Suchergebnisse

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Adavalli-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characterstics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwartershed. The present study covers an area of 427 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 97 per cent is covered by soils, three per cent by waterbodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 5 soil series and 12 soil phases (management units) and 4 land use classes.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  Entire area has clayey soils at the surface.  About 42 per cent of the area has non-gravelly soils, 45 per cent gravelly soils (15-35 % gravel) and 10 per cent very gravelly to extremely gravelly (35- 80% gravel) soils.  About 49 per cent of the area has very low (200mm/m) available water capacity.  Entire area has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands.  Entire area has moderately eroded (e2) lands.  An area of about 12 per cent has soils that are moderately alkaline (pH 7.8 to 8.4) and 85 per cent strongly alkaline (pH 8.4 to 9.0) to very strongly alkaline (pH>9.0).  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are dominantly 0.75%) in organic carbon.  Available phosphorus is low (337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (10 ppm).  Available boron is low (0.5 ppm) in about 72 per cent area and medium (0.5-1.0 ppm) in 25 per cent area.  Available iron is sufficient (>4.5 ppm) in the entire area.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire area.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils.  The land suitability for 24 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price, price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 145 (34) 236 (55%) Sapota - - Maize - - Jackfruit - - Bajra - - Jamun - 159 (37) Groundnut - 205 (48%) Musambi 145 (34) 60 (14) Sunflower 145 (34%) 60 (14) Lime 145(34%) 60 (14%) Chilli - - Cashew - - Tomato - - Custard apple 159 (37) 222 (52) Drumstick - 205 (48) Amla - 381 (89) Mulbery 381 (89) Tamarind - 159 (37) Pomegranate - 205 (48) Marigold - 381 (89) Guava - - Chrysanthemum - 381 (89) Mango - - Jasmine - 176 (41) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 4 identified LUCs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which inturn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contributes to mitigating the climate change. Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: The Adavalli-1 micro-watershed (Koppal taluk and district) is located in between 15018' – 15020' North latitudes and 75053' – 75055' East longitudes, covering an area of about 426.80 ha, bounded by Kavalura village. It falls under Agro Ecological Region (AER)–3: (Deccan plateau, hot arid ecosubregion) Karnataka Plateau (Rayalseema as inclusion), hot arid ESR with deep loamy and clayey mixed red and black soils, low to medium AWC and LGP 60-90 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified for each watershed. Results: We found that among the sample farm households Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 41 to 59 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age 18 to 50 groups of population is around 66.6 per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 48.1 per cent.  Wood is the source of energy for a cooking among 62.5 per cent.  About 25 per cent of households have a Yashiswini health card.  Majority of farm households (100 %) are having MGNREGA card for rural employments.  Dependence on ration cards through public distribution system is around 100 per cent.  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities around 25 per cent.  Institutional participation is only 13 per cent.  Rural migration to unban centre for employment is prevalent among 50 per cent.  Women participation is decisions making are not found. Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 3.18 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong to marginal and small farmers.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 33 per cent and Agriculture labour is predominant subsidiary occupation for 55.56 per cent of sample households. 2  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs 15415 per household. Mobile and television are mass popular mass communication media.  The average farm assets a value are around 2 lacks per household, about 12.5 per cent of sample farmers owned tractors.  The average livestock value is around Rs 30000 per livestock; about 25 per cent of household are having livestock.  The average per capita food consumption is around 625 grams (1539 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition recommendation at 827 gram. Around 88 per cent of sample farmers are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs 32775 per household. About 12.5 per cent of farm households are below poverty line.  The per capita monthly expenditure is around Rs 705 per household. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs 7526 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs 3100732 per year for the total area of 426.80 ha.  The average value of ecosystem service for food production is around Rs 2552/ ha/year. Per ha food production services is maximum in sunflower (Rs 4009/ha) followed by sorghum (Rs 3383/ha), Bengal gram (Rs. 1554/ha) and Maize (Rs. 1264/ha).  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs 615/ ha/year of maize crops.  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in Bengal gram (Rs 25587) followed by Sunflower (Rs 16843), sorghum (Rs 16939) and maize (Rs 7043). Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is Maize (49.52 %) followed by sunflower (29.26 %), Bengal gram (6.43 %), Sorghum (6.43 %) and green gram (2.36 %).  In Adavalli-1 micro watershed, major soils are Belagatti (BGT) soil series are having very shallow soil depth covers around 6.02 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing is maize. Ravanaki (RNK) series are having moderately shallow soil deep cover around 42.63 % of area, crops growing Sunflower (67.72 %) and Bengal gram (32.28 %). Handral (HDL) soil series are having deep soil 3 depth cover around 24.16 per cent of area; crops are Maize (65.12 %), Sorghum and Sunflower (17.39 %) each.  The total cost of cultivation in the study area for Sunflower ranges between Rs. 15287/ha in RNK soil (with BCR of 1.01) and Rs. 7592/ha in HDL soil (with BCR of 1.56).  In maize the cost of cultivation range between Rs. 10528/ha in BGT soil (with of 1.06) and Rs. 9779/ha in HDL soil (with BCR of 1.01).  In sorghum the cost of cultivation in HDL soil is Rs. 7612/ha (with BCR of 1.31) and Bengal gram cultivation in RNK soil is Rs. 14100/ha (with BCR of 1.1). Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices.  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in maize (57.5 %), sorghum (18.8 %), sunflower (11.3 %) and bengal gram (9 %). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Balbatti-3 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behaviour and use potentials of the soils in the microwartershed. The present study covers an area of 437 ha in Balbatti-3 microwatershed in Jewargi taluk of Gulbarga district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought- prone with an average annual rainfall of 751 mm, of which about 538 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 75 mm during the rest of the year. 99 per cent area is covered by soils and 1 per cent is by Habitation and waterbody. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 5 soil series and 10 soil phases (management units) and 3 Land Use Classes.  The length of crop growing period is about 150 days starting from the 1st week of June to 1st week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 250 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing major agricultural and horticultural crops were assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area is suitable for agriculture.  About 83 per cent of the soils are deep to very deep (100->150 cm) and 16 per cent are very shallow to shallow (200mm/m) in available water capacity and about 16 per cent low (50-100 mm/m) and very low (0.75%) in 137 ha (31%) in organic carbon.  Major area of 73 per cent has soils that are low (337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm).  Available boron is low (4.5 ppm) in iron and 22 per cent deficient (0.6 ppm).  The land suitability for 19 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable(S1) Moderately suitable(S2) Highly suitable(S1) Moderately suitable(S2) Sorghum 363 (83) - Guava - 363 (83) Maize - - Jackfruit - - Red gram - - Jamun - 363 (83) Soybean 363 (83) - Musambi 363 (83) - Bengalgram 363 (83) 68 (16) Lime 363 (83) - Sunflower 363 (83) - Cashew - - Cotton 363 (83) - Custard apple 363 (83) - Sugarcane - - Amla 363 (83) - Mango - - Tamarind - 363 (83) Sapota - 363 (83) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 3 identified LUCs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops that helps in maintaining the ecological balance in microwatershed  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which inturn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contributes to mitigating the climate change. Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: Balbatti-3 micro-watershed (Dummadri sub-watershed, Jewargi taluk, Gulbarga district) is located in between 16046' – 16048' North latitudes and 76034' – 76036' East longitudes, covering an area of about 437.16 ha, bounded by Balbatti, Vadagera, Sumbada, Shivapura and Hangalga (K) villages with a length of growing period (LGP) 120-150 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified. Results: The socio-economic outputs for Balbatti 3 Microwatershed (Dummadri subwatershed, Jewargi taluk, Gulbarga district) are presented here. Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 61.9 to 38.1 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age 18 to 50 years group of population is around 66.7 per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 76.2 per cent.  Social groups belong to other backward castes (OBC) of all sample farmers.  Fire wood is the source of energy for a cooking among 90 per cent.  About 50 per cent of households have a yashaswini health card.  About 50 per cent of the sample farm households are having MGNREGA card for rural employment.  Dependence on ration cards for food grains through public distribution system of all sample households.  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities around 30 per cent of sample households.  Women participation in decisions making for agriculture production among all of sample households. 2 Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 1.4 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong to marginal and small farmers. The total land cultivated on dry land condition among the sample farmers.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 59.5 per cent and agriculture is the main and agriculture labour is subsidiary occupation for 31 per cent of sample households.  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs. 38206 per household. Mobile and television are popular media mass communication.  The average value of farm assets value is around Rs. 8270 per household, about 20 per cent of sample farmers having plough and sprayer (50 %).  The average value of livestock is around Rs. 7500 per household; about 20.0 per cent of household are having livestock.  The average per capita food consumption is around 892.3 grams (2082.5 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition (NIN) recommendation at 827 gram. Around 30 per cent of sample households are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs. 32636 per household. About 80.0 per cent of farm households are below poverty line.  The per capita average monthly expenditure is around Rs. 1958 per household. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem Services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs.680 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs.293762 per year for the total area of 437.16 ha.  The average value of ecosystem service for food grains production is around Rs. 15325/ ha/year. Per hectare food grains production services is maximum in cotton (Rs. 21581) followed by red gram (Rs. 19148), and paddy (Rs. 5245).  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs. 9959/ ha/year of paddy.  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in redgram (Rs. 61447) followed by cotton (Rs. 51622) and paddy (Rs. 33325). 3 Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is red gram (56.6 %) followed by cotton (39.7 %) and paddy (3.7 %).  In Balbatti 3 micro-watershed, major soils are soil of Balbatti (BBT) series is having shallow soil depth cover around 48.95 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing cotton (16.8 %) and redgram (83.2 %), Novinihala (NHA) soil series having shallow soil depth cover around 54.0 % of area, the crops are cotton (60.4 %) and red gram (39.6 %). Yedrami (YDM) soil series having deep soil depth cover around 34.18 % of areas, crops are cotton.  The total cost of cultivation and benefit cost ratio (BCR) in study area for cotton ranges between Rs.35129 /ha in YDM soil (with BCR of 1.98) and Rs. 20615/ha in BBT soil (with BCR of 1.92).  In red gram the cost of cultivation range between Rs 27848/ha in NHA soil (with BCR of 2.08) and Rs.26102/ha in BBT soil (with BCR of 1.96).  In paddy the cost of cultivation is Rs. 38578/ha in YDM soil (with BCR of 1.39).  The land management practices reported by the farmers are crop rotation, tillage practices, fertilizer application and use of farm yard manure (FYM). Due to higher wages farmer are following labour saving strategies is not prating soil and water conservation measures. Less ownership of livestock limiting application of FYM.  It was observed soil quality influences on the type and intensity of land use. More fertilizer applications in deeper soil to maximize returns. Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices.  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in cotton (42.2 to 18.1 %), red gram (10.1 %) and paddy (66.0 %). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Gudigeri-4 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characterstics, classification, behaviour and use potentials of the soils in the microwartershed. The present study covers an area of 552 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 98 per cent is covered by soils, two per cent by waterbodies. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 9 soil series and 16 soil phases (management units) and 6 land use classes.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  Entire area has clayey soils at the surface.  About 48 per cent of the area has non-gravelly soils, 41 per cent gravelly soils (15-35 % gravel) and 8 per cent very gravelly (35- 60% gravel) soils.  About 6 per cent area is low (51-100 mm/m), 23 per cent medium (101-150 mm/m) and 69 per cent very high (>200mm/m) in available water capacity.  Entire area has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands.  About 12 per cent area is slightly eroded and about 86 per cent area is moderately eroded (e2) lands.  Entire area is strongly alkaline (pH 8.4 to 9.0) to very strongly alkaline (pH>9.0) in soil reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are dominantly 0.75%) in organic carbon.  Entire area is low in available phosphorus.  Major area of about 91 per cent has high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium and a small area of about 6 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm).  Available boron is low (0.5 ppm) in about 80 per cent area and medium (0.5-1.0 ppm) in 18 per cent area.  Available iron is sufficient (>4.5 ppm) in the entire area.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in major area of about 88 per cent and sufficient in 10 per cent area.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils.  The land suitability for 24 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 266 (48) 271 (49%) Guava - - Maize - - Jackfruit - - Bajra - - Jamun 379 (69%) Groundnut - 27 (5%) Musambi 252(46%) 255 (46%) Sunflower 252 (46%) 255 (46%) Lime 252(46%) 255 (46%) Chilli - - Cashew - - Tomato - - Custard apple 266 (48) 271 (49) Drumstick - 507 (92%) Amla 536 (97%) Mulberry - 536 (97%) Tamarind 379 (69%) Mango - 127 (23%) Marigold 536 (97%) Sapota - - Chrysanthemum 536 (97%) Pomegranate 508 (92%) Jasmine 29 (5%) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 6 identified LUCs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which inturn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: The Gudigeri-4 micro-watershed is located in between 15018' – 15020' North latitudes and 75055' – 75057' East longitudes, covering an area of about 552.30 and bounded by Kavalura, and Gudigeri villages in Koppal taluk and district. It falls under Agro Ecological Region (AER)–3: (Deccan plateau, hot arid ecosubregion) Karnataka Plateau (Rayalseema as inclusion), hot arid ESR with deep loamy and clayey mixed red and black soils, low to medium AWC and LGP 60-90 daysWe used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified for each watershed. Results: We found that Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 54 to 46 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age groups of population is around 47 per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 89 per cent.  Wood is the source of energy for a cooking among 80 per cent.  Around 50 % of farmers have taken yeshaswini health cards.  Majority of farm households (75 %) are having MGNREGA card for rural employments  Dependence on ration cards through public distribution system is around 83 per cent  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities around 583 per cent of sample households.  Institutional participation is only 10.7 per cent of sample households.  Rural migration to unban centre for employment is prevent among 17 per cent of farm households.  Women participation is decision making is not found. Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 3.2 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong to marginal and small farmers.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 52 per cent and agricultural labours is predominant subsidiary occupation for 24 per cent of sample households. 2  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs 7874 per household. Mobile and television are mass popular mass communication media.  The average farm assets values is around 1.01 lakhs, about 17 per cent of sample farmers are owing tractors.  The highest livestock population of bullocks are 16.7 per cent for cultivation of land.  The average per capita food consumption is around 665 grams (1692 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition recommendation at 827 gram. Around 100 per cent of sample farmers are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs 40366 per household. About 50 per cent of farm households are below poverty line.  The per capita monthly expenditure is around Rs 763 per household. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs 8516 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs 4233959 per year for the total area of 552.3 ha.  The average value of ecosystem service for food production is around Rs 9515/ ha/year Per ha food production services is maximum in sunflower (Rs 10859 /ha) followed by bengal gram (Rs 9404), green gram (Rs 8824/ha) and bajra (Rs 964).  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs 673/ ha/year. Per ha fodder production services is maximum in sorghum (Rs 726 /ha) followed by bengal gram (Rs 576 /ha).  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in bajra (Rs 66123) followed by bengal gram (Rs 56627), green gram (Rs 40362), sunflower (Rs 21197) and sorghum (Rs 11071). Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is sunflower (32 %) followed by green gram (24 %), sorghum (18 %), bengal gram (15 %) and bajra (5.4 %).  In Gudigeri-4 micro watershed, major soils are Kavalur (KVR) series are having deep soil deep cover around 25 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing green gram (17 %), sunflower (49 %), sorghum (26 %) and bengal gram (8 %). Bardur (BDR) and Kadagathu (KDT) soil series are having very deep soil depth cover around 35 per cent and 22 per cent of area, respectively, major crops grown are bengal gram (25 %), green gram (50 %), sunflower (25 %) and bajra. 3  The total cost of cultivation in study area for bengal gram ranges between Rs. 23449/ha in BDR soil (with BCR of 1.16) and Rs. 17274/ha in KVR soil (with BCR of 2.23).  In maize the cost of cultivation range between Rs 18426/ha in KVR soil (with BCR of 1.92) and Rs. 12619/ha in BDR soil (With BCR of 1.23).  In sunflower the cost of cultivation range between Rs. 16642/ha in BDR soil (with BCR of 1.32) and Rs. 10307/ha in KVR soil (with BCR of 1.08).  In sorghum the cost of cultivation in KVR soil is Rs. 6751/ha (with BCR of 1.08) and Bajra the cost of cultivation in KDT soil is Rs. 13452/ha (with BCR of 1.21). Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices.  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in bengal gram (2.9 to 12.7 %), green gram (7.2 to 21.2), sorghum (80.4 %) and sunflower (52.4 to 38.4). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Tonsanhalli-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 676 ha in Chitapur taluk of Gulbarga district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 762 mm, of which about 571 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 99 mm during north-east and the remaining 92 mm during the rest of the year. Entire area of the microwatershed is covered by soils. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 2 soil series and 6 soil phases (management units) and 1 land use class.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 2nd week of June to 3rd week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 250 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area of the microwatershed has suitable for agriculture  Entire area of the microwatershed has soils that are deep (100-150 cm) to very deep (>150 cm).  Entire area of the microwatershed has clayey soils at the surface  All the soils of the microwatershed are gravelly (15-35%)  Entire area of the microwatershed is very high (>200 mm/m) in available water capacity.  Entire area of the microwatershed has nearly level (0-1%) to very gently sloping (1- 3% slope) lands.  An area of about 83 per cent has soils that are slightly eroded (e1) and 17 per cent moderately eroded (e2).  An area of about 76 per cent soils are moderately alkaline (pH 7.8-8.4) and 24 per cent strongly alkaline (pH 8.4-9.0).  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are dominantly 0.75) in organic carbon.  About 98 per cent of the area is low (57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus.  About 1 per cent of the soils are low (4.5 ppm) in 67 per cent area and deficient (0.6 ppm) in 10 per cent of soils in the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 19 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 676(100) Sapota - 676(100) Maize - - Jackfruit - - Redgram - 676(100) Jamun - 676(100) Sunflower - 676(100) Musambi 676(100) - Cotton - 676(100) Lime 676(100) - Sugarcane - - Cashew - - Soybean - 676(100) Custard apple 676(100) - Bengal gram - 676(100) Amla 676(100) - Guava - 676(100) Tamarind - 676(100) Mango - - Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LUC by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fiber and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the income but also provide fodder and fuel, generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also help in mitigating the climate change. Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: Tonsanhalli-2 micro-watershed (Mulkod sub-watershed, Chitapur taluk, Gulbarga district) is located in between 17012' – 17014' North latitudes and 7705' – 7708' East longitudes, covering an area of about 676 ha, bounded by Mattimadu, Tengli, Mulkod, Mudbol and Invi villages with length of growing period (LGP) 120-150 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified. Results: The socio-economic outputs for Tonsanhalli-2 micro-watershed (Mulkod subwatershed, Chitapur taluk, Gulbarga district) are presented here. Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 44.0 to 56.0 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age 18 to 50 years group of population is around 58 per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 86.0 per cent.  Social groups belong to other backward caste (OBC) is around 66.7 per cent.  Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is the source of energy for a cooking among 66.7 per cent.  About 22.2 per cent of households have a yashaswini health card.  Majority of farm households (85.7 %) are having MGNREGA card for rural employment.  Dependence on ration cards for food grains through public distribution system among all sample households.  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities around 44.4 per cent of sample households.  Institutional participation is only 2.0 per cent of sample households.  Women participation in decisions making are around 88.9 per cent of households were found. 2 Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 1.2 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong to marginal and small farmers. The dry land of total cultivated land area among all the sample farmers.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 50.0 per cent and agriculture is the main and agriculture labour is subsidiary occupation for 43.75 per cent of sample households.  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs.16737 per household. Mobile and television are mass popular communication media.  The average value of farm assets is around Rs.107062 per household, about 66.7 per cent of sample farmers having plough, bullock cart and sprayer.  The average value of livestock is around Rs.31438 per household; about 57 per cent of household are having livestock.  The average per capita food consumption is around 767.1 grams (1718.7 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition (NIN) recommendation at 827 gram. Around 77.8 per cent of sample households are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs. 28573 per household. About 77.8 per cent of farm households are below poverty line.  The per capita monthly average expenditure is around Rs.1560. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem Services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs. 906 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs. 612754 per year for the total area of 676.39 ha.  The average value of ecosystem service for food grain production is around Rs 154532/ ha/year. Per hectare food grain production services is maximum in cotton (Rs. 41649) followed by sorghum (Rs. 19376) and redgram (Rs. 13624).  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs. 525/ ha/year. Per hectare fodder production services is maximum in sorghum (Rs. 525).  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in redgram (Rs. 58796) followed by cotton (Rs. 58265) and sorghum (Rs. 37643). 3 Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is cotton (16.7 %) followed by red gram (67.6 %) and sorghum (15.7 %).  In Tonsanhalli-2 micro-watershed, major soil is Dhandothi (DDT) series is having very deep soil depth cover around 12.57 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing red gram (67.6 %), cotton (16.7 %) and sorghum (15.6%).  The total cost of cultivation and benefit cost ratio in study area for red gram Rs.28033 /ha in DDT soil (with BCR of 1.68).  In cotton the cost of cultivation in DDT soil Rs. 23427/ha (with BCR of 2.78) and sorghum the cost of cultivation in DDT soil is Rs. 17674/ha (with BCR of 2.13).  The land management practices reported by the farmers are crop rotation, tillage practices, fertilizer application and use of farm yard manure (FYM). Due to higher wages farmer are following labour saving strategies is not prating soil and water conservation measures. Less ownership of livestock limiting application of FYM.  It was observed soil quality influences on the type and intensity of land use. More fertilizer applications in deeper soil to maximize returns. Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices.  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in sorghum (56.0 %), cotton (15.3 %) and redgram (11.5 %). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

This article is motivated by the remarkable observation that children of land-rich households are often more likely to be in work than the children of land-poor households. The vast majority of working children in developing economies are in agricultural work, predominantly on farms operated by their families. Land is the most important store of wealth in agrarian societies, and it is typically distributed very unequally. These facts challenge the common presumption that child labor emerges from the poorest households. This article suggests that this apparent paradox can be explained by failures of the markets for labor and land. Credit market failure will tend to weaken the force of this paradox. These effects are modeled and estimates obtained using survey data from rural Pakistan and Ghana. The main result is that the wealth paradox persists for girls in both countries, whereas for boys it disappears after conditioning on other covariates.

This survey examines the framework conditions of civil society in Austria. It was conducted at the Institute for Sociology and Empirical Social Research at WU. It builds on two previous surveys on the same topic, a Civil Society Index Rapid Assessment (More-Hollerweger et al., 2014) and an update of this Assessment (Simsa et al., 2019). In 2014, the development of public and private funding, democratic rights and performance of civil society organisations (CSOs) were particularly important; in 2019, the focus was on the impact on civil society of authoritarian policies. The current survey initially focused on an analysis of the impact of the change to a more civil-society friendly government at the beginning of 2020. In the course of the year, the effects of the Covid-19 crisis came to the fore. By civil society we refer to the sphere between the state, the economy and the private sphere, in which people collectively represent and try to shape their own concerns (Simsa, 2013). Civil society and its organisations have high benefits for society. In addition to producing services for the common good, they also strengthen diversity, participation and integration. The importance of a pluralistic civil society for democracy is undisputed. Democracy thus needs civil society, but civil society is not necessarily democratic. In the last year in particular, illiberal civil-society endeavours have also gained in importance, especially based on conspiracy-theories. Nevertheless, these were only a marginal topic in the present survey. Rather, in the tradition of previous surveys, the report focuses on those areas of civil society that meet Habermas´ requirements of plurality, tolerance and discursivity (Habermas, 1992). Political framework conditions are decisive for the functioning of civil society in many respects. Apart from general human rights such as freedom of association or freedom of expression, opportunities for participation in legislative procedures, the government's information policy, and the quality of the welfare state and the financial support of civil society organisations by the public sector play an important role. Following on from the 2019 study, the following topics will therefore be analysed: The social climate in relation to civil society; Participation, i.e. political involvement of civil society; Funding of civil society organisations; The human rights situation. While in 2019 a very homogeneous picture was drawn by respondents, currently the impressions and findings are highly diverse. Some respondents complain about the lack of dialogue with politicians, while others see it as much better and more intense than in 2019. The situation is similar with participation as well as with regard to the financial situation. It is a clear result that the general climate with regard to civil society has improved. There is hardly any devaluation or defamation on the part of politicians. The pan-demy has also made clear the high importance of services provided by civil society organisations, which are therefore increasingly appreciated. Currently, many respondents also perceive a better discourse with politicians, although there are major differences in the perception of the two governing parties in this respect. However, the improved climate and the communication that is now partly possible again has shown little effect on the possibilities of political participation. In the health and social sectors as well as in climate policy, the expertise of CSOs is explicitly requested by politicians and partly taken into account, but according to the respondents there is little participation in other areas. It is interesting that the situation in this regard has changed only slightly since 2019, but that civil society currently seems to accept this more than before. Firstly, this can be attributed to the pandemic. Especially in the first months of the crisis, there was more acceptance of quick, less inclusive and less transparent decisions due to the high level of uncertainty. Furthermore, during this time, organisations in the health or care sector were stretched to the limit in coping with the greatly increased work demands, leaving less time for advocacy or criticism. Secondly, the participation of the Green Party in government also has an impact on the critical potential. On the one hand, there is a certain "inhibition to bite" on the part of some CSOs due to political or personal proximity, and there is also increased participation in the Green-led ministries. On the other hand, however, the criticism of politics, for example of asylum policy, is more severe because expectations have been disappointed. As the pandemic progressed, however, deficits in participation became clearer and more strongly criticised. The shortening of review periods, for example, which limited the possibility of comments, transparency and trust, could no longer be argued with the urgency of the decisions. The Covid-19 pandemic is associated with severe restrictions on both fundamental and human rights and civil liberties. Exit restrictions and stand-off rules also affect freedom of assembly. In this respect, there was a difficult situation in 2021. On the one hand, events were restricted at the beginning of the pandemic with reference to the health situation, which was criticised by civil society. On the other hand, however, a series of large demonstrations against the pandemic measures, some of which were banned, took place towards the end of 2020 and in 2021 with the participation of radical right-wing groups, which showed a high degree of willingness to use violence and whose participants in some cases did not comply with the pandemic regulations. Regarding the financial situation of CSOs the previously seen politically motivated cuts in public funding for critical CSOs were no longer seen. However, the cuts made in 2018/2019 had hardly been reversed. A decisive factor regarding the public funding of CSOs was the Nonprofit-emergency fund of 700 million euros decided in June, which had contributed significantly to providing financial security for many of the CSOs. In terms of policy content, hopes of civil society were disappointed, especially for improvements in asylum, ecological and social welfare legislation. The last year was dominated by COVID-19 and the handling of the pandemic, leading to the postponement of other agendas important for the future. The COVID-19 pandemic and the actions of the federal government posed many challenges to civil society and CSOs and caused considerable strain on their actors. It is to be hoped that the projects planned by the government (e.g. initiatives for voluntary work in 2021) will be taken up and that expenditures for absorbing the side effects of the pandemic will not be sacrificed to a new austerity course at the expense of the CSOs. Also, a new awareness of the importance of freedom and assembly rights has grown in many sectors of society. This can lead to an increase in the importance of CSOs in the post-pandemic period, if more people can be mobilised for their causes. The methodological basis of this survey was firstly a literature and document analysis. Secondly, a total of 27 interviews with representatives of civil society organisations (CSOs) were conducted between December 2020 and February 2021.

Desde hace varias décadas se viene aplicando en diversos países políticas y programas (sectoriales, territoriales y regionales) destinados a disminuir las desigualdades sociales en el medio rural y aumentar el bienestar de los grupos más desfavorecidos, incorporando conceptos como "equidad" y "eficiencia". En México, la incursión de estas estrategias puede observarse desde el año 2002, cuando la SAGARPA y la FAO acuerdan iniciar el "Programa Especial de Seguridad Alimentaria" (PESA) para mejorar las condiciones de vida de la población en las áreas rurales más pobres y marginadas, promoviendo el aumento de los niveles de producción y el incremento de la productividad de las explotaciones agrarias. Sin embargo, a pesar de estos programas, es un hecho que la pobreza en las áreas rurales mexicanas se ha mantenido constante desde hace más de tres décadas. Ello hace pertinente la realización de estudios dirigidos a analizar los modelos que guían las actuales políticas de desarrollo en México (entre ellas, la del PESA), comparándolos con otros modelos para comprender los problemas y dificultades que afrontan las políticas públicas en este área de actuación. Uno de esos problemas es el modo de vertebrar la diversidad de intereses existente en los territorios rurales y de articular su relación con las instituciones públicas en las instancias de concertación, es decir, el problema de la "gobernanza". Esa es la razón que ha movido al doctorando a elegir como tema de su tesis doctoral el de la "gobernanza" y la forma de implementarla en los territorios rurales mexicanos. Entre las conclusiones cabe destacar la que señala que el PESA es un programa atrapado entre cuatro tipos de ambigüedades. El primer tipo de ambigüedad es el de ser, de un lado, un programa inspirado en los enfoques ascendentes y participativos (bottom-up) similares a los de la iniciativa europea LEADER, y de otro, verse interferido, e incluso dominado, por una lógica descendente, vertical y administrativa (top-down), que le resta autonomía y reduce la capacidad de los actores locales para ser protagonistas de su propio desarrollo. El segundo tipo de ambigüedad consiste en ser, de un lado, un programa sectorial y orientado a impulsar el aumento de la producción agraria como base de la seguridad alimentaria, y, de otro, aspirar a contribuir al desarrollo de los territorios donde actúa, unos territorios en los que la actividad agraria ya no es el más importante motor para el logro de ese objetivo. El tercer tipo de ambigüedad, ligado con el anterior, es tener, de un lado, vocación de ser un programa inclusivo de desarrollo, y, de otro, actuar como un programa excluyente, centrado sólo en un grupo específico de la población (los que tienen relación con la actividad agraria). Finalmente, como cuarta ambigüedad, la presencia de las ADR es una buena muestra de esto, ya que, si bien son agencias de naturaleza privada que podrían desplegar un gran potencial como dinamizadoras de las iniciativas de desarrollo en contextos, como el mexicano, donde el desprestigio de las instituciones públicas es notorio, resulta que, en la práctica, las ADR están muy interferidas y controladas por esas mismas instituciones, perdiendo legitimidad ante la población local. De la resolución de esas ambigüedades depende que el PESA pueda erigirse en el programa que necesitan los territorios rurales mexicanos para emprender con éxito la senda del desarrollo. La experiencia del PESA nos muestra, por tanto, la imposibilidad de alcanzar el objetivo de lucha contra los problemas de la pobreza rural y la inseguridad alimentaria mediante programas de tipo sectorial. Si estos programas no se integran en políticas más amplias que aborden los grandes problemas de los territorios rurales con inversiones en infraestructuras y equipamientos, así como en las áreas de salud y educación, sus resultados quedan inevitablemente reducidos a la mera asistencia o a la concesión de subsidios sin ningún impacto en el desarrollo de los territorios. ; For decades national governments have been implementing (sectorial, and regional and territorial) policies and programs aimed to reduce social and economic inequalities of rural areas, as well as increase the level of welfare of the poorest people. The notions of "equity" and "efficiency" are very usual in those policies. In Mexico, from 2002 these programs are present, just when the SAGARPA and FAO agree to implement the "Programa Especial de Seguridad Alimentaria" (PESA). The goal of PESA is to improve the life conditions of people that live in the poorest and marginal rural areas through promoting the growing of farming production level in farms. However, spite of these programs poverty in Mexican rural areas is still a problem. It explains the existence of a great number of research projects focused on analyzing the models orienting the current rural development policies (among them, the PESA) and comparing them with other ones in order to understand the problems and difficulties rising at the process of implementation of those policies. One of these problems is related to the way of articulating of varied interest groups existing in rural areas, and their interaction of public institutions, that is the problem of governance. This is why the PhD student has chosen the problem of governance in rural development programs as a topic of his doctoral thesis, focusing on Mexican rural areas. Among conclusions he stresses four ambiguities in the PESA program. Firstly, the PESA is, on the one hand, a program based on a bottom-up approach of development, but it is, on the other hand, interfered by the top-down logic imposed by public institutions, which reduce the autonomy of social players and their capacity of participating in development strategies. Secondly, the PESA is, on the one hand, a sectorial program aimed to grow the farming production in order to improve the level of food security of rural people, but it is, on the other hand, a program whose goal is to contribute to develop of territories where agriculture is not already the most important economic activity. Thirdly, the goal of PESA is, on the hand, an inclusive development program, but it is, on the other hand, an exclusive program aimed at small famers, and not to the rest of rural people. Finally, the implementation of PESA is, on the one hand, based on the role of private agencies of development (ADR), which are considered an important player to encourage of initiatives emerging of rural civil society. However, on the other hand, these agencies are controlled by public institutions, which impose a patronage culture, reducing the social legitimacy of the program. The final conclusion is that the success of PESA depends on the resolution of these four kinds of ambiguities. That is why it is not possible to improve the level of development of rural areas through sectorial programs, but it is necessary to integrate the PESA in the framework of policies aimed to improve the infrastructures, the social services and housing, and the education system and the health level of rural people.

Not Available ; The socio-economic outputs for the Gopalagiri Colony-2 micro-watershed (Basavapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) are presented here. Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 49 to 51 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age 18 to 50 years group of population is around 59.1 per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 75.6 per cent.  Social groups belong to other backward caste (OBC) among the all sample households.  Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is the source of energy for a cooking among all households.  About 90 per cent of households have a yashaswini health card.  About 20.0 percent of farm households having MGNREGA card for rural employment.  Dependence on ration cards for food grains through public distribution system is around 90.0 per cent. 2  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities among the all sample households.  Institutional participation is only 10.2 per cent of sample households.  Women participation in decisions making are around 60 per cent of households were found. Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 0.6 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong to marginal and small farmers. The dry land account for 63.9 % and irrigated land is 36.1 % of total cultivated land of the sample farmers.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 73.4 per cent followed by the agriculture is the main and government service is subsidiary occupation of 2.1 percent of the sample households.  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs.59791 per household. Mobile and television are popular media mass communication.  The average value of farm assets is around Rs. 129479 per household, about 60 per cent of sample farmers are owing plough.  The average value of livestock is around Rs. 19749 per household; all sample household are having livestock.  The average per capita food consumption is around 731.6 grams (1574.2 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition (NIN) recommendation at 827 gram. Around 70.0 per cent of sample households are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs 43153 per household. About 70 per cent of farm households are above poverty line.  The per capita monthly average expenditure is around Rs.1199. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem Services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs. 642 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs. 76428 per year for the total area of 576.5 ha. 3  The average value of ecosystem service for food grain production is around Rs 26640/ha/year. Per hectare food production services is maximum in onion (Rs. 68252) followed by turmeric (Rs. 52922), maize (Rs. 33910), beans (Rs. 30467), ragi (Rs. 13282), horse gram (Rs. 12725) and groundnut is negative returns.  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs. 3474/ ha/year. Per hectare fodder production services is maximum in groundnut (Rs. 5592) followed by maize (Rs. 2608) and ragi (Rs. 2223).  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in beans (Rs.416385) followed by maize (Rs. 57387), turmeric (Rs. 35812), sunflower (Rs. 30236), horse gram (Rs. 22808), onion (Rs. 20155), groundnut (Rs. 19448) and ragi (Rs. 15092). Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is maize (27.7 %) followed by sunflower (25.4 %), turmeric (14.8 %), horse gram (11.4 %), ragi (10.3 %), groundnut (5.1 %) and onion (5.0 %),  In Gopalagiri colony-2 micro-watershed, major soil are soil of Annurkeri (ARK) soils are very deep and well drained soil depth covered around 9.7 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing maize. Honnegaudanahalli (HGH) soils are very deep and well drained soil depth cover around 7.7 % of area; the crops are maize (32.6%), ragi (32.6 %) and sunflower (34.6 %). Beemanabeedu (BMB) soils are very deep and moderately well drained, soil depth covered 2.7 % of areas, crop are beans (8.2 %), groundnut (6.7%), horse gram (6.3%), maize (20.9%), onion (6.3%), ragi (6.3%), sunflower (25.8 %) and turmeric (19.0%).  The total cost of cultivation and benefit cost ratio (BCR) in study area for maize ranges between Rs. 39630/ha in HGH soil (with BCR of 2.02) and Rs.27088/ha in BMB soil (with BCR of 2.36).  In sunflower the cost of cultivation range between is Rs.38023/ha in HGH soil (with BCR of 1.08) and Rs.30398/ha in BMB soil (with BCR of 1.32).  In ragi the cost of cultivation range between is Rs.21275/ha (with BCR of 1.87), and Rs.20086/ha in HGH soil (with BCR of 1.84).  In beans the cost of cultivation in BMB soil is Rs 25108/ha (with BCR of 2.40). 4  In groundnut the cost of cultivation in BMB soil Rs. 39793/ha (with BCR of 1.02).  In horse gram cost of cultivation in BMB soil is Rs.16915/ha (with BCR of 1.75).  In onion the cost of cultivation in BMB soil is Rs 79948/ha (with BCR of 1.85) and turmeric the cost of cultivation in BMB soil is Rs.106172/ha (with BCR of 1.51).  The land management practices reported by the farmers are crop rotation, tillage practices, fertilizer application and use of farm yard manure (FYM). Due to higher wages farmer are following labour saving strategies is not prating soil and water conservation measures. Less ownership of livestock limiting application of FYM.  It was observed soil quality influences on the type and intensity of land use. More fertilizer applications on deeper soil to maximize returns. Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices.  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in maize (38.0 to 55.3 %), groundnut (59.1 %), horse gram (24.1 %), onion (69.6 %), ragi (59.5 %), sunflower (45.5 %) and turmeric (7.2 %). ; Karnataka Watershed Development, Under Sujala-III project

La economía mundial ha crecido a elevadas tasas en la última década y media. Ello ha contribuido a que millones de personas salieran de la pobreza. Sin embargo, ¿ha tenido sólo implicancias positivas el crecimiento económico? Podemos marcar que la prosperidad fortalece a actores y procesos políticos que con esa nueva legitimidad podrían abusar de ese poder adicional. En este artículo marcamos que ha habido una relación inversa entre crecimiento y Estado de Derecho. El mundo es hoy un lugar más rico pero con instituciones más pobres que hace 15 años. Más aún, el punto es que las instituciones más débiles son consecuencia directa de la bonanza económica.Si bien es un concepto lo suficientemente amplio, el Estado de Derecho expresa un conjunto de mecanismos formales e informales que tienen las personas, particularmente los más débiles, para defenderse de los abusos de quienes detentan poder. El poder abusivo suele estar en manos del aparato estatal o de aquellos coaligados con ese aparato, que buscan capturar privilegios y violar derechos.La oposición entre crecimiento económico y Estado de Derecho ha quedado graficada en el conflicto acontecido en 2014 en Hong Kong, entre los estudiantes y el poder político. Particularmente, la situación contemporánea de la propia Hong Kong es representativa en una pequeña escala del problema que intentamos presentar aquí: esta isla dejó de pertenecer como territorio de ultramar a Gran Bretaña en junio de 1997, pasando a ser un territorio, con statu especial, de China continental. Paulatinamente, Hong Kong ha pasado de ser una parte importante de la economía china (alrededor de 17% en 1997, en términos corrientes) a ser una parte dinámica pero crecientemente marginal (alrededor del 3% en la actualidad).Nuestra descripción de la gravedad y complejidad del problema puede resumirse en este caso. ¿Cuáles son los actores principales aquí? Los estudiantes (los débiles), el poder político chino (los poderosos), las minorías dentro de China continental [otros débiles, aún más (mucho más) que los estudiantes], el poder político de las principales democracias liberales (otros poderosos) y la sociedad civil del resto del mundo (poderosos en el pasado, crecientemente débiles en la actualidad). Aquí, es importante notar que los estudiantes expresan a la sociedad civil de Hong Kong que, como marcamos, es hoy un actor débil pero que ha sido en el pasado un actor comparativamente poderoso. ¿Cuándo dejo de ser la sociedad civil de Hong Kong (hoy representada por los estudiantes en las calles) un actor poderoso o influyente para pasar a ser un actor al que le cuesta enfrentar al poder político chino? En algún momento posterior a 1997. Es decir, la creciente debilidad de la sociedad civil de la isla ha sido paulatina. Aquellos temores que había en 1997 sobre la pérdida de libertades o aparición de la censura fueron, en un principio, ilusorios pero, sin embargo, han demostrado estar retrospectivamente fundados.Rachel Fu, editora de la revista Foreign Policy, ha escrito un artículo titulado "Resistance is futile, Beijing is emerging as the big winner from protests that have left Hong Kong's social fabric in tatters", donde reflexiona sobre el oscuro horizonte que enfrenta la isla en el corto mediano plazo: "Worse yet, the movement has torn at the social fabric of Hong Kong, pitting parents against children, old against young, friends against friends. There are genuine disagreements among Hong Kongers over whether the blockage of roads, disruption of businesses, and provocation of the police are laudable, even if these acts were done in the name of pursuing democracy. The phenomenon of people taking to social media platforms like Facebook or WhatsApp to "un-friend" their acquaintances, sometimes even close family members, who do not share their views is one troubling bellwether of social dispersion… Everyone in Hong Kong will probably emerge from the Occupy movement a bit bruised, either physically or mentally, but some in Beijing might be smiling… Beijing has proven that it knows how to pull the right levers in Hong Kong to wield considerable influence — all of the local government officials toed the line, tycoons spoke out against the occupation, and grassroots groups staged counterprotests. … More importantly, Beijing has managed to discredit this brand of student-led protests in the eyes of many mainlanders." (http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/12/04/resistance-is-futile-hong-kong-protests-beijing-wins).Hemos mencionado el papel que le cabe a la desarticulada sociedad civil de Hong Kong y el papel que ejerce el cohesionado poder del aparato estatal chino. Debemos mencionar el papel que han jugado y juegan en este escenario, por un lado, los poderes estatales de las democracias liberales (particularmente el gobierno de los Estados Unidos y de los principales países europeos) y, por otro lado, las sociedades civiles de estas respectivas naciones. ¿Qué posición ha tomado el gobierno de los Estados Unidos ante los acontecimientos en Hong Kong? Una posición meramente formal. Más aún, semanas antes de la cumbre de noviembre pasado de la APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) en Beijing, el presidente Obama sólo hizo una mención protocolar, deseando una resolución del conflicto. Sin embargo, el problema más acuciante se encuentra en la incapacidad e indiferencia que demuestra la sociedad civil de aquello que denominamos Occidente. La inacción de ésta ante los abusos que los exitosos capitalismos autoritarios realizan en sus respectivos países descansa en una ingenuidad: creer que una próspera China o una próspera Rusia contribuirá a la prosperidad económica de las sociedades occidentales pero no supondrá una amenaza para la fortaleza de los derechos civiles y políticos. Según esta ingenua visión, una próspera China o una próspera Rusia sólo amenazan y amenazarán a sus propios ciudadanos. Eso es falso y ya es posible ver explícitamente esa falsedad en las calles de Ucrania y Hong Kong. Sin embargo, hay una dimensión no explícita de esa creciente debilidad de los derechos, cuyas formas veremos desarrollarse en el corto mediano plazo.Si asumimos por un momento que la tendencia es igual o similar a la de la última década, será posible sostener que los derechos civiles y políticos de las personas de los países emergentes sufrirán crecientes limitaciones. Dentro de las personas pobres de los países emergentes ubicamos a aquellos que tienen una posición política e ideológica distinta a la del régimen dominante. China es el ejemplo por definición de los serios inconvenientes que enfrentará en el mediano plazo el Estado de Derecho en el mundo. Su creciente incidencia en el PIB mundial no sólo ha supuesto y supondrá una amenaza para las libertades de las personas que piensan distinto al régimen dentro del país sino, crecientemente, supondrá una amenaza para aquellos que piensan distinto al régimen fuera del país. A su vez, reflejará la decreciente capacidad del resto del mundo de defender los derechos civiles y políticos que son violados al interior de China. La creciente incidencia de los países donde no se respetan los derechos civiles ni las libertades políticas supone una amenaza y un desafío de una magnitud todavía no reconocida para las democracias liberales.

Eine nachhaltige Landwirtschaft ist als Leitbild in der Agrarpolitik verankert und erfordert die Entwicklung von Indikatoren, die bei Implementierung in landwirtschaftliche Betriebsmodelle eine Nachhaltigkeitsbewertung von Produktionszweigen ermöglichen. In einem inter¬disziplinären Stipendienschwerpunkt (´Indikatoren für eine nachhaltige Landnutzung` der Deutschen Bundesstiftung Umwelt) tragen verschiedene Arbeitsgruppen zur konzeptionellen Weiterentwicklung des Betriebsmodells REPRO bei. Die einzelnen Forschungsvorhaben umfassen die Anpassung und Verbesserung bestehender Algorithmen, die Ableitung von Indikatoren sowie die Abbildung bisher nicht oder nur unzureichend berücksichtigter Wirkungsbereiche. Das Modell REPRO ist in erster Linie für Ackerbau¬systeme unter kontinentalen Klima- und Bodenverhältnissen entwickelt und kalibriert worden. Ein entsprechender aggregierter Bilanzierungs- und Bewertungsansatz fehlte bisher für spezialisierte Grünland-Futterbaubetriebe, die desweiteren überwiegend auf leichten Stand¬orten Nordwesteuropas unter maritimen Klimabedingungen lokalisiert sind. Ziel dieser Studie war es, (i) Agrar-Umweltindikatoren speziell für Grünlandnutzungssysteme zu entwickeln, welche anhand verschiedener Kriterien auf deren Eignung, Aussagekraft, Praxisrelevanz und Korrelation zu Umweltproblemen überprüft und validiert werden; (ii) diese Indikatoren auf der Skalenebene der Fläche anhand geeigneter Datensätze quantitativ zu bestimmen und (iii) entsprechende Zielwerte zu formulieren. Als Datengrundlage dienten vorwiegend die Ergebnisse des interdisziplinären Forschungsprojektes ´Stickstoff (N)-Projekt Karkendamm`. Ergänzend dazu fanden Erhebungen zu intensiv konventionell und ökologisch bewirtschafteten Dauergrün¬landbeständen aus dem Norddeutschen Tiefland (Schleswig-Holstein (Projekt: COMPASS), Niedersachsen (Projekt: Öko-Landbau Wasserschutz Elbe-Weser Dreieck) und aus der alpinen Bergregion Gumpenstein (Projekt: Man And Biosphere) Berücksichtigung. Die Umsetzung der Arbeit erfolgte in Form eines dreistufigen Konzeptes: In einem ersten Schritt wurden anhand einer umfangreichen Literaturstudie relevante Nachhaltigkeitsindikatoren zusammengestellt, die die Aspekte Produktivität, Ressourcen¬effizienz, Tiergerechtheit und tierische Leistung für die Nutzungssysteme Weide und Schnitt gegenüberstellen. Es zeigte sich, dass die Nutzungsart einen entscheidenden Einflussfaktor nicht nur auf die Beanspruchung natürlicher Ressourcen, sondern auch auf die Futterqualitäts- und Ertragsleistung des Grünlandbestandes darstellt. Der Einfluss des Nutzungssystems muss in der Weiterentwicklung landwirtschaftlicher Bewertungssysteme Berücksichtigung finden, um die positiven Effekte der Beweidung (Tiergerechtheit, hohe Energieeffizienz, Kostenersparnis) bzw. der Schnittnutzung (geringere und mengenmäßig besser quantifizierbare Stickstoffverluste) in eine Gesamtbewertung zu integrieren. Als Fazit dieses ersten Teils konnte zusammengefasst werden, dass die Beweidung bei einer Reduktion der mineralischen N-Intensität nach wie vor ein nachhaltiges Nutzungssystem darstellt. Die Ergebnisse der Literaturstudie dienten in einem zweiten Schritt als Basis zur Entwicklung eines Indikatoransatzes. Acht formulierte Einzelindikatoren, die jeweils mit Toleranz- und Zielwerten definiert wurden, bilden in ihrer Gesamtheit erstmalig ein Instrument zum Nachweis der guten fachlichen Praxis in der Grünlandbewirtschaftung für die Beratung, Administration und die landwirtschaftliche Praxis. Aussagekräftige Indikatoren, für die eine gesicherte Datenverfügbarkeit besteht, wurden zur Bewertung der Bonität, der Bestandesentwicklung und der potentiellen bzw. aktuellen Futterqualität und Ertragsleistung mit dem Ziel zusammengeführt, Bestandesdegradierungen bereits im Vorwege zu erkennen und Verbesserungs¬ma߬nahmen rechtzeitig einzuleiten. Dabei wurden insbesondere die Anforderungskriterien Anwendbarkeit, Datenverfügbarkeit, Plausibilität, Reproduzierbarkeit und Relevanz in die Indikatorenauswahl einbezogen. Die Steigerung der Stickstoff (N)- Effizienz grünlandgenutzter Systeme kann massgeblich zur Nachhaltigkeit beitragen. In einem dritten Teil wurden Möglichkeiten zur Ableitung von N-Düngungsempfehlungen analysiert. Es konnte gezeigt werden, dass die abgeleiteten N-Applikationsmengen nach den Richtlinien der guten fachlichen Praxis durch die Standardmethode des Grenzertrages (Myr) zu hohen N-Überschüssen insbesondere in beweideten Systemen führen, so dass in umweltpolitischen Verordnungen festgelegte Toleranzbereiche nicht eingehalten werden können. Der formulierte Indikator endogene N-Verwertungseffizienz (NyUE) ist am pflanzlichen N-Bedarf ausgerichtet und stellt den inversen Rohproteingehalt dar. Zusätzlich wurden definierte Grenzbereiche an einer leistungsorientierten Milchvieh-Fütterung abgeleitet, wobei unnötig hohe N-Ausscheidungen der Tiere durch eine Begrenzung der N-Gehalte des Grünlandfutters verhindert werden. Als Fazit dieses Kapitels lässt sich zusammenfassen, dass bei Anwendung von NyUE zur Ableitung optimaler N-Intensitäten die Empfehlungen insgesamt im Vergleich zu Myr reduziert sind. Auch in beweideten Systemen können die N-Verluste mit dem Sickerwasser bei gleichbleibender Produktivität vermindert werden. Ferner sollte eine strategische N-Applikation zum ersten und zweiten Aufwuchs in schnittgenutzten Systemen erfolgen, während beweidete Systeme die höchste N-Effizienz ohne jegliche Düngerapplikation erreichen. Die einzelnen Kapitel der vorliegenden Arbeit dokumentieren, dass zur Optimierung des Grünlandmanagements Kenntnisse über die Auswirkungen unter¬schied¬licher Bewirt¬schaft¬ungs¬strategien auf die Produktivität, die Futterqualität und ins¬besondere die N-Verluste erforderlich sind, da diese im Hinblick auf die Umweltgerechtheit im intensiven Futterbau von besonderer Bedeutung sind. Darüber hinaus müssen Indikatoren zur Bewertung einer nachhaltigen Grünlandbewirtschaftung sowohl ökologische Aspekte als auch ökonomische und soziale Forderungen in einen Gesamtkontext stellen. Die national in der Anwendung befindlichen Gesamtbetriebsmodelle bilden die Betriebsform Grünland und Futterbau bislang unzureichend genau ab. Mit dieser Arbeit wurde das Ziel erreicht, der Praxis, Beratung und Administration mit einem System an geeigneten Indikatoren und Zielwerten ein Werkzeug zur Bilanzierung und Bewertung von Leistungen und ökologischen Effekten des Grünlands in die Hand zu geben. Dieses lässt sich mit wissenschaftlicher Belastbarkeit für intensiv genutztes Grünland unter nordwesteuropäischen Klima- und Standortbedingungen anwenden. ; The assessment of sustainability of different land use systems with indicators is one of the main objectives in the agricultural policy. The implementation of indicators in whole-farm models provides the evaluation of sustainability of different production processes. In an interdisciplinary scholarship-project (´Indicators for a sustainable land use`, funded by the German Federal Environmental Foundation) different working groups contribute to an advancement of the whole-farm model REPRO. An adaptation and improvement of algorithms and the deduction of indicators is necessary. Up to now, REPRO is well adapted to simulate mixed farming systems located on continental sites, but the modelling of specialised dairy farming systems and grassland production systems is insufficient. Therefore, the aim of the study was to (i) develop indicators and prove their suitability, practicability and ecological relevance for assessing the sustainability of intensively used grassland. (ii) Afterwards these indicators were quantified on the field scale and (iii) target values were formulated. Selected results of the interdisciplinary ´Nitrogen (N)-project-Karkendamm` form the basis of the dataset. Additionally, field studies from monitoring projects of Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony and the alpine region Gumpenstein were evaluated. The study was split into three chapters: In a comprehensive literature review rotational grazing and cut systems were compared in case of productivity, resource-efficiency, animal welfare and animal performance. It was shown that the management system has a strong influence not only on resource consumption but also on forage quality and yield. This influence of management strategy has to be implemented in whole-farm models for assessing positive effects for rotational grazing (animal welfare, high energy-efficiency, low costs) as well as for cut systems (lower nitrogen losses). It can be stated that actually rotational grazing provides a sustainable management system, but the application of N fertilisers is recommended to be reduced. Following, the results of the literature review were taken as a basis for the development of an indicator-based approach for assessing the sustainability of intensively managed grasslands. Eight individual indicators each defined with target values and weighting functions, offer an instrument for certifiying management practices in the codes of good agricultural practice. Indicators with high expressiveness and easy data collection measure sward quality, sward development and the potential and actual forage quality and yield performance. The aim is to inhibit sward degradation early enough before deterioration and conclude corrective actions. The selection criteria for indicators were easy data collection for cost minimisation, easy handling for users and repeatability. An increased N efficiency is a main option to increase sustainability of grassland systems. In the third step of this thesis we analysed different opportunities for the calculation of N fertiliser recommendations. It was shown that recommendations calculated with the defined standard, marginal yield response (Myr), lead to high N loads especially in grazed systems. In conclusion, guidelines of policy instruments are not matched. The calulation of fertiliser recommendation including the indicator endogenous N utilisation (NyUE) is adapted to plants´ demand; additionally, defined target values are deduced from animal´s requirements combining high production and reduced N losses. The results show that compared to Myr, the optimum fertiliser input is generally reduced by the use of NyUE. Fertiliser recommendations calculated with NyUE emphasize a strategically application of fertiliser N to the first growth and first regrowth for cut systems while grazing is most efficient with zero fertiliser. For an optimised grassland management, knowledge of the influence of different manage¬ment practices on productivity, forage quality and particularly the N losses is important. Nutrient losses, especially N, play an important role for assessing an environmental friendly use of natural resources in forage production systems. Indicators for evaluating a sustainable grassland production have to consider as well ecological, economical as social aspects in a whole context. Up to now, whole farm models cannot picture these production systems in detail and therefore further development is necessary. This study formulated a set of indicators for balancing and assessing as well performance as ecological effects of grassland production systems that can be used in the agricultural practice, by advisory service and administration. The reliability is assured for northwest European climatic areas.

Against the backdrop of the ongoing Gaza war and an enraged Arab street, the future of 2,500 U.S. troops stationed in Iraq is once again in question. Despite a full withdrawal in 2011, the government of Iraq "invited" U.S. forces to return in 2014 to combat Daesh, or ISIS. But seven years after the "Caliphate" was pronounced defeated, the multinational Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve maintains a large military presence in Iraq, ostensibly to "work by, with and through regional partners to militarily defeat the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, in order to enable whole-of-coalition governmental actions to increase regional stability."Despite those laudable intentions, attacks against U.S. military personnel have intensified and so has political pressure to conclude the mission, far beyond similar calls for expulsion following the targeting of Qassim Soleimani in 2020. The presence of foreign forces in general and the U.S. troops in particular is vexing to Iraq with its long history of occupation (although calling 2,500 non-combat forces an occupation is a bit of a stretch), but is also an opportunity, particularly among Iranian-backed political parties and militias, to create a strawman responsible for all of the country's ills.For many Iraqis the counter-ISIS coalition is like the guest who has overstayed his welcome."The presence of U.S. military forces on Iraqi soil has been increasingly causing problems to Iraq and its neighbors; it also gives a pretext to terrorists to resume their attacks on Iraqis," said Dhia Al-Asadi, former minister of state who headed the Al-Ahrar (Sadrist) Bloc in parliament. "These forces should withdraw immediately so that a legitimate, nationalist Iraqi government can take the lead and build its military and security capacity without unsolicited U.S. interference."Yet, not all Iraqis concur with those views."Despite the considerable strength of militia forces in Iraq, surpassing that of the Iraqi national army, their calls for the withdrawal of Americans and allies are primarily rhetorical," said Nahro Zagros, editor in chief of Kurdistan Chronicle and former vice president of Soran University in Erbil. "If the decision rested with the Iraqi populace, the majority would prefer the continued presence of Americans. However, Iraqi affairs are not under Iraqi control but influenced by neighboring powers."According to Falah Mustafa, a close adviser to the president of the Kurdistan Region on Foreign Policy Affairs, "any decision [on the future of the coalition forces] must be based on national consensus.""For the Kurdistan Region, certainly we are part of Iraq and we will abide by any decision that Iraq makes, but one single group of Iraqi society cannot determine this alone, because Iraq is a diverse country. Shias, Sunnis, Kurds, Turkmen, Chaldeans, Assyrians, and Christians, we all need to agree on this issue because it is about the stability, security of this country," he said.While the U.S. has sought to maintain a military presence in Iraq, arguments to keep them there do not stand up to scrutiny. There is an unspoken proposition that Iraq could be used as a launch platform for attacks against Iran or elsewhere, but this is specifically prohibited by the 2008 Strategic Framework Agreement, which remain the foundational document for the Iraq-U.S. relationship. It says, "The United States shall not use Iraqi land, sea, and air as a launching or transit point for attacks against other countries; nor seek or request permanent bases or a permanent military presence in Iraq."Besides, Iraq is not needed for this purpose. The U.S. currently has a major logistical base in Kuwait with over 13,000 army troops, a naval base in Bahrain housing the U.S. Fifth Fleet and Al Udeid Air Base in Doha is the largest military installation in the region with over 8,000 troops. The Persian Gulf can fit a Carrier Battle Group with ease. These, in addition to other bases in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Jordan and Turkey, maintain more than sufficient ground, air and naval assets to challenge any military force in the region. A second argument is the often-stated rhetorical trope that leaving Iraq would be a victory for the Iranians. While it may be a rhetorical victory for Iran, rhetoric should not be the basis for foreign policy. A military withdrawal from Iraq would be seen in Tehran as stabilizing Iran's western borders, but it must be acknowledged that the U.S. seeks the same outcome on its borders. The Monroe Doctrine has been the cornerstone of U.S. hemispheric policy for 200 years, just as Persian influence has driven similar aspirations towards Iraq for over a millennium. Former Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif famously said, "Look at the map. The U.S. military has travelled 10,000 kilometers to dot all our borders with its bases. There is a joke that it is Iran that put itself in the middle of U.S. bases."The U.S. argument conflates influence with interference. The economies and cultures of the two societies are vastly intermingled, shown most clearly with the hundreds of thousands of pilgrims which peacefully cross the borders annually to visit Qom and Najaf. Yet, the fundamental U.S. concern should not be one of Iranian influence but of Iranian interference, of which its insinuation into the political and economic structures will continue, regardless of the U.S. troop presence.Last, some would argue for a continued U.S. troop presence, asserting that the counter-ISIS mission is not finished, and ISIS remains a significant threat to both Iraq and the international community. While there may be some validity to this argument, it begs the question whether the Iraqis need continued foreign assistance or can accomplish this mission unilaterally. A U.S.-Iraq Higher Military Commission has recently been meeting to analyze these and other concerns to determine the rationale for a continued military mission. Mustafa, who previously served as head of KRG's Department of Foreign Relations, said it is important to remember that "this should not be emotional; it should not be affected by other factors.""Iraqis, the U.S. — the relevant people — need to sit down together, discuss and assess the situation on the ground, review the extent of engagement, assess the threats, Iraqi capabilities and determine together the nature and shape of future arrangements and future relations between Iraq and the U.S., and the rest of coalition countries," he said.According to Al-Asadi, "Daesh, like al-Qaida before it, will not cease to exist as a threat not only to Iraq but to the region and the entire world. Names, strategies and means may change, but the masterminds and beneficiaries of such groups will always keep them ready to strike, and sometimes they serve as a hired gun."However, he added: "Iraqi forces are qualified and capable of dealing with this threat. They may need some up-to-date technology, training and honest cooperation with regional and world countries who ought to share the same amount of concern about the growing danger of these terrorist groups."While the need for "up-to-date technology, training and honest cooperation" is important, it could be provided by other nations' forces, contractors or remotely, rather than by the physical presence of U.S. forces.A final argument suggests the continued presence of U.S. forces is an insurance against internal Iraqi threats. According to Zagros, "the most significant danger originates from within Iraq itself, where militia forces persist in attacking fellow Iraqis and opposing factions.""I firmly believe that without the presence of Americans and their allies, Iraq and the broader region face the risk of fragmentation and collapse," he said.Yet, those same militia forces are using the presence of U.S. forces as a casus belli to wage a deadly campaign against the forces of occupation, aligning themselves with the Iranian "Axis of Resistance" to receive equipment, training and funding from the Quds Force. Counterintuitively, the very presence of U.S. troops strengthens the hands of the militias and creates instability, especially when the United States unilaterally targets militia leaders and infringes on Iraqi territorial sovereignty to do so.These four factors, alone, imply that the U.S. troop presence comes at high costs and marginal benefits. The U.S. continues to be painted as an occupier, an aggressor, a foreign agitator and the cause of Iraqi society's near-collapse since the 2003 invasion.As Al-Asadi notes, "Why does the U.S. want to negotiate its withdrawal from Iraq? If they really want to stabilize Iraq and the region, they should withdraw their military troops first, then they can diplomatically negotiate their future relations with Iraq. Given the fragility of the situation and institutional dysfunctionality, we cannot hope for a better situation. The major denominator is the existence of foreign military troops in Iraq."Since October 7, U.S. support for Israel has aggravated the anger, and has brought the question of continued U.S. presence to the fore. While some arguments for remaining may exist, and Iraq is certainly more important than Otto von Bismarck's famous quote that the Balkans are not "worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier," the U.S. should reflect, clear-eyed, on the risk to American lives, the provocation to Iran, the almost paternalistic view that the Iraqi security establishment can't succeed against ISIS on its own, or can't find other alternatives, and the significant animosity against U.S. policy throughout the region. The Counter-ISIS Coalition performed brilliantly, but it is time to say, "Mission Accomplished."

One ray of hope in the current political scene comes from the land of deep blue.  However one views the immense expenditure on solar panels, windmills and electric cars, (produced in the US by US union labor, of course), plus forced electrification of heat and cooking, a portion of the blue-state left has noticed that this program cannot possibly work given laws and regulations that have basically shut down all new construction. And a substantial reform may follow.  I am prodded to write by Ezra Kleins' interesting oped in the New York Times, "What the Hell Happened to the California of the '50s and '60s?," a question repeatedly asked to Governor Gavin Newsom. The answer is, of course "you happened to it." For those who don't know, California in the 50s and 60s was famous for quickly building new dams, aqueducts, freeways, a superb public education system, and more.   Gavin Newsom states the issue well. "..we need to build. You can't be serious about climate and the environment without reforming permitting and procurement in this state."You can't be serious about business, housing, transportation, wildfire control, water, and a whole lot else without reforming permitting and procurement, but heck it's a start. Hitting these [climate] goals requires California to almost quadruple the amount of electricity it can generate — and shift what it now gets from polluting fuels to clean sources. That means turning huge areas of land over to solar farms, wind turbines and geothermal systems. or, heaven forbid, nuclear, which among other things works at night.  I don't think most of San Francisco's progressive gentry really understand how massive their envisioned "transition" really is. It means building the transmission lines to move that energy from where it's made to where it's needed. It means dotting the landscape with enough electric vehicle charging stations to make the state's proposed ban on cars with internal combustion engines possible. Taken as a whole, it's a construction task bigger than anything the state has ever attempted, and it needs to be completed at a speed that nothing in the state's recent history suggests is possible....John Podesta, a senior adviser to President Biden on clean energy, said in a speech last month. "We got so good at stopping projects that we forgot how to build things in America."Newsom:"I watched as a mayor and then a lieutenant governor and now governor as years became decades on high-speed rail," he said. "People are losing trust and confidence in our ability to build big things.Losing? That train left long ago, unlike the high speed one. The part that really caught my eye: Klein complains that Newsom's current proposal is  a collection of mostly modest, numbingly specific policies. When a lawsuit is brought under the California Environmental Quality Act, should all emails sent between agency staff members be part of the record or only those communications seen by the decision makers? Should environmental litigation be confined to 270 days for certain classes of infrastructure? Should the California Department of Transportation contract jobs out by type, or does it need to run a new contracting process for each task? Should 15 endangered species currently classified as fully protected be reclassified as threatened to make building near them less onerous? And on it goes.Maybe, as Klein suggests, this is a measure of the bill being small and marginal. But I think the point is deeper: this is what regulatory reform is all about. Which is why regulatory reform is so hard. "Stimulus" is easy to understand: Hand out money. Regulatory reform, especially reform to stop the litany of lawsuits and dozens of veto points which are the central problem in the US, is all about the mind-numbing details.  "should all emails sent between agency staff members be part of the record" sounds like a mind-numbing detail. But think how these lawsuits work. Is discovery and testimony going to allow this entire record to be searched for an email where staffer Jane writes to staffer Bob one line that can be used to restart the whole proceedings? "Only" 270 days rather than 10 years? That matters a lot. Contracting process, which can be the basis for a lawsuit. I'll retell a joke. Fixing regulation is a Marie-Kondo job; long hard and unpleasant, each drawer at a time. The article is also interesting on the fight within the left. There is really a deep philosophical divide. On the one hand are basically technocrats who really do see climate as an issue, and want to do something about it. They believe their own ideology that time matters too. If it takes 10 years to permit every high power line, Al Gore's oceans will boil before anything gets done. On the other side are basically conservatives and degrowthers. "Conservative" really is the appropriate word -- people who want to keep things exactly the way they are with no building anything new. Save our neighborhoods they say, though those were built willy nilly by developers in the 1950s. (Palo Alto now applies historic preservation to 1950s tract houses, and forbids second stories in those neighborhoods to preserve the look and feel. How can you not call this "conservative?") "Degrowth" is a self-chosen word for the Greta Thunberg branch of the environmental movement. Less, especially less for the lower classes, not really for us who jet around the world to climate conferences. Certainly do not allow the teeming billions of India and Africa to approach our prosperity. I think "deliberate impoverishment" is a better word. Some of it has an Amish view of technology as evil. And some is, I guess, just habit, we've been saying no to everything since 1968, why stop now. Klein characterizes the opponents: More than 100 environmental groups — including the Sierra Club of California and The Environmental Defense Center — are joining to fight a package Newsom designed to make it easier to build infrastructure in California.... opposition groups say that moving so fast "excludes the public and stakeholders and avoids open and transparent deliberation of important and complicated policies."...The California Environmental Justice Alliance sent me a statement that said, in bold type, "Requiring a court to resolve an action within 270 days to the extent feasible is harmful to low-income and EJ" — which stands for environmental justice — "communities." It doesn't get much clearer than that.I am delighted to see in the New York Times, finally, the word "communities" adorned with scare quotes. But there is the tension: You can't both be really serious that climate change is a looming existential threat to humanity that demands an end to carbon emission by year 20X in the near future, and the view that in 270 days we cannot possibly figure out how to do so in a way that protects "communities." Climate must not really be that bad, or perhaps it was just an unserious talking point in a larger political project. These are the beginning stages of a transition from a liberalism that spends to a liberalism that builds. It's going to be messy. Until now, progressives have been mostly united in the fight against climate change. They wanted more money for clean energy and more ambitious targets for phasing out fossil fuels and got them. Now that new energy system needs to be built, and fast. And progressives are nowhere near agreement on how to do that.The last three sentences are telling. Did they really want just to announce goals and spend a few hundred billions and feel good? Or did they actually want all the windmills, solar cells, and power lines involved?  But the fight isn't just about this package. Everyone involved believes there are many permitting reforms yet to come, as the world warms and the clock ticks down on California's goals and the federal government begins to apply more pressure.Once something becomes partisan in the US, it freezes and little gets done. I am hopeful here, because it plays out within one party. California is a one-party state, but that does not put it above politics. It does mean that progress is more likely. Can we hope that "a liberalism that builds," in reasonable time and somewhat less than astronomical cost, projects that might be actually useful, could emerge from all this? In the larger picture, a movement among good progressive democrats in places like California has figured out that if we want more housing at more reasonable prices, just letting people build houses might be a good idea. Houses, apartments, any houses and apartments, not just dollops of incredible expensive government-allocated ("affordable") and homeless housing. This is the YIMBY movement in California. It is sadly instantly opposed by Republicans, but maybe that's for the better given how reviled that brand is in Sacramento. And it is also making slow headway. 

Problem setting. Modern science of public administration forms a theoretical basis for the study of national development and state-building processes. The urgency of the search for theoretical and methodological foundations of state linguistic policy in Ukraine is caused by unstable state linguistic policy both during the whole period of independence and in the historical perspective, by the unacceptable part of Ukrainian society of Ukrainian as a single state, by the non-formation of Ukrainian national identity for the use of language. society, in the hybrid war against Ukraine, which is no longer a potential but a real threat to Ukraine's existence as a state.In the normative legal acts of Ukraine, in particular in the Constitution of Ukraine, such a term as "Ukrainian nation" is not defined, although it is used together with the term "Ukrainian people", within which "citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities" are united. The researcher notes that at the time the Basic Law was enacted, the term "nation" contained mostly ethnic content (at least such a stereotype prevailed and, apparently, prevails in the mass consciousness), the concept of "nation" did not relate to the concept of citizenship. In this sense, the "Ukrainian nation" is primarily an ethno-cultural, linguistic community.Recent research and publications analysis. In scientific discourse, the nation in various contexts has been the subject of attention of researchers in various fields of science, including public administration, namely: B. Anderson, H. Yevsyeieva, V. Karlova, G. Kasianov, M. Kozlovets, I. Kresina, Yu. Kuts, I. Lopushinsky, L. Nagornaya, S. Rymarenko, O. Ryabchenko, V. Sychova, V. Starosolsky, M. Stepykо and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the available research on theories of the nation, as well as the role of the linguistic factor of national genesis, there has been no study of the science of public administration of theories of the nation as a methodological basis of state language policy in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to hypothesize that the theoretical foundations of nation-building are the methodological basis of the state language policy of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, since language is one of the defining features of Ukrainian national identity and factors of creation of the Ukrainian nation under conditions of multiethnic society and external threats to the nation.Paper main body. There is neither a universal definition of a nation nor a stable set of features.Having analyzed the various theories of the nation, we conclude that such a set may consist of linguistic, cultural, territorial, economic, social, psychological and political characteristics, and none of them can be dominant in this list.Three constituents of the nation, which stand out in the theories of the nation and are decisive for the Ukrainian nation, are considered in the context of the chosen direction of research: the national linguistic picture of the world, national identity, national identity.Noteworthy is the scientific approach whereby language is recognized as a feature of the nation based on the study of the linguistic picture of the world as a sociocultural phenomenon that reflects a conceptual picture of the world.Each language reflects a particular way of perceiving and conceptualizing the world. The values reflected in it create a coherent system of views, a kind of collective outlook that becomes mandatory for all native speakers.The next constituent of the nation, we define the national consciousness. national consciousness means the collective or individual perception of the national identity of a person or community, the specific traits of one's own nation, national values, a shared historical past and a shared historical future.National consciousness is historically formed in the process of nationalization, through awareness of the ethnicity of its origin and organic connection with its cultural roots, recognition of the original character of the native culture, language, national peculiarities, mentality and sense of national solidarity.The next constituent of the nation that underlies its formation is national identity. We can give the following definition of national identity: it is the identification of oneself with a certain nation by the set of certain characteristics of a nation, the realization of oneself as part of the national community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In spite of the methodological pluralism of the theories of the nation, the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of the nation and the instability of its features in many theories, language is regarded as a marker of national identity, a "symbol of social solidarity" (E. Sapir), a means of "transforming disparate individuals into a coherent, organized" Sorokin), "an external criterion by which one can know the existence of a nation" (V. Starosolsky), and others.Although language itself does not play a decisive role in the formation of a nation and national identity, it becomes meaningful when it is transformed into symbolic value and fulfills an integrative role.As constituents of the nation, the article deals with the national-linguistic picture of the world, national consciousness, national identity.The conducted research proves that belonging to a certain nation (national identity) is manifested in the national consciousness, which is formed, including through thinking and language, and is reflected in the national-linguistic picture of the world. In turn, the national-linguistic picture of the world reflects the peculiarities of the conceptual picture of the world of a social community united by certain factors (eg, territory, economy, history and/or modernity, language or metam, etc.).We believe that the process of forming the Ukrainian nation in the modern era was interrupted by a policy of "Sovietization", the creation of a new community, the "Soviet people", linguistic assimilation, and the simultaneous destruction in the 1930s of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Ukrainian peasantry as carriers of Ukrainian identity. The consequences of these political actions are still felt by Ukraine today, and it is too early to speak about the established national identity in Ukraine.Researchers agree that the core of the Ukrainian political nation is the ethnic core, whose constituent is language, and Ukraine bears the name of its titular nation and the largest of its indigenous ethnic groups – Ukrainian. This fact should be the starting point of nation-building and state-building and, accordingly, of state language policy, which is based on the model of "state Ukrainian language – languages of national minorities and indigenous peoples", which is in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Досліджено теорії нації та виділено ті теорії, які можуть бути визначені як методологічна засада формування державної мовної політики в Україні. Для розгляду обрано такі конституєнти нації, як національномовна картина світу, національна свідомість, національна ідентичність. З'ясовано, що основою української політичної нації є етнічне ядро, складовою якого є мова, а Україна носить ім'я своєї титульної нації й найчисленнішого зі своїх корінних етносів – українського. Зазначено, що цей факт повинен бути основою державної мовної політики в Україні.

Problem setting. Modern science of public administration forms a theoretical basis for the study of national development and state-building processes. The urgency of the search for theoretical and methodological foundations of state linguistic policy in Ukraine is caused by unstable state linguistic policy both during the whole period of independence and in the historical perspective, by the unacceptable part of Ukrainian society of Ukrainian as a single state, by the non-formation of Ukrainian national identity for the use of language. society, in the hybrid war against Ukraine, which is no longer a potential but a real threat to Ukraine's existence as a state.In the normative legal acts of Ukraine, in particular in the Constitution of Ukraine, such a term as "Ukrainian nation" is not defined, although it is used together with the term "Ukrainian people", within which "citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities" are united. The researcher notes that at the time the Basic Law was enacted, the term "nation" contained mostly ethnic content (at least such a stereotype prevailed and, apparently, prevails in the mass consciousness), the concept of "nation" did not relate to the concept of citizenship. In this sense, the "Ukrainian nation" is primarily an ethno-cultural, linguistic community.Recent research and publications analysis. In scientific discourse, the nation in various contexts has been the subject of attention of researchers in various fields of science, including public administration, namely: B. Anderson, H. Yevsyeieva, V. Karlova, G. Kasianov, M. Kozlovets, I. Kresina, Yu. Kuts, I. Lopushinsky, L. Nagornaya, S. Rymarenko, O. Ryabchenko, V. Sychova, V. Starosolsky, M. Stepykо and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the available research on theories of the nation, as well as the role of the linguistic factor of national genesis, there has been no study of the science of public administration of theories of the nation as a methodological basis of state language policy in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to hypothesize that the theoretical foundations of nation-building are the methodological basis of the state language policy of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, since language is one of the defining features of Ukrainian national identity and factors of creation of the Ukrainian nation under conditions of multiethnic society and external threats to the nation.Paper main body. There is neither a universal definition of a nation nor a stable set of features.Having analyzed the various theories of the nation, we conclude that such a set may consist of linguistic, cultural, territorial, economic, social, psychological and political characteristics, and none of them can be dominant in this list.Three constituents of the nation, which stand out in the theories of the nation and are decisive for the Ukrainian nation, are considered in the context of the chosen direction of research: the national linguistic picture of the world, national identity, national identity.Noteworthy is the scientific approach whereby language is recognized as a feature of the nation based on the study of the linguistic picture of the world as a sociocultural phenomenon that reflects a conceptual picture of the world.Each language reflects a particular way of perceiving and conceptualizing the world. The values reflected in it create a coherent system of views, a kind of collective outlook that becomes mandatory for all native speakers.The next constituent of the nation, we define the national consciousness. national consciousness means the collective or individual perception of the national identity of a person or community, the specific traits of one's own nation, national values, a shared historical past and a shared historical future.National consciousness is historically formed in the process of nationalization, through awareness of the ethnicity of its origin and organic connection with its cultural roots, recognition of the original character of the native culture, language, national peculiarities, mentality and sense of national solidarity.The next constituent of the nation that underlies its formation is national identity. We can give the following definition of national identity: it is the identification of oneself with a certain nation by the set of certain characteristics of a nation, the realization of oneself as part of the national community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In spite of the methodological pluralism of the theories of the nation, the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of the nation and the instability of its features in many theories, language is regarded as a marker of national identity, a "symbol of social solidarity" (E. Sapir), a means of "transforming disparate individuals into a coherent, organized" Sorokin), "an external criterion by which one can know the existence of a nation" (V. Starosolsky), and others.Although language itself does not play a decisive role in the formation of a nation and national identity, it becomes meaningful when it is transformed into symbolic value and fulfills an integrative role.As constituents of the nation, the article deals with the national-linguistic picture of the world, national consciousness, national identity.The conducted research proves that belonging to a certain nation (national identity) is manifested in the national consciousness, which is formed, including through thinking and language, and is reflected in the national-linguistic picture of the world. In turn, the national-linguistic picture of the world reflects the peculiarities of the conceptual picture of the world of a social community united by certain factors (eg, territory, economy, history and/or modernity, language or metam, etc.).We believe that the process of forming the Ukrainian nation in the modern era was interrupted by a policy of "Sovietization", the creation of a new community, the "Soviet people", linguistic assimilation, and the simultaneous destruction in the 1930s of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Ukrainian peasantry as carriers of Ukrainian identity. The consequences of these political actions are still felt by Ukraine today, and it is too early to speak about the established national identity in Ukraine.Researchers agree that the core of the Ukrainian political nation is the ethnic core, whose constituent is language, and Ukraine bears the name of its titular nation and the largest of its indigenous ethnic groups – Ukrainian. This fact should be the starting point of nation-building and state-building and, accordingly, of state language policy, which is based on the model of "state Ukrainian language – languages of national minorities and indigenous peoples", which is in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Досліджено теорії нації та виділено ті теорії, які можуть бути визначені як методологічна засада формування державної мовної політики в Україні. Для розгляду обрано такі конституєнти нації, як національномовна картина світу, національна свідомість, національна ідентичність. З'ясовано, що основою української політичної нації є етнічне ядро, складовою якого є мова, а Україна носить ім'я своєї титульної нації й найчисленнішого зі своїх корінних етносів – українського. Зазначено, що цей факт повинен бути основою державної мовної політики в Україні.

El resultado de esta investigación que se presenta como tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Ciencias Sociales se inscribe en la tradición de reflexión sobre la identificación, entendida como proceso social constitutivo, en el campo disciplinar de la Sociología. El propósito fundamental de esta pesquisa consiste en revelar la existencia de tensiones entre distintos modos de identificación que operan de manera simultánea y concurrente en agentes sociales que conforman parte de un colectivo social más amplio. Tales resistencias no son exclusivas del referente empírico seleccionado como unidad de análisis de esta investigación (los miembros de la Organización Testigos de Jehová); tensiones similares o análogas son posibles de puntualizar en otros grupos sociales cuyos idearios no sean necesariamente "religiosos". Sin embargo, los Testigos de Jehová como grupo social se presentan como una unidad de análisis pertinente, en virtud de su condición paradigmática como actor colectivo (e individual) en el cual se expresan tensiones de máxima intensidad entre procesos de identificación concurrentes y, que a primera vista, se manifiestan como mutuamente excluyentes. Por ello, esta indagación se propone comprender, desde el paradigma constructivista de la teoría social, los modos de conformación de los procesos de identificación social de los creyentes Testigos de Jehová. Asimismo, persigue identificar y explicar las tensiones existentes entre la identidad religiosa y la identidad ciudadana como instancias de significación del mundo social objetivo entre los adherentes a esta minoría religiosa. Por último, pretende explicar las resoluciones de dichas tensiones a nivel de la subjetividad de los agentes sociales pertenecientes a esta creencia religiosa. En el ordenamiento institucional, y por medio de ciertos mecanismos y dispositivos privilegiados, se evidencian las tensiones existentes entre el Estado y las minorías religiosas por el sostenimiento del monopolio simbólico de la construcción identitaria. Los Testigos de Jehová resultan un caso paradigmático de estas resistencias. La identidad ciudadana, como resultado de los mecanismos de normalización e invisibilización de la "otredad", opera como instancia de racionalización simbólica de las diferencias socio-culturales. En este sentido, la minoría Testigo de Jehová ofrece la posibilidad de advertir el modo en el cual el ideario del "Estado Nacional" se privilegia por encima del ideario religioso, ofreciendo como resultado una configuración cultural contingente (a la vez que definida por desigualdades de poder) que legitima prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Al nivel de las prácticas sociales de los Testigos de Jehová, se presenta la disyuntiva de considerar de qué modo los creyentes de esta minoría religiosa actúan como agentes políticos que propician por medio de la praxis ciudadana el bienestar del colectivo mayor en el cual se encuentran integrados. La discriminación social opera como forma de resolución de las tensiones identitarias a nivel de la estructuración de prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Por ello, resulta de interés no sólo sociológico y político, sino también social, elaborar una reflexión teórica y empírica que problematice la identificación, entendida como proceso, en el contexto más amplio de la "interculturalidad" a la cual se encuentran sometidas las sociedades contemporáneas. Pensar sobre los modos de tales identificaciones implica, necesariamente, desnaturalizar la "identidad nacional" como modo legítimo de dador de sentido de la vida ciudadana en el seno de un Estado nacional. Al mismo tiempo, ofrece una interpelación necesaria, a la vez que no exenta de tensiones y conflictos, entre otras instancias de significación de la vida social que operan entre los agentes sociales, que exploran la búsqueda de nuevas formas de identificación sustentadas en otros idearios. De este modo, esta investigación, producto del cuestionamiento primordial sobre las tensiones existentes en los procesos de identificación, pretende, por medio de un recorte peculiar y limitado, ofrecer líneas de interpretación y comprensión de las complejidades sociales a las cuales los agentes sociales se encuentran sometidos en el contexto socio-histórico particular. The result of this research presented as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Social Sciences is inserted in the tradition of reflection on the identification, understood as a constitutive social process, in the disciplinary field of Sociology. The main purpose of this study is to reveal the existence of tensions between different modes of identification that operate simultaneously and concurrently over social agents who form part of a larger social group. Such resistance is not unique referred to the empirical referent selected as the unit of analysis of this inquiry (the members of the Jehovah's Witnesses Organization); similar tensions are possible to point to other social groups whose ideologies are not necessarily "religious". However, Jehovah's Witnesses as a social group are presented as a unit of analysis, precisely beause of its paradigmatic status as collective (and individual) actor in which maximum intensity tensions between concurrent processes are expressed, which at first glance, appear to be mutually exclusive. Therefore, this research aims to understand, from the constructivist paradigm of social theory, ways of shaping social processes identifying Jehovah's Witness believers. It also seeks to identify and explain the tensions between religious identity and civic identity as instances of social significance of the objective world between the adherents of this religious minority. Finally, it attempts to explain the resolutions of those tensions at the level of subjectivity of social actors belonging to this religious belief. In the institutional order, and by certain privileged mechanisms and devices, the tensions between the State and religious minorities sustaining the symbolic monopoly of identity construction are evident. Jehovah's Witnesses are a paradigmatic case of this resistance. Civic identity, as a result of the mechanisms of normalization and invisibility of "otherness", operates as an instance of symbolic rationalization of socio-cultural differences. In this sense, the Jehovah's Witness minority offers the possibility to notice the way in which the ideology of the "national government" is favored over religious ideology, offering a cultural configuration result quota (while defined by inequalities power) that legitimizes discriminatory social practices. At the level of social practices of Jehovah's Witnesses, consider the dilemma of how believers of this religious minority act as political agents that lead through civic praxis presents greater collective welfare in which are integrated . Social discrimination operates as a form of resolution of identity at the level of structuring tensions discriminatory social practices. It is therefore not only sociological and political but also social interests, develop a theoretical and empirical reflection able to consider identification as a scientific social problem, understood as a process in the broader context of "interculturalism" to which are subject contemporary societies. Think about the ways of such identifications necessarily imply denature the "national identity" as a legitimate way of giving sense of civic life within a nation state. At the same time, it provides a necessary questioning, while not without its tensions and conflicts, among other instances of social life significant operating between the social partners, to explore the search for new forms of identification based on other ideologies. Thus, this research, questioning primary product of the tensions in the identification process, intends, through a peculiar and limited crop, offer lines of interpretation and understanding of the social complexities to which the social partners are submitted in the particular socio-historical context.