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This article presents a cross-national comparative analysis of the relationship between different dimensions of globalization and modern slavery. It argues that both the economic and political dimensions of globalization are strongly associated with lower levels of slavery prevalence. Recent estimates suggest there are more than 40 million people in some form of slavery and the United Nations has committed the world to ending this problem by 2030. Some argue that a race to the bottom, and the structure of economic incentives associated with globalization have contributed to the problem of modern slavery. Others argue that increased openness and the diffusion of values, the spread of democratic forms of rule, and the advance of human rights that come with globalization limit modern slavery. This article presents a preliminary empirical analysis of these arguments using data on slavery prevalence across more than 60 countries and various measures of economic and political globalization. The analysis shows that economic measures of globalization and higher levels of democracy are significantly related to lower levels of slavery prevalence, even after controlling for armed conflict and regional differentiation. In order to support these findings, the article examines the international law on slavery, definitions and conceptions of modern slavery, and comparative data on slavery prevalence modeled across indicators of economic and political globalization. It concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for the trade-offs between globalization and modern slavery.

"Just as Anthony Bourdain did for the world of food, in Dopeworld, writer Niko Vorobyov travels the globe to find out more about the war on drugs and how it affects global politics and our day-to-day lives. Dopeworld is a bold and intoxicating journey into the world of drugs. From the cocaine farms in South America to the streets of Manila, this book traces the emergence of psychoactive substances and our intimate relationship with them. With unparalleled access to drug lords, cartel leaders, street dealers and government officials, Vorobyov attempts to shine a light on the dark underbelly of the drug world. At once a bold piece of reportage and a hugely entertaining and perverse travelogue, with echoes of Gomorrah and Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, Dopeworld reveals how drug use is at the heart of our history, our lives, and our world"--

How do we make sense of digitizing cultures? : some ways of thinking through the culture-technology matrix -- How is the digital world made? : the designer/worker/user production cycle -- What's new about digitized identities? : mobile bodies, online disguise, cyberbullying and virtual communities -- Has digital culture killed privacy? : social media, governments and digitized surveillance -- Is everybody equal online? digitizing gender, ethnicity, dis/ability and sexual orientation -- Sexploration and/or sexploitation? : digitizing desire -- Tools for democracy or authoritarianism? : digitized politics and the post-truth era -- Are digital games making us violent, or will they save the world? virtual play, real impact -- Are students getting dumber as their phones get smarter? : e-learning, edutainment, and the future of knowledge sharing -- Who in the world is online? : digital inclusions and exclusions -- Conclusion: will robots and ais take over the world? hope, hype and possible digitized futures -- Works cited -- Glossary -- Index

1. Encountering the city -- 2. The foundations of urban theory : Weber, Simmel, Benjamin and Lefebvre -- 3. The city described : social reform and the empirical tradition in classic urban studies -- 4. Visions of utopia : from the garden city to the new urbanism -- 5. Between the suburb and the ghetto : urban studies and the search for community in Britain and the United States after the Second World War -- 6. Urban fortunes : making sense of the capitalist city -- 7. The contested city : politics, people and power -- 8. From pillar to post : culture, representation and difference in the urban world -- 9. The majority urban world : the growth and development of cities in the global south -- 10. Cities under stress : the uneven geographies of urban vulnerability -- 11. The information city : linking the virtual and material urban worlds -- 12. Putting the city in its place : urban futures and the future of urban theory.

This article discusses the strained nature of the relationship between the research/analytic world and the policy/political world. The research/analytic world in general and the statistical community in particular are portrayed as not wanting to be pulled into partisan politics. At the same time, the policy makers are portrayed as not seeing that statistical analysis is essential to confronting difficult real-world decisions. The article points out that there is a fundamental pressure pushing the two together: the federal budget. It shows that over the past decade or two, funding for statistical agencies has been under increasing pressure to show the "return on investment" of the taxpayers' dollars. The article suggests that the way out of this problem is by becoming an essential partner with the policy makers in dealing with the challenging issues that they face by supporting and advancing evidence-based policymaking.

For more than three decades, the "spatial dimensions of urbanism" have provided an important theoretical tool for studying Ur government & politics. Unfortunately, the now rather voluminous literature on the subject remains "painfully eclectic" (Goodman, J. S. see SA 27:3/79K0307). This is especially true in the refining of various propositions concerning the linkages between jurisdictional boundaries & individual attitudes & behaviors associated with political participation. Specifically, two problems confront the literature. First, there is no integrated model that encompasses the full range of behavioral & attitudinal responses to dissatisfaction with Ur politics & accounts for the individual's choice from among those alternative response patterns. Second, the literature only incompletely & inappropriately addresses the impact of correspondence or lack thereof between spatial contours of social worlds & political jurisdictions on modes of political participation. These problems are addressed by developing a model of citizen response to dissatisfaction based on recent theoretical elaboration of A. O. Hirschman's work (Exit, Voice & Loyalty, Cambridge: Harvard U Press, 1970) & applying that model to the analysis of the impact of correspondence-noncorrespondence on participation. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 53 References. HA

Practice-based researchers in the design field usually adoptanthropological methods for 'observing' or 'studying' the field inorder to come up with some 'design solutions' for a provocativeco-designing of socio-political spaces. Usually such approachesmove in the direction of legitimization of the 'design knowledge'.What designers in socio-political action research do is an act oftranslation, which in various stages of the action gets different shapes(e.g. between their own knowledge and participants' knowledge).Translation always tries to fill the cracks between an unknownspace and a known one. Therefore translation becomes afunctional and hierarchical bridge for those who do not knowthe origin's language. But such a bridge has many cracks, whichin a 'good translation' are not visible to readers but only to thetranslator. Therefore the translator, by hiding these cracks,never allows readers to engage in the work. However thesecracks are fundamentally important for understanding thepositioning and self-reflexivity occurring during the research.This paper draws a retrospective reflection upon the process ofcollaboration with women rights activists in Iran and Sweden. Byadopting a new politics of translation called 'free translation' 5,I argue that action research in the design field needs such a resituationalmethod for formulating actions in other contexts, wherethe first language is not familiar with the second, third and so on.A free translation brings up questions of 'qualification', 'power'and 'legitimization' and opens a space for more engagement byintensifying the cracks in disciplines, knowledge and contexts.

Cover; Half Title; Series Information; Title Page; Copyright Page; Dedication; Contents; List of Illustrations; Acknowledgements; Introduction: FROM ARAB SOCIALISM TO NEO-LIBERALISM: THE POLITICS OF IMMISERATION; Chapter 1: Arab socialism in retrospect; Chapter 2: The devastation of peace in Egypt; Chapter 3: The infeasibility of revolution in Syria; Chapter 4: Iraq -- Then and Now; Chapter 5: The perverse transformation; Chapter 6: Permanent war in the Arab World; Bibliography; Index.

The education of Walter Lippmann on the topics of propaganda and censorship during the First World War profoundly shaped the sober critique of the traditional theory of American democracy that appeared in Public Opinion. The war also shook his faith in the ability of the press to inform a public he increasingly viewed as hopelessly separated from 'reality'. Yet, between the end of the war and the publication of Public Opinion, Lippmann still maintained a faith, tempered by critique, in the potential of the press in his lesser-known publications, Liberty and the News and A Test of the News. This article argues that there was an overlooked yet critical influence on Lippmann in the interregnum between the end of the war and the publication of Public Opinion that helps explain Lippmann's evolving thoughts on the press; namely, the critical responses to Liberty and the News and A Test of the News. This analysis suggests that the dialogue between Lippmann and his critics provides a piece of the intellectual and historical context for the arguments relating to the press that appeared in Public Opinion.

Marine sacrificial zones are planned areas dedicated to the toxic violence of carbo-chemical port development around the world. In the marine environment in Chile, repeated fisher led new social movements have been raised regarding the need to create laws controlling marine pollution from combined coal power station/extraction complexes and realise participatory blue epistemic justice. A series of case studies from across Chile demonstrate the importance of integrating fisher observations of contamination. Interviews and participatory GIS shows how fisher communities LEK observations can be integrated from Quintero, Mejillones and Coronel, which help generalise about the participatory solutions to the impacts of other coastal industrial complexes. The social protests of 2020–2021 opened up a new space for environmental rights through a successful campaign for a new Chilean constitution, the importance of which is shown by the politization of the violence of these sacrificial zones locally and globally. Differently to the creation of the constitution by the neoliberal dictatorship, the participatory space afforded by a people's constitution through a plebiscite means that environmental justice concerns can be implemented in concrete form.

This article aims to understand the complex relationship between transnational pathways of policy influence and strategies of domestic policy entrepreneurship in the pursuit of REDD+ in developing countries. Since 2007, a complex governance arrangement exerting influence through the provision of international rules, norms, markets, knowledge, and material assistance has supported the diffusion of REDD+ policies around the world. These transnational pathways of influence have played an important role in the launch of REDD+ policy-making processes at the domestic level. Indeed, over 60 developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America have initiated multi-year programmes of policy reform, research, and capacity-building that aim to lay the groundwork for the implementation of REDD+. However, there is emerging evidence that the nature of policy change associated with these REDD+ policy efforts ultimately depends on the mediating influence of domestic factors. This article offers an analytical framework that focuses on whether and how domestic policy actors can seize the opportunities provided by transnational policy pathways for REDD+ to challenge or reinforce the status quo in the governance of forests and related sectors.

This article attempts to bring the work of the German philosopher and cultural theorist Peter Sloterdijk to a wider audience in the English-speaking world. The article makes the case for Sloterdijk's ideas being an important contribution to the analysis and critique of contemporary
culture, in particular to the diagnosis of cynicism, the position of the intellectual or critic, and the nature of communication in relation to the distinction between 'high' and 'mass' culture. The article firstly discusses Sloterdijk's analysis of contemporary cynicism
as 'enlightened false consciousness' and distinguishes this from gestural critique, or 'kynicism'. This is then related to the decline of enlightening communication and to what Sloterdijk calls the 'self-abdication' of the critical intellectual. In the second
part of the article, Sloterdijk's analysis of cynicism is related to communication, in particular to the replacement of 'vertical' communication, communication that seeks to make distinctions in cultural value, by 'horizontal' communication, which does not. The replacement
of 'vertical' by 'horizontal' communication is then related to Nietzsche's idea of ressentiment, which Sloterdijk sees as evident in contemporary culture.

The literature on international trends in political communication suggests that governments & political parties around the world have been modernizing & professionalizing their media relations operations. The key characteristics of a successful "modern" communications strategy are centralization, coordination, efficiency, & responsiveness. This article examines the extent to which those trends have permeated the parties & the new devolved administration in Northern Ireland. Much of the relevant literature has suggested that the government has generally set the media agenda in Northern Ireland. However, this article presents findings that indicate that it is the more radical of the main nationalist & unionist parties in Northern Ireland that have been most successful in modernizing their approach to political communication since devolution. The article draws parallels between the evolution of media relations in the parties in question -- Sinn Fein & the Democratic Unionist Party -- & the modernizing of political communication within New Labour in GB. The article also compares the media machine of the Northern Ireland Executive to that of another devolved administration in the United Kingdom, the Scottish Executive. It finds that the Scottish Executive has gone further in professionalizing its approach to media relations. 4 Figures, 32 References. D. Weibel