]: Fliegerbombe. (294) [Abb.]: Englische Soldaten werfen aus ihren Schützengräben handgranaten auf deutsche Stellungen. (294) [Abb.]: Russische Handgranaten. (295) Handgranaten, Bomben und Minenwerfer. (295) [Abb.]: Eine englische Handgranate. (295) Aus einem österreichisch=ungarischen Minenwerfer wird ein Sprenggranate abgefeuert. (295) Einnahme von Kolomea durch österreichisch=ungarische Truppen. (296) [Abb.]: Französische Patrouillen im Argonnenwald (296) [Abb.] Einnahme von Kolomea durch österreichisch=ungarische Truppen ( - ) Die Erstürmung von Prasznysz. (297) [Abb.]: Ausschwärmen einer Radfahrerpatrouille. (297) [Abb.]: Eine Jägerpatrouille beobachtet den Feind. (297) Die Tat einer Honvedpatouille. (298 - 299) [Abb.]: Die Tat einer Honvedpatrouille. (298 - 299) Gegen die Inder. (298 - 299) Der Wehrmann im Eisen. (300) [Abb.]: Der Wehrmann im Eisen. Oben: Erzherzog Wilhelm schlägt einen Nagel ein. - Unten von links nach rechts: Erzherzog Leopold Salvator - Bürgermeister Dr. Weiskirchner - Botschafter Hilmi Pascha. (300) Kreuzer "Dresden". (300) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 41 (Heft 41) ([301]) [Abb.]: Marschall Liman v. Sanders Pascha, der deutsche Neugestalter des türkischen Heeres, wurde vom Sultan mit dem O berbefehl über die 5. türkische Armee betraut, in der die zur Verteidigung der Dardanellen bestimmten Truppen zusammengefaßt sind. ([301]) [Abb.]: Kaukasusländer und Mesopotamien. (302) [Abb.]: Munitionszug auf dem Wege durch Syrien. Das hintere Pferd trägt das Trinkwasser für die Truppen. ([303]) [Abb.]: Türkische Artillerie auf dem Wege durch Syrien. ([303]) [Abb.]: Marsch der Türken durch den Taurus. Der Esel an der Spitze dient im Gebirge für die nachfolgenden Kamele als Pfadfinder. ([303]) [Abb.]: Ein Bachübergang im gelobten Land. ([303]) [Abb.]: Sultan Mohammed V. (304) [Abb.]: Der Oberbefehlshaber der Truppen am Suezkanal, Dchemal Pascha, verabschiedet sich in Damaskus unter feierlichem Gebet (304) [Abb.]: Beduinen im Kampf mit englischer Kavallerie bei Korna am Schatt el=Arab, der Vereinigung von Euphrat und Tigris. ([305]) [Abb.]: Östliches Mittelmeer und Sinaihalbinsel. (306) [Abb.]: Türkische Minenleger vor dem Bosporus werden von den Kreuzern "Hamidijhe" und "Berc=i=Satwet" bewacht. (307) [Abb.]: Trainlager österreichisch=ungarischer Truppen in Galizien. (308) [Abb.] Der Sturm der 72er auf die russischen Schanzen bei Rudnik. ([309]) [Abb.]: Beim Anlegen von unterirdischen Unterständen. Der Beginn der Arbeiten. (310) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (310) Der Barrikadenkampf um den Hohlweg von Crouy. (310) [Abb.]: Das sachgemäße Eindecken der fertiggestellten unterirdischen Unterstände. (311) Krieg und Haushaltung. (311) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten im Unterstand bei allerhand Zeitvertreib. (311) [Abb.]: Der Barrikadenkampf um den Hohlweg von Crouy bei Soissons. ([312 - 313]) [Abb.]: Wegeskizze zum Barrikadenkampf bei Crouy. (314) [3 Abb.]: Die tapferen Tiroler. (1)Ein Tiroler in den Karpathen. (2)Bei den Tiroler Landesschützen: (3)Proviantbeförderung in den Karpathen. (315) Ein Parlamentär: (316) [Abb.]: Erbeutete französische und englische Feldgeschütze auf einem Hofe der Kruppschen Werke in Essen. (316) [Abb.]: Kaiser Wilhelm II. und Deutschlands Führer im Weltkrieg. v. Bülow. v. Mackensen. v. Moltke. Kronprinz Rupprecht von Bayern. Kronprinz Wilhelm von Preußen. Herzog Albrecht von Württemberg. Der Kaiser. v. Francois. v. Kluck Ludendorff. v. Emmich. v. Falkenhayn. v. Einem. v. Haefeler. v. Beseler. v. Hindenburg. v. Bethmann Hollweg. v. Heeringen. v. Tirpitz. ( - ) [Abb.]: Ein Parlamentär. ([317]) [Abb.]: Die Grande Place zu Ypern. Im Vordergrund ein von einer Granate gerissenes Loch. (318) Eherne Gefangene. (318) [Abb.]: Ein Besuch der belgischen Königin in Ypern in Begleitung ihres Arztes und eines Adjutanten. (318) [Abb.]: Schutzstellung einer französischen Infanterieabteilung in einer trichterförmigen Geländevertiefung während einer Gefechtspause. (319) Vier Franzosen von einem kleinen Schwaben gefangen. (319) [Abb.]: Höhlenwohnungen bei Laon, in die sich die Bevölkerung zum Schutz gegen das Artilleriefeuer zurückgezogen hat. (320) Der Sturm der 72er auf die russischen Schanzen bei Rudnik (320) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Heft 42 (Heft 42) ([321]) [Abb.]: Der Kommandant von Przemysl mit seinem Stabe. Von links nach rechts. Obere Reihe: Oberleutnant Alois Zimmermann, Oberleutnant Ludolf Ulbrich, Leutnant Herbert Schlegel, Leutnant Alfred Rachuta, Leutnant Georg Ausspitz, Leutnant Schanzer.- Mittlere Reihe: Oberleutnant Andreas Puchner, Oberleutnant Felix Hölzer, Hauptmann Alfred Luksch,
Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8182 Security Council Seventy-third year 8182nd meeting Wednesday, 14 February 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Zhang Dianbin Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mrs. Gueguen Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Polyanskiy Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Clay United States of America. . Ms. Tachco Agenda The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-04195 (E) *1804195* S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 2/20 18-04195 The meeting was called to order at 3.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Togo to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in the meeting: Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, and His Excellency Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Mr. Touré is joining the meeting via video-teleconference from Bissau. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/110, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I now give the floor to Mr. Touré. Mr. Touré: I thank the Security Council for this opportunity to introduce the report of the Secretary- General (S/2018/110) on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). As the report already presents a detailed outline of recent events in Guinea-Bissau, my intervention will focus on updating the Council on political developments since its issuance, while analysing present challenges and making proposals for the way forward. This briefing takes place against the backdrop of a rapidly evolving political situation in Guinea-Bissau. Over the past several weeks, a series of key events have occurred with important ramifications. At the country level, President José Mário Vaz dismissed former Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló and replaced him with Mr. Artur Da Silva. The African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) finally held its party congress despite attempts by national authorities to block it, and re-elected Domingos Simões Pereira as its leader. At the regional level, on 4 February, the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), pursuant to its decision of 27 January, imposed targeted sanctions on 19 individuals deemed to be obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Those individuals and their family members are subject to travel bans and assets freeze. They have also been suspended from ECOWAS activities. The ECOWAS Authority also requested the African Union (AU), the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union, the United Nations and other partners to support and facilitate the enforcement of the sanctions. Since the imposition of the sanctions, the reaction of national stakeholders has been mixed. Those upon whom the sanctions were imposed have described them as unsubstantiated and unjust, while those in favour of the sanctions have characterized them as a necessary measure to safeguard the country's democratic course. Meanwhile, national reactions to the appointment of Mr. Artur Da Silva as the new Prime Minister have been generally consistent. On 31 January, the PAIGC issued a statement denouncing Mr. Da Silva's appointment as not being in conformity with the Conakry Agreement. Last week, the Party for Social Renewal, the second largest party in Parliament, and the group of 15 dissident parliamentarians of the PAIGC also issued public statements stressing that they would participate only in a Government formed under a consensual Prime Minister, in strict compliance with the Conakry Agreement. Thus far, the Prime Minister's efforts to consult with political parties represented in the National Assembly on the formation of an inclusive Government have not borne fruit. Under my leadership, the group of five regional and international partners, comprised of representatives of the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, ECOWAS, the European Union and the United Nations, has continued 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 3/20 to harmonize efforts and messaging at opportune moments with the aim of creating a stable and enabling environment for dialogue among political leaders. So far this year, I have convened three meetings of the group. My efforts, together with those of the partners, have focused on engaging national authorities and key political stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to defuse escalating tensions, encourage political dialogue in order to ease the political gridlock, call for the protection and respect for the human rights of Bissau-Guinean citizens, and urge all aggrieved stakeholders to pursue their grievances through legal and constitutional means. Furthermore, under my direction, UNIOGBIS continues to play a central role in supporting and facilitating the regional mediation efforts of ECOWAS by, inter alia, ensuring the participation of Bissau- Guinean stakeholders at the ECOWAS Summit in Abuja in December 2017, providing substantive and logistical support for the ECOWAS high-level delegations during their missions to Bissau and regularly sensitizing regional leaders to ongoing political developments within the country, while encouraging them to exert their influence on protagonists in order to reach compromises. The absence of a functioning and stable Government for more than three years has limited the ability of UNIOGBIS to effectively and sustainably implement some of its mandated tasks. As recommended by the strategic review mission headed by the Department of Political Affairs in 2016 and endorsed by the Council last year, I have streamlined the UNIOGBIS leadership and structure to promote better integration and complementarity with the United Nations country team and other international partners, while boosting the Mission's political capacities, which has enabled me to exercise my good offices more effectively at the national level. Those changes have also assisted the broader United Nations system in Guinea-Bissau in delivering more focused and integrated peacebuilding support to national authorities and civil society, including women and youth. In this regard, the support provided by the Peacebuilding Fund has been critical. Going forward, UNIOGBIS will need to focus its energies on supporting national leaders in their efforts to appoint an acceptable Prime Minister, establish an inclusive Government, organize and conduct timely elections, and implement the priority reforms outlined in the Conakry Agreement and the ECOWAS road map. Until the completion of the electoral cycle in 2019, Guinea-Bissau remains more than ever a country that requires a dedicated United Nations presence to prevent a further deterioration in the political and security situation at the national level and avoid any negative consequences in the subregion. In this context, my good offices, political facilitation, advocacy and mediation roles, alongside my efforts aimed at promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law and at carrying out integrated peacebuilding support, will continue to be critical. As the Secretary-General has indicated in his report, it is vital that the United Nations remain engaged in peacebuilding efforts in the country while supporting ECOWAS involvement in resolving the political crisis for at least one more year. The Secretary-General has expressed his intention to authorize an assessment of the current mission at the end of that period and to present options to the Security Council for a possible reconfiguration of United Nations presence in the country. It is my hope that the Council will give favourable consideration to this recommendation. The African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC), through its communiqué of 13 February, has fully endorsed the measures taken by ECOWAS on 4 February, including the application of sanctions against political obstructionists. It has also requested the African Union Commission to coordinate with the ECOWAS Commission to ensure the effective implementation of these measures. Moreover, it has requested that the Security Council endorse the AUPSC communiqué that endorsed the ECOWAS decision. At this critical juncture, it would be important for the Security Council to continue to reaffirm the centrality of the Conakry Agreement and reiterate its full support for ECOWAS in its mediation efforts and for the measures that it has taken against political stakeholders deemed to be obstructing the resolution of the political crisis. I would further seek the Council's support in underscoring the importance of urgently organizing and holding legislative elections within the constitutionally mandated timeline. Lastly, throughout the past year, the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) has consistently acted as a stabilizing factor in the country. I would therefore call on members of the Council and international donors to support the continued presence of ECOMIB through to the holding of a presidential election in 2019, including by advocating for the renewal S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 4/20 18-04195 of its mandate and the provision of the financial support needed to maintain its deployment. I would like to express my gratitude to the Council for its continued interest in promoting peace and stability in Guinea-Bissau. I would also like to commend ECOWAS and its current Chair, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, for their tireless mediation efforts. Finally, I would like to express appreciation to all multilateral and bilateral partners, especially to the AU, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and the European Union for their commitment to promoting peace and prosperity in Guinea-Bissau. After several years of long-term investment in the stability of Guinea- Bissau, it is time to consolidate and reap the dividends of our concerted efforts. It is vital that we accompany this process to its completion. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Touré for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Vieira. Mr. Vieira (Brazil): I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation to address the Security Council in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). Since my last briefing to the Security Council, on 24 August last year (see S/PV.8031), there have been several important developments in the country. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is rapidly evolving, and the PBC is following it closely. At the most recent Summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), held in Abuja on 16 December, the Heads of State and Government gave a 30-day deadline for political actors of Guinea-Bissau to implement the Conakry Agreement. The situation was discussed again by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, held in Addis Ababa on 27 January, in the context of its thirtieth ordinary session. After 15 months as Head of Government, Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló tendered his resignation to President José Mário Vaz, who accepted it on 16 January. On 31 January, Artur Da Silva took office as the new Prime Minister. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo, Robert Dussey, led two ECOWAS missions to Bissau this year. On 1 February, the ECOWAS mission issued a final communiqué stating that the nomination of a Prime Minister by consensus, as determined by the Conakry Agreement, had not taken place and that the ECOWAS Commission would start applying sanctions against those who create obstacles to a political solution. On 4 February, ECOWAS issued a decision listing 19 names that will be subject to sanctions, consisting of the exclusion from the activities of the community, a travel ban, and the freezing of assets of the sanctioned persons and their families. The Guinea-Bissau configuration is actively engaged in following the situation in Guinea-Bissau and in providing support for the country through different initiatives. I am also in permanent contact with the Brazilian Ambassador in Bissau, who maintains excellent relations with national authorities, political actors and United Nations representatives. I would remind Council members that Brazil was one of the first countries to recognize Guinea-Bissau in 1974. In that same year we opened an embassy in Bissau. In 2017, I organized a working breakfast with the members of the PBC and four ambassador-level meetings of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. We issued three press statements last year on the situation in the country. I also briefed the Security Council on two occasions, on 14 February (see S/PV. 7883) and on 24 August. Between 25 and 28 July 2017, I conducted my first visit to Bissau in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. I met many political actors, including President José Mário Vaz, then-Prime Minister Sissoco, a number of ministers, members of all parties in the Parliament, and representatives of the United Nations. On my return, I stopped in Lisbon, where I met with the Executive Secretary of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, Ms. Maria do Carmo Silveira. On 15 December 2017, the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) approved six new projects for Guinea-Bissau, totalling $7 million, to be implemented between January 2018 and June 2019. These projects are designed to help stabilize the country by providing support to the media and the justice sector, as well as support for national reconciliation efforts and the participation of young people and women in peacebuilding and in politics. The Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC discussed and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 5/20 supported these projects in a meeting held in November last year. The PBC will continue to support Guinea-Bissau not only through the PBF, but also through consultations with different partners, including the World Bank and other international financial institutions. In this context, I am planning a visit to Washington in the coming weeks in order to talk to representatives of the World Bank about possibilities for cooperation with Guinea-Bissau. On Monday, 12 February, I convened a meeting of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC to discuss the most recent developments in the country. On that occasion, we heard a briefing from the Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Head of the Department of Political Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey Feltman. I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Feltman for his presence there. It was a positive sign of engagement and trust in the role of the PBC. It also showed his commitment to contributing to a solution to the current impasse in Guinea-Bissau. During that meeting, the participants had the opportunity to discuss the recent developments in the country, including the decision of ECOWAS to impose sanctions. They underlined the need for dialogue and mentioned the role of the region, including the importance of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Member States also commended the work of the PBF in Guinea-Bissau. Many participants stressed the relevance of respecting the constitutional framework in organizing elections. Member States welcomed the non-involvement of the armed forces in the political crisis. Many delegations mentioned the positive presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB). Delegations also supported the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), which is expected to happen by the end of this month, and underlined the importance of the good offices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. Finally, I also would like to inform the Council that it is my intention to visit Guinea-Bissau in the coming months to consult with a broad range of stakeholders on how the PBC can support peacebuilding efforts in the country and help the political actors find a solution to the current impasse. The exact date of the visit will depend on developments on the ground and will be scheduled in consultation with local authorities. I would like to recall that Brazil is currently the Chair of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP). As was done when I previously briefed the Council, the CPLP has endorsed my remarks. I would like to conclude my statement by reaffirming that the PBC will continue to make every effort to support Guinea-Bissau and I would like to outline the following recommendations in that regard. I reiterate the support of the configuration for the Bissau six-point road map and the Conakry Agreement as the framework for the resolution of the crisis. I call upon the authorities of Guinea-Bissau and key political actors to show leadership and determination by engaging in actions that would lead to the implementation of those agreements. I take note of the efforts of the region to resolve the political impasse in the country. I stress the importance of holding free and fair elections, in accordance with the Constitution of Guinea- Bissau, and call upon the international community to support that process. I underline the importance of renewing the mandate of UNIOGBIS for another year, as recommended by the Secretary-General. I also recognize the effective, preventive and deterrent role of ECOMIB. Finally, I would like to commend the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his efforts to help ensure an enabling political environment in the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ambassador Vieira for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to begin my statement by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his insightful briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I will focus my statement on two main points: the implementation of the Conakry Agreement by the Guinea-Bissau signatories and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 6/20 18-04195 Guinea-Bissau is going through a new phase in the serious and deep political and institutional crisis of recent years. My country and West Africa are concerned about this situation, which is characterized by a political impasse and requires the Council to act with greater firmness alongside the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union to bring the political actors of Guinea-Bissau to honour their commitments. Indeed, despite the signing on 14 October 2016 of the Conakry Agreement, which was supposed to favour the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister and the establishment of an inclusive Government, the country is again without a Government and confronted by a blockage of Parliament and a deep lack of trust between the President of the Republic and his party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde. The stalemate heightens raises concerns not only of a detrimental delay in the electoral calendar, which calls for the holding of legislative elections in May 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, but also of the exacerbation of political tensions and the growth of the criminal economy linked to drug trafficking. My country welcomes the ongoing efforts of ECOWAS to definitively resolve the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, in strict compliance with the communal arrangements and constitutional framework of the country. The current deadlock in Guinea-Bissau is the culmination of a prolonged deterioration of the political situation and the manifest lack of will on the part of the political actors to commit themselves to a consensual settlement of the crisis, despite the appeals and efforts of ECOWAS. Côte d'Ivoire calls on the parties to implement the Conakry Agreement in good faith and without delay. My delegation once again commends ECOWAS for its leadership and the ongoing commitment of its leaders, the Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, in the quest for a solution to the political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. Côte d'Ivoire also commends the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau for its invaluable contribution to stability in the country. ECOWAS, after a lengthy process of futile warnings, decided to adopt individual sanctions against 19 persons considered to be hostile to the process of ending the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The sanctions are a strong signal of the resolve of ECOWAS to bring the country out of a crisis that has persisted too long. Those measures — which specifically involve the suspension of the participation in the activities of ECOWAS of all persons concerned, a travel ban on travel, the denial of visas to them and their families, and the freezing of their financial assets — must be applied with utmost rigour. The sanctions, I recall, are based on the Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012, which imposes sanctions on Member States that fail to honour their obligations vis-à-vis ECOWAS, and article 45 of the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. My country congratulates ECOWAS on taking those courageous measures, which will serve as a wake-up call to the Guinea-Bissau political class, and looks forward to their effective endorsement by the African Union. Côte d'Ivoire invites the Council to fully support ECOWAS in the interests of peace and national cohesion in Guinea-Bissau. To that end, my country calls on the Security Council to adopt by consensus the draft resolution on the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, which also requires the endorsement of those sanctions. Furthermore, my delegation urges the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), the European Union and the United Nations to also support the efforts of ECOWAS to effectively implement measures that seek to ensure that the Conakry Agreement be upheld. Institutional and political stability, peace and security in Guinea-Bissau depend primarily on the people of Guinea-Bissau themselves. To achieve that, we call on them to take ownership of the Conakry Agreement. Without the involvement of the parties themselves, the prospects for finding a solution to the crisis and for restoring lasting peace to Guinea-Bissau will remain illusory. With regard to the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, my delegation welcomes the various initiatives to support the political dialogue and the national reconciliation process. Furthermore, we encourage ongoing consultations in order to make progress on security sector reform and to meet the needs of the peacebuilding mechanism under way in Guinea-Bissau. My delegation thanks the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea-Bissau for his efforts in mediation, promoting the rule of law and building the capacity of the Guinea-Bissau institutions. Côte d'Ivoire encourages its international partners, in 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 7/20 particular the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the CPLP and ECOWAS, to cooperate more closely with regard to their work on the ground to ensure greater effectiveness. My country also welcomes the strong involvement of Guinea-Bissau women in the political process, and in particular their role in facilitating dialogue between the parties. With regard to the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, I would like to inform the members of the Council that Côte d'Ivoire will soon submit a draft resolution for adoption on that issue. At the same time, if it is acceptable to all members of the Council, a draft press statement will also be submitted for adoption. My country reiterates its appeal to all stakeholders in the crisis in Guinea-Bissau to participate fully in the efforts of the international community, in particular of ECOWAS, to promote the comprehensive implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which guarantees a way out of the political impasse that the country has long suffered. I would like to finish by thanking Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for all the information that he has kindly provided to the Council. Ms. Tachco (United States of America): I wish to thank Mr. Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing and Ambassador Vieira not only for his briefing but also for his leadership of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Recently, the Security Council has witnessed significant success in West Africa in places that have experienced years or even decades of violence and tragedy. Such success includes the first democratic transfer of power in Liberia in more than 70 years and the continued consolidation of democracy in The Gambia, as well as strong economic growth in countries across the region. However, there remain many serious and profound challenges, such as the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa, elections and reform challenges facing countries with upcoming democratic transition, and humanitarian crises and displacement, all of which merit the continued attention of the Security Council. Given the urgency and magnitude of such problems, the United States believes that a self-inflicted 30-month political impasse, such as that in Guinea-Bissau, is unacceptable. For too long we have gathered to hear updates on fits and starts of political progress that eventually fade to obstruction and obfuscation from the country's leadership. The United States is profoundly disappointed by the decision of President Vaz to ignore the Conakry Agreement by failing to appoint a consensus Prime Minister and to create an inclusive Government. President Vaz must take urgent steps towards a unity Government that will pave the way for peaceful legislative elections in May. The people of Guinea-Bissau are understandably frustrated at the failure of their Government to make progress on the implementation of the Agreement. They deserve better. Time is running out. We have witnessed rising tension. Political gatherings in Bissau have provoked clashes as the people of Guinea- Bissau publicly express their frustration at the skeletal political process. Those clashes led to a crackdown by the Guinea-Bissau leadership. The Government must respect the people's right to peaceful expression and protect that right. On 4 February, the Economic Community of West African States took the ambitious step of sanctioning 19 spoilers of the Conakry Agreement, including their family members. The United States applauds such efforts to hold those in power accountable and to compel them towards finally doing what is right for the people of Guinea-Bissau. We also applaud the renewal of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau and encourage the Guinea-Bissau military to continue its political non-interference, while playing its constitutional role. For years, the international community and the United Nations have put resources into Guinea-Bissau to do important things for the benefit of its people. However, with a Government at an impasse, important issues such as security sector reform and combating transnational organized crime, narcotics and human trafficking cannot be adequately addressed. That is unacceptable. As Ambassador Haley noted in the peacekeeping context, the United Nations cannot operate effectively in environments with uncooperative Governments. That also applies to political missions such as the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 8/20 18-04195 Bissau (UNIOGBIS). For UNIOGBIS to continue on that path would not be the continuation of a partnership with a willing Government but would simply enable its obstruction. Elections must take place on time and will require support. However, first, the Government must first end the impasse to convince its partners that international support will build on established political progress and a willingness to overcome differences to enable the Government to function again. In conclusion, we once again draw attention to the ordinary people of Guinea-Bissau who, for the better part of their lives, have not known the stability of sustainable democratic governance. The Security Council must keep them in mind as we take steps to put pressure on leaders to abandon their self-serving wilfulness and to take action to better the lives of their people. They should know that our patience has now run out. Ms. Guadey (Ethiopia): I wish to thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, for his briefing on the latest developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). I would also like to express appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) for his remarks. The continued political stand-off and institutional paralysis in Guinea-Bissau remain a source of serious concern. The consequent socioeconomic difficulties over the past two years have impacted the people of Guinea-Bissau and will eventually undermine the peace and stability of the country. We appreciate the important role of the PBC and welcome the approval of useful projects to be financed under the Immediate Response Facility of the Peacebuilding Fund to the amount of $7.3 million. Such projects will certainly contribute to easing the socioeconomic difficulties of women and young people, as well as to promoting stability. The centrality of the Conakry Agreement to sustaining peace, security and development in Guinea- Bissau cannot be overemphasized. We reiterate our call for all stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to respect and to comply with the Agreement in addressing their differences and the challenges facing their country. We urge them to create conditions for the holding of legislative and presidential elections in 2018 and 2019, respectively. All parties should also refrain from actions or statements that could escalate tensions and incite violence. It is indeed vital that the security and armed forces of Guinea-Bissau continue to uphold the country's Constitution and desist from interfering in the political and institutional crisis. Those who continue to obstruct the implementation of the agreement must be given clear signals that their actions will not be tolerated. In that regard, we commend the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the high-level delegation it dispatched to Guinea-Bissau two weeks ago. We support its decision on restoring democratic governance and ensuring respect for the rule of law in Guinea Bissau, as endorsed by the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council communiqué issued today. The Council should reinforce the decision by ECOWAS and the African Union and convey a clear and united message to all the parties in this regard. We believe the concerted efforts by ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and other relevant partners continues to be indispensable to finding a durable solution to the political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We express our support to UNIOGBIS for its continued provision of necessary support to Guinea- Bissau, with the objective of resolving the current political impasse and creating an environment for of dialogue among all of the country's actors. Accordingly, we fully agree with the recommendation of the Secretary General that the current UNIOGBIS mandate be extended for another year, until 28 February 2019. Finally, we echo the appeal of the AU Peace and Security Council for financial support towards the continuation of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau — whose mandate has been extended to 31 March — until the necessary training of the national security forces of Guinea-Bissau is completed. I wish to conclude by supporting the draft press statement proposed by Côte d'Ivoire, and express our readiness to work closely on the draft resolution that will renew the UNIOGBIS mandate. Mrs. Gueguen (France) (spoke in French): I thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, for his clear and precise briefing, which reminds us of just how critical this point is for Guinea-Bissau. I also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his efforts as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 9/20 Commission and for his insistent appeal for support to regional initiatives and for respect for the electoral cycle in Guinea-Bissau. France is concerned about the non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement since October 2016. The Agreement, which provides for the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, has remained a dead letter, even though it provides a plan to resolve the conflict. This political impasse has consequences on the ground. There have been several clashes between the police and opposition political parties. Respect for human rights is also not assured in Guinea-Bissau. The latest developments on the ground show that the authorities of Guinea-Bissau no longer hesitate to limit the freedom of assembly and the right to protest. The establishment of a robust compliance framework with regard to respect for public freedoms is an essential precondition to the resolution of the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We therefore call upon the international community to be particularly vigilant in that regard. Due to the risk of a deterioration in the political and security situation, it is high time for all parties to honour their commitments to reach national consensus, all the more so because the window of opportunity is narrowing, as legislative elections are slated for this spring. In that regard, it is particularly important to ensure that the legislative and presidential time table is adhered to. I would like to emphasize three essential points with regard to the renewal at the end of the month of the madate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). First, we must increase our support for regional initiatives. In that regard, France welcomes the ongoing efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), especially the work of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau and the recent adoption of the sanctions list of people obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. That is an important step forward and a clear sign to the relevant local actors. We are convinced that the solution to the conflict will require consultation among local actors and the international community. In that connection, the group of five international partners based in Guinea-Bissau, which comprises the African Union, the European Union, the United Nations, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, provides a special coordination platform that ought to be supported. Secondly, it is crucial for the Security Council to fully assume its role in resolving the current political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. The Council should increase pressure on local actors, particularly President Vaz, and should direct the parties in Guinea-Bissau to shoulder their responsibilities. Sanctions were adopted in 2012 through resolution 2048 (2012), and additional measures could be taken in conjunction with those taken by ECOWAS. Thirdly, it is essential to renew the mandate of UNIOGBIS, which ends 28 February, and thereby signal the commitment of the United Nations to continuing to participate in the process of resolving the conflict. We should also contemplate restructuring UNIOGBIS following an assessment of the impact of its activities on the ground. It is time for the parties in Guinea-Bissau to move from words to action. Their commitments must now give way to concrete action. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation welcomes the holding of this meeting and thanks Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau, for his briefing. We also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his commitment and leadership as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Peru is monitoring with concern the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Despite efforts by the international community and regional organizations to reach a solution to the political crisis, little progress has been made in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, concluded in October 2016. We would like to make three main points. First, Peru deems the successful holding of 2018 and 2019 elections to be crucial to achieving sustainable peace. In that regard, we are concerned about the nomination of a Prime Minister who does not enjoy consensus among all parties, as called for in the Conakry Agreement. That undermines the credibility of the Government. Additionally, four of the members of the National Electoral Commission, including its President, could not be nominated for the National Assembly, which has not convened since S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 10/20 18-04195 January 2016. Such conditions complicate the holding of legislative elections slated for May. That is why we believe it is necessary and urgent for all parties to resume inclusive dialogue with a view to implementing the commitments undertaken. We welcome the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States, which include imposing sanctions on those who obstruct the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, in line with regional rules and regulations. We believe that it is important to increase the participation of women and youth in the necessary dialogue and subsequent elections. That is why we highlight the efforts of the Women's Facilitation Group, which seeks to increase the participation of women in the country's political processes. Secondly, we are concerned that, despite the current relative stability, a stalled political process could lead to renewed violence and rampant crime, especially considering that the country is vulnerable to threats such as terrorism, organized crime and human trafficking. In that connection, we highlight the launching of the Network of National Human Rights Defenders. As the Secretary-General noted in his report (S/2018/110), reform is needed in this area, including strengthening the armed forces and the professionalization of the police. Similarly, we call for full respect for the fundamental right to freedom of expression in Guinea-Bissau. Thirdly, with regard to socioeconomic development, we would like to highlight the fact that, although the World Bank has reported economic growth of 5 per cent over the past year, it should be borne in mind that such growth is primarily attributed to the country's main exports being sold at a higher price on the international market. Nonetheless, a country whose poverty rate is approximately 70 per cent is socially and economically vulnerable. That is why we believe that peacekeeping and peacebuilding require greater investment in social development, and in particular in Peacebuilding Fund projects aimed at empowering women and young people, promoting national reconciliation and strengthening the judiciary. We underscore the importance of ensuring the predictability and stability of the Fund's financing. We also believe that it is important that the activities promoted by the Peacebuilding Fund be coordinated with the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) and the United Nations country team. In conclusion, we support the renewal of the UNIOGBIS mandate for an additional year, in line with the recommendation of the Secretary-General. We thank the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union and other international actors committed to assisting Guinea-Bissau for their valuable efforts. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, let me thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau and Head of Mission for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS), Mr. Modibo Touré, and his team for the detailed and important briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau. We also thank Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for his briefing, in which he underscored the configuration's commitment to the various initiatives in Guinea-Bissau. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed very closely and with great interest the developments in the political and institutional crisis in Guinea-Bissau. It has paid even closer attention since the country joined the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014, and now that Equatorial Guinea chairs the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea-Bissau. In my capacity as Chair of the 2048 Committee, I would like to voice our concern about the deadlock in the peace process in Guinea-Bissau, which is hindering the country's national reform programme, thereby threatening to undermine progress in the country since constitutional order was restored in 2014. Equatorial Guinea lauds the commitment and considerable effort made, as well as the human and financial resources made available by international multilateral partners, in particular the Guinea- Bissau group of five, comprising the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the CPLP, the European Union and the United Nations. Undoubtedly, the synergy among international actors with regard to the issue in Guinea-Bissau attests to the desire and willingness of the international community to find a peaceful and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 11/20 consensus-based solution in the interests of Guinea- Bissau. The Conakry Agreement must continue to be the fundamental reference for national political actors. The Agreement not only outlines the appointment of a Prime Minister who is trusted by the President of the Republic, but whose appointment is the result of consensus among all national stakeholders. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has taken note of the rejection of the appointment of Mr. Augusto Antonio Artur Da Silva by ECOWAS and the main political actors in Guinea-Bissau, in particular of the two main political parties — the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde and the Partido para a Renovação Social. Given the lack of consensus surrounding the appointment of the Prime Minister, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls upon all political actors in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, including the President of the Republic, as well as the leaders of the two main political parties, to work together to form an inclusive Government that would create the right conditions ahead of upcoming legislative elections to be held later this year, and presidential elections in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea supports the electoral calendar as outlined in the country's Constitution. That is why the Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that an international support mechanism for the electoral process should be put in place for the purpose of updating the electoral rolls and assisting the Independent National Electoral Commission to effectively shoulder its responsibility, and with all other preparations that would allow for the holding of transparent, democratic elections whose results would put a definitive end to the political maze the country has had to navigate over the past few years. The extension of the mandate of UNIOGBIS is a key element in resolving the crisis. As announced, ECOWAS has decided to extend the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau until 31 March. The actions of the United Nations must be part of that undertaking. The Security Council's vote, scheduled for 27 February, must allow the Mission to be extended for a year or more, until presidential elections are held in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that international partners should continue to focus primarily on mediation, good offices, dialogue and direct negotiations as the only viable paths to breaking the current political and institutional deadlock. The most recent report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) concludes that the population's latent frustration with an uncertain political environment could foster instability and crime. Equatorial Guinea reiterates its gratitude to the defence and security forces that have chosen to adopt a neutral, republican position. Therefore, we urge all political actors in Guinea-Bissau to put the interests of the country and its people, love of State and their responsibility above all other considerations so as to create the right conditions for the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. Stability in the country must not be disassociated from economic recovery. In that regard, we welcome the support of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, through the Peacebuilding Fund, in financing various multisectoral projects. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea will take part in good offices and negotiations. Equatorial Guinea, as a member of the CPLP and Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea- Bissau, will support and take initiatives that it believes are necessary to assist in efforts under way to find a solution to the situation in the brotherly country of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I would like to begin by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his briefing. I commend him and his team for the valuable work being undertaken in support of the people of Guinea-Bissau. Let me also extend my thanks to the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Ambassador Mauro Vieira, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. As Ambassador Vieira mentioned his country's long-standing relations with Guinea-Bissau, I thought that I would take this opportunity to point out that Sweden recognized Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and we began supporting General Assembly resolution 2911 (XXVII), concerning its self-rule, in 1968. In the 1970s and 1980s, Guinea-Bissau was one of our largest development partner countries. There is therefore a deep and historic friendship between Sweden and the people of Guinea-Bissau, and it is in that spirit of friendship that we are engaging in support for Guinea- Bissau in meeting its current complex challenges. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 12/20 18-04195 Moreover, we welcome the opportunity to draw upon the strategic advice of the Peacebuilding Commission and its longer-term perspective, which are essential for sustaining peace in Guinea-Bissau. The activities financed by the Peacebuilding Fund to that end are also important. An integrated approach from the United Nations family in Guinea-Bissau can contribute positively to overcoming peacebuilding challenges. Accordingly, we welcome the efforts outlined in the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). We are concerned by the ongoing and increasingly protracted political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. A lack of progress in resolving the stalemate undermines peacebuilding efforts and is holding the country's social and economic development hostage. Resolving the crisis is therefore a prerequisite for the consolidation of peace in the country. The six-point Bissau road map and the Conakry Agreement remain the only legitimate way forward, and must be implemented. The appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, as stipulated in the Agreement, is essential. National leaders must live up to their commitments and meet their responsibilities. We strongly commend the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to mediate among the parties to find a solution to the political crisis. ECOWAS is playing an essential role on behalf of the region, and we welcome its continued efforts to reach a consensual implementation of the road map and Conakry Agreement. We welcome the ECOWAS decision to impose sanctions on those impeding the Agreement's implementation. It is important that the international community fully support regional efforts in a concerted and coherent manner. In that regard, we welcome the statement issued yesterday by the African Union in support of ECOWAS, including regarding sanctions. Long-term peace and security in Guinea-Bissau will be achieved only when the root causes of the conflict are addressed. Constitutional reform, reconciliation and political dialogue, strengthening the rule of law through strong and inclusive institutions, and ensuring equal access to economic opportunities are all critical in that regard. It is also essential that all parts of society have their voices heard. In particular, ensuring the full and effective participation of women is crucial. We agree with the Secretary-General that the promotion of, and respect for, human rights is fundamental to sustaining peace and ensuring long-term stability and development in Guinea-Bissau. We echo the Secretary- General's call on national authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and to refrain from any further acts that undermine the rule of law. Let me also take a moment to welcome the military's neutrality and its posture of non-interference in the political process. Concerning the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), it has a crucial role to play in coordinating international efforts to support Guinea-Bissau, not least of which is supporting preparations for the holding of elections. There is a need to immediately refocus the Office's resources where they can be used most effectively, particularly with regard to resolving the political deadlock and supporting the electoral process so that it moves forward. We strongly support the Office's work to strengthen women's participation as active peacemakers in resolving the political crisis, including by encouraging women's mediation efforts. We welcome in particular that the integration of gender-sensitive perspectives into the work of UNIOGBIS and the United Nations country team has been accorded the highest priority by the United Nations in Guinea- Bissau. We look forward to hearing more about how that process is being taken forward. During the Peacebuilding Commission's meeting on Guinea-Bissau on Monday this week, all key actors, including Guinea-Bissau, expressed the view that the Secretary-General's recommendation for a one-year extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate should be authorized. A one-year extension would allow for longer-term planning and more effective support for the implementation of the Conakry Agreement and the holding of elections. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau has gone on for far too long. It is now time to move forward with the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement and preparations for the holding of inclusive elections. The international community, together with the region, must stand ready to support the country on its path towards long-term peace and development. Mr. Clay (United Kingdom): I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Touré and Ambassador Vieira for their informative briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is concerning. It is not the first country in the world to experience a political impasse, but it is a country that continues to emerge from the serious instability and violence 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 13/20 of its recent past. The political impasse has prevented progress on reforms that are critical to addressing key conflict risks in Guinea-Bissau. The situation is only likely to become more volatile as we move towards elections. We have already seen violent confrontations between demonstrators and police, and witnessed worrying efforts to curb political freedoms. Economic growth is at risk, and a serious deterioration in stability would be deeply damaging for development and human rights. The illicit economy and transnational organized crime risk becoming further entrenched, with global implications. More broadly, instability in Guinea- Bissau would affect the wider region, which over the past year has been, for the most part, the site of positive political progress. The United Kingdom welcomes the leadership shown by the West African region, particularly through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has shown persistence and patience. This is a crisis that began in 2015. It brokered the Conakry Agreement 15 months ago. It has agreed to countless communiqués and published innumerable statements. It has sent numerous high-level delegations to Guinea- Bissau, including three over the past six months alone. But those most responsible for Guinea-Bissau's crisis have responded with stubborn refusal to give ground and find compromise. Therefore, it is understandable that the region's patience has worn thin. ECOWAS has now been driven to impose sanctions against individuals deemed responsible for impeding the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. The African Union Peace and Security Council has endorsed that move. The United Kingdom supports the ECOWAS decision, and we urge the Security Council and the entire international community to remain united in support of ECOWAS efforts. We also believe that it is important to recognize the bold efforts of civil society in Guinea-Bissau to resolve the crisis. In particular, the mediation efforts launched by the Women's Facilitation Group were an encouraging initiative, and we welcome the support given to them by the United Nations. As set out in resolution 2343 (2017), political support for efforts towards the implementation of the Conakry Agreement should be a priority for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau. The key next step remains the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister so that preparations can proceed for legislative elections in 2018, as per the country's Constitution. As we open discussions on its renewal, the United Kingdom will focus on ensuring that the Mission's mandate responds to today's political reality on the ground, that it is realistic and that it is focused on the highest priority needs. Guinea-Bissau's people watched the country emerge from a period of instability but then found their hopes for democracy obstructed by a political knot that their own leaders tied. Support from the region and the international community to prevent the country from backsliding further will not succeed until those who tied the knot untangle it. We hope that good sense, compromise and the commitment to Guinea-Bissau's future will prevail. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): First of all, I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their useful briefings. Poland is following with growing concern the current situation in Guinea-Bissau. We support the efforts of the international community aimed at peacefully resolving the political crisis in the country. We therefore call on all political and civil society actors, regardless of their personal differences and ambitions, to engage in dialogue in a spirit of compromise. In that context, we take note that the army is not interfering in the political process. The implementation of the 2016 road map and the Conakry Agreement is crucial to maintaining peace and stability in the country. We appeal to the Guinea- Bissau authorities to complete their implementation and carry out the parliamentary elections scheduled for May in a peaceful atmosphere that guarantees political pluralism and impartiality. We think that women and young people should be included in all decision-making structures related to security sector reform, the national reconciliation process and institution-building. In this regard, we urge the Guinea-Bissau authorities to ensure the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of speech and information. Poland commends the important role of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea-Bissau in promoting good governance, political dialogue and national reconciliation. We also welcome the significant S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 14/20 18-04195 financial support of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) under the PBF Immediate Response Facility. Since the PBF began its activities, Poland has provided financial support to the Fund. Poland also supports the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB) as it is an important factor in reaching consensus solutions and cooperation. The decision of the ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, published on 4 February, imposing sanctions on those responsible for non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement is a step towards holding responsible those who are impeding a peaceful, consensus solution to the crisis. Due to the fragile security situation in the country, the presence of ECOMIB is most important. In this regard, we welcome the decision to extend ECOMIB's mandate until the end of March. Its role is essential, especially in view of the upcoming legislative elections. The mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) expires at the end of this month. The United Nations should remain engaged in efforts towards peace in the country and support ECOWAS efforts to resolve the political crisis. In conclusion, Poland encourages all the parties in Guinea-Bissau to engage in dialogue. We also express our full support for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. We look forward to the upcoming UNIOGBIS mandate renewal. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We commend Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira for their comprehensive briefings on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, and extend our full support for their commitment to facilitating a political solution to the crisis. Kazakhstan is deeply concerned by the protracted political stalemate in the country. We join others in calling on all stakeholders to engage in an inclusive political dialogue and immediately implement the Conakry Agreement and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) road map to end the deadlock and restore institutional viability. It is therefore necessary to avoid differing interpretations of the Agreement. We commend the mediation efforts of ECOWAS, under the leadership of Presidents Faure Gnassingbé of Togo and Alpha Condé of Guinea, as well as by the other members of the group of international partner organizations on Guinea-Bissau. We have taken note of the decision of ECOWAS to impose targeted sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. We express hope that this decision will contribute to finding a solution to the crisis and strengthen democratic institutions and capacity-building for State organs. We welcome the extension until April of the mandate of ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB), which plays a crucial role in ensuring stability in Guinea-Bissau, and urge international partners to continue supporting ECOMIB. The importance of peacebuilding, good offices and coordination efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau cannot be underestimated. We therefore support the Secretary-General's recommendation to renew the mission's mandate for one more year. We also agree with his proposal to assess the mission, should the political impasse continue. We note the importance of holding legislative and presidential elections according to the constitutional time frame, and call on international partners to provide the necessary technical, logistical and financial support for the electoral process. The current political crisis may further fuel transnational organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorist activities. Therefore, increased national engagement and international support are critical to enhancing and extending reforms in the security, judicial and law enforcement sectors. In addition, the most effective measures must be sought to ensure the country's stability and resilience by increasing support for the education and health sectors, as well as the existing development plans, including Terra Ranka and the United Nations peacebuilding plan. In conclusion, we welcome the active engagement of the Women's Facilitation Group, and impress upon the national authorities the importance of ensuring the participation of women and young people in the political process at every stage and at all levels. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like first of all to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, and the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Mr. Mauro Vieira, who spoke in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau country configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), for their briefings. 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 15/20 For years now, Guinea-Bissau has been marked by a protracted political crisis. In a region characterized by increasing attention to and respect for the rule of law, human rights and democracy, Guinea-Bissau continues to be out of step, as indicated once again in the latest report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). In the light of this, the Kingdom of the Netherlands wishes to underscore the following three points with regard to the situation in Guinea-Bissau. First, the Conakry Agreement of 2016 and the six-point road map should remain the basis for a political solution in Guinea-Bissau, and its provisions should honoured. Secondly, the diplomatic and political efforts of the region through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deserve the steadfast support of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council. Thirdly, the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) in the country at this critical juncture, with elections around the corner, is as important as ever. It is therefore imperative that its mandate be extended. First, with respect to the Conakry Agreement, almost a year and half has passed since the Agreement was concluded. The Kingdom of the Netherlands reiterates the centrality of the Agreement in peacefully resolving the current crisis, and urges the parties to abide by its contents. It is clear that an important roadblock with regard to its implementation is the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister. The need for this appointment has become increasingly urgent. With parliamentary elections on the horizon, it is imperative that these elections be held in a timely, transparent and inclusive manner. Secondly, with regard to support for ECOWAS, while the past six months were mainly characterized by the same intransigence as in previous reporting periods, concerted action and increased pressure on the part of the region, and ECOWAS in particular, could actually lead, when given the necessary support, to tangible progress in resolving the Bissau-Guinean crisis. Yesterday's decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to support the efforts of ECOWAS is a case in point. The Secretary-General rightly observes in his report that the continuing efforts of ECOWAS to resolve the crisis are commendable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands would like to clearly point out that it supports and endorses ECOWAS mediation efforts and its imposition of sanctions. We welcome the ECOWAS unified action and believe that the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau is vital to the stability of Guinea-Bissau. ECOWAS has shown before that, when united, it has the ability to act as the region's power broker, for example as it did in The Gambia. Like it did then, the Council should firmly support ECOWAS in taking up this role and responsibility, as it should in the case of any other regional organization in Africa that takes the lead in maintaining peace and security in the region. My third point is that ECOWAS cannot do this alone. We commend the African Union and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries for their collaboration with the European Union and for the support they have brought and the constructive role they play. From the report of the Secretary General, it is evident that UNIOGBIS plays a vital role in Guinea- Bissau. With legislative elections scheduled for 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, the role of UNIOGBIS is more crucial than ever. We therefore call for a renewal of its mandate for no less than one year, in addition to allowing for longer-term planning, including setting more concrete priorities for the mission and making adaptations to meet specific needs. UNIOGBIS's convening power in Bissau remains essential, as will be its role in ensuring peaceful, free and democratic elections in Guinea-Bissau, as well as a smooth post-election process. Renewing the mandate for less than 12 months would send the wrong signal. In conclusion, sustained pressure to implement the Conakry Agreement, the maximum possible support to ECOWAS's ongoing efforts and measures and UNIOGBIS's continued support to the political process will be crucial factors in ending the deadlock in Guinea- Bissau, particularly in the light of the constitutionally mandated elections. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We appreciate the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110) presented by Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), and the briefing by Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. There has been no significant progress or visible improvement in the situation in Guinea-Bissau, where the general instability seems almost impervious to S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 16/20 18-04195 change, thereby jeopardizing the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which is unquestionably the fundamental framework for a peaceful solution to the crisis and for achieving sustainable and lasting peace there. In our view, the negative effects are likely to exacerbate matters if the parties cannot definitively condemn sectarian interests and contribute effectively to the mediation efforts and good offices of the relevant international, regional and subregional organizations. Bolivia firmly repudiates any action that could destabilize or jeopardize the ongoing dialogue and reconciliation process that has been established with the participation of all the parties concerned. We urge that the agreements be definitively consolidated in line with the inclusive national dialogue, which would enable Government members, the political parties represented in the National Assembly and every sector of civil society to arrive at a consensus and implement the agreements constructively through a legitimate commitment to achieving a lasting political and social solution whose sole aim is benefiting the people of Guinea-Bissau, in strict respect for their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We acknowledge the active participation of the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and its Mission in Guinea- Bissau, the European Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and UNIOGBIS, through its Special Representative, and their ongoing efforts to achieve a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. We believe that UNIOGBIS's work, focused on initiatives aimed at creating opportunities for dialogue and facilitating cooperation in the security and political sectors with the goal of forming an inclusive Government, must be reinforced. It will be crucial to increase the Office's capacity to use peaceful means to deal with the crisis if it is to have more effective and efficient results. We therefore support the recommendation in the Secretary-General's report that the mission's mandate be renewed for another year. We also commend the work being done by the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, appropriately chaired by Brazil, and we emphasize the importance of strengthening its coordination, information exchange and active collaboration with the Security Council, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. We continue to encourage the initiative of the Women's Forum for Peace. The efforts of women in Guinea-Bissau to achieve a political solution shows that a gender perspective and female participation in mediation and dialogue at all levels are essential. In conclusion, we would like to reiterate once again that in a time of political, institutional and social crisis, ensuring the welfare of the population and especially its most vulnerable sectors should be the overriding interest guiding Guinea-Bissau on a path to permanent stability. Mr. Zhang Dianbin (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Representative Touré and Ambassador Vieira, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau has been generally stable in recent months, but it will still require all the parties to work together to meet each other halfway if they are to resolve the political impasse peacefully and as soon as possible. China hopes that the parties in Guinea-Bissau will consider the country's interests, intensify their dialogue and communication in order to bridge differences quickly, implement the Conakry Agreement as soon as possible, form an inclusive Government and resume nation-building efforts. Meanwhile, the international community should continue to follow the situation in Guinea-Bissau. China will continue to support the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau in exercising its good offices and conducting mediation efforts under Mr. Touré's leadership, with the aim of coordinating international support for Guinea-Bissau, promoting political dialogue and advancing the country's economic and social development. The international community should continue to support regional and subregional organizations such as the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries in their role as mediators, while maintaining respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guinea-Bissau and supporting the countries of the region in settling African issues through African means. Mr. Polyanskiy (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing on the evolving political situation in Guinea- Bissau. We take note of the report of the Secretary- 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 17/20 General (S/2018/110) and the briefing by Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil and Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Russia supports the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries to normalize the situation in Guinea-Bissau, which is undergoing a prolonged political, social and economic domestic crisis. We are concerned about the lack of tangible progress in implementing the Conakry Agreement. We want to emphasize how crucial the Agreement is to mitigating the political hostility and reducing Guinea- Bissau's potential for conflict. We urge the country's executive and legislative representatives to focus on forming an inclusive Government, introducing reforms, especially in the security sector and the Constitution, and increasing their joint efforts to prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections. It will be vital to strengthen the constitutional order and the rule of law and resolve the accumulating socioeconomic issues. We are pleased that the country's political forces continue to act with regard for the law and that the military has remained neutral. We have taken note of the ECOWAS communiqué of 4 February on imposing targeted sanctions on 19 members of Guinea-Bissau's political elite. Regarding the possibility of imposing similar measures based on the provisions of Security Council resolution 2048 (2012), we would like to point out that the resolution's main aim was restoring constitutional order, which in practical terms was achieved several years ago now. The result is that the resolution's sanctions measures are very outdated. In our opinion its listing criteria have little to do with Guinea-Bissau's current political situation, and in any case would not be usable against participants in the political process who are acting within the law. We are compelled to conclude that the opinions of the Secretary-General's report on the security sector situation give the impression that things have been left unsaid. It would have been more logical to discuss how the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) is implementing the provisions of its mandate with regard to building Guinea-Bissau's capacity to combat transnational crime and drug trafficking, after describing the actual state of affairs in those areas. In general, given the overall situation in Guinea- Bissau, we are willing to consider the Secretary- General's proposal to extend UNIOGBIS's mandate. However, we believe that the Special Representative should focus not only on helping the people of Guinea-Bissau emerge from their political deadlock and preparing for the parliamentary elections in May but also on effectively addressing the root causes of the problems in Guinea-Bissau, which lie in its Constitution's structural contradictions. If the work of constitutional reform is not completed by the start of the next electoral cycle, the country risks encountering the same problems with the new parliament and President. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I join other Council members in thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his valuable briefing. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his briefing as the chief of Guinea-Bissau Configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. We commend their efforts to support security, stability and socioeconomic development in Guinea-Bissau. We have been following the recent political developments there and regret the fact that none of the provisions of the Conakry Agreement have been implemented since signing it in October 2016. It is unacceptable that there has so far been no appointment of Prime Minister who enjoys consensus by the relevant two parties, which is critical to implementing other items of the Agreement. The situation in Guinea-Bissau differs from other cases before the Security Council in having no security aspects. Unfortunately, however, the impasse has lasted more than a year, and it is the people of Guinea-Bissau who are suffering the consequences. In that regard, we commend the steps that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has taken to advance the political process, including measures for the imposition of sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, as well as the decision to extend the mandate of its Mission in Guinea-Bissau until the end of March. We want to emphasize the relevance of the role of such regional organizations in resolving regional issues. The efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 18/20 18-04195 deserve support, since it is dealing with a difficult and complicated political situation. However, we hope that it will be able to make progress during the coming period with respect to conducting legislative elections this year and presidential elections next. The legislative and presidential elections, to be held in 2018 and 2019 respectively, must take place within the specific time frame. We therefore call on the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, along with all stakeholders in Guinea- Bissau, such as the European Union, the African Union, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, to spare no efforts towards that end. We also call on the Government of Guinea-Bissau to ensure its citizens' full participation in the elections, as well as security and freedom of expression and assembly for all. The cooperation between UNIOGBIS and civil-society organizations in promoting and developing the role of women in Guinea-Bissau is very positive. We hope that UNIOGBIS will make a greater effort to guarantee the full participation of all components of the society, especially women and young people, in the next political process and will continue to promote other aspects of its mandate until the current impasse is resolved. In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of the Conakry Agreement as the basic reference for resolving this political crisis in Guinea-Bissau, and the efforts of ECOWAS and President Alpha Condé of Guinea to advance the political process in order to maintain the security and stability of Guinea-Bissau and the region. We stand ready to cooperate with Côte d'Ivoire in preparing a draft resolution for the extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate, in response to a request by the Secretary-General. We also support the issuance of a Press Statement to clarify the unified position of the Council regarding the situation in Guinea-Bissau. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Delfim da Silva (Guinea-Bissau) (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for inviting my delegation to the Security Council table and for giving me the floor. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate your country, Kuwait, on its assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We wish you success in your work. I would like to thank Mr. Modibó Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau, for his presentation today of the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). I would also like to thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil once again for his constructive statement on behalf of peacebuilding and constitutional and democratic order in Guinea-Bissau. And I would like to express our gratitude to all the Ambassadors of States members of the Security Council for their attention to my country, Guinea-Bissau. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau did not begin with the signing of the Conakry Agreement in October 2016, but much earlier. The Conakry Agreement represents a step in the right direction for resolving the crisis by consensus. In the past 15 months, the two main parties — the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) and the Party for Social Renewal (PRS) — have repeatedly and publicly expressed their disagreement on a crucial point of the Agreement, which is having consensus on choosing a candidate for the post of Prime Minister. If a consensus was reached, the agreed candidate would then be appointed by the President of the Republic, in line with the Constitution. The PAIGC states that there was such a consensus in Conakry. The PRS, for its part, affirms that there was not. Fifteen months later, the lack of consensus has prevented the appointment of a Prime Minister, which must be consensus-based. How can the President appoint a consensus Prime Minister without, at the very least, the prior agreement of the two largest political parties? In short, the crisis over the consensus is really what has paralysed the Conakry Agreement and is prolonging the stalemate in the 15-month political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The question is how to overcome the crisis concerning the consensus. Some believe that the imposition of sanctions will be conducive to it. We are not sure of that. Sanctions are unlikely to defuse a crisis and can even be counterproductive. It is important to bear in mind that while it is easy to adopt sanctions, it is much more difficult to impose a consensus. In any case, continuing to seek a solution to the crisis is clearly the most important thing that we must do. We need a compromise solution, a credible name, a person whose academic, political and professional 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 19/20 background can bring about such a compromise. We need someone who, without being the favourite candidate of the PAIGC or the PRS, has a background that would enable him to bring the parties together and thereby reach a compromise. The recent appointment to the post of Prime Minister of a PAIGC leader, the engineer Artur Silva, a former Minister of four Government departments — Fisheries, Defence, Education and Foreign Affairs — suggests that he is the right person to help bring about such a compromise. Moreover, after his appointment, Silva was re-elected to the higher bodies of the PAIGC, its Central Committee and Political Bureau — at the party's most recent congress, which ended a few days ago, proving that he has earned the political confidence of the party's most important bodies. Prime Minister Silva has already held working meetings in Bissau, which I would say are encouraging, with all the parties to the Conakry Agreement — the Ambassadors of Nigeria, Senegal, China, the Gambia and the representative of the Economic Community of West African States in Guinea-Bissau. Finally, through the appointment of a senior PAIGC leader, justice can be done to the party that won the last legislative elections. But above all, there will be no losers, since the PRS will be guaranteed strong representation in a Government of inclusion. This is not a zero-sum game. Under this principle of compromise, which allows a certain degree of flexibility regarding the principle of consensus, there will undoubtedly be a winner — my country, Guinea-Bissau. In conclusion, I reiterate our thanks to the members and want to assure the Council that Guinea-Bissau will continue to count on their support in these difficult times for the sake of civil peace, political stability and solidarity. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of Togo. Mr. Kpayedo (Togo) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to address the Council once again on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, in my capacity as Coordinator of the Ambassadors of the member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that are accredited to the United Nations. I also want to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his report on the situation in Guinea- Bissau (S/2018/110), presented today by Mr. Modibo Touré, his Special Representative, whom we welcome here, along with his team, and whose briefing has provided us with a thorough picture of the situation in that country. Lastly, I would like to thank Mr. Mauro Vieira for his commitment and efforts in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Since it began, the crisis in Guinea-Bissau has continued to be a source of great concern for the Heads of State of West Africa, who are therefore sparing no effort to arrive at a favourable and lasting outcome. This issue has been on the agenda of every recent meeting of our subregional organization's Summit. In my last statement to the Council in August (see S/PV.8031), I discussed the trampling of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which led to the possibility of having recourse to the ECOWAS sanctions. Since then, the impasse is still there, despite the proposal for a new road map by President José Mário Vaz at the conclusion of the fifty-second Ordinary Session of Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, held in Abuja on 16 and 17 December 2017, and reaffirmed in Addis Ababa at the ECOWAS Extraordinary Session held on 27 January, on the margins of the 30th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly. In that regard, the President-in-Office of ECOWAS, Mr. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, in consultation with his peers, dispatched a mission of the ministerial sanctions committee to Guinea-Bissau on 31 January and 1 February 2018, led by Mr. Robert Dussey, Togo's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and African Integration. Its purpose was to assess the progress made by the parties to the crisis in implementing the Agreement and to report to the ECOWAS Heads of State on the potential consequences if the stalemate persisted. Following that report, the Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, in view of the fact that no significant progress has been seen in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement despite ongoing mediation and calling on all of Guinea-Bissau's political leaders to show their sense of responsibility and respect for their country's Constitution through a frank and inclusive dialogue, decided to activate the sanctions mechanisms against individuals and organizations that are hindering a settlement of the crisis, with the aim of promoting the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. As a result, 19 political figures have been subject to sanctions since 4 February, in accordance with our S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 20/20 18-04195 decision 01/2018, on individual sanctions designed to promote the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. The list is not exhaustive,and the monitoring committee for the implementation of sanctions — composed of Togo, Guinea and the ECOWAS Commission — therefore reserves the right to revise it as the situation on the ground changes. Here I should point out, as the representative of Côte d'Ivoire noted earlier, that these sanctions were established through ECOWAS's Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012 concerning sanctions regimes against Member States that do not honour their obligations to the Community, and are based on article 45 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. They include suspended participation in Community activities, and a travel ban and financial assets freeze for those listed and their families, wherever they may be. The sanctions cannot be effectively implemented without the assistance of the United Nations and other multilateral and regional organizations. In that regard, I would like to take this opportunity to call for multifaceted support to ECOWAS in implementing these measures, which we hope will help to create an atmosphere conducive to the restoration of dialogue among the people of Guinea-Bissau, with a view to resolving this political and institutional impasse, which has lasted too long. In conclusion, I would once again like to invite all the parties to the Guinea-Bissau crisis to show a spirit of compromise, responsibility and openness to a peaceful, negotiated and lasting solution to this dispute, which hampers development efforts in the country and therefore in the entire subregion, which is still dealing with persistent security challenges. The meeting rose at 5 p.m.