Suchergebnisse

This article offers a critical analysis of the role played by regional international organizations (IOs) – in particular the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe, and the European Union (EU) – in coping with the problems that have been affecting the rule of law in the aftermath of the recent economic and financial crises. The intent is to highlight the main shortcomings of the monitoring/enforcement tools designed by these IOs and to assess whether they require further revision. The specific focus will be on the mechanisms put in place in response to the illiberal practices and constitutional reforms adopted in Hungary from 2011 to 2013. This case is instructive in two respects. In the first place, those legal and political developments have been harshly criticized by all the IOs concerned, and so their response makes it possible to see (i) in what way and to what extent they operate in monitoring and protecting the rule of law, (ii) how well they interact in subiecta materia, and (iii) the strengths and weaknesses of their mandate. And, in the second place, the Hungarian question has made it apparent that violations of the rule of law at the national level can easily take on a systemic, structural and multifaceted dimension that rises to the European level – a problem I will be referring to as the "rule-of-law crisis". This has prompted an overall rethinking of the way the rule of law needs to be enforced, in a debate that has gained momentum within the EU legal order, very recently leading to a proposal (in March 2014) for a new EU framework through which to strengthen the rule of law. Here, the potential impact of this framework will be considered by also taking into account the alternative solutions offered by scholars and stakeholders.

This paper addresses the puzzle of why, and under what conditions, international organizations cease to exist. International relations literature offers rich explanations for the creation, design and effectiveness of international institutions and organizations, but surprisingly little effort has gone into studying the dynamics of IO termination. Yet if we want to understand why and under what conditions international organizations endure, we must also explain why they often fail to do so. The present paper formulates and tests theoretical conjectures about IO termination using a combination of statistical analysis and historical case studies. My analysis is based on an original dataset covering the period 1815-2016. I find that exogenous shocks is a leading proximate cause of IO deaths since 1815 but that international organizations that are well-established, have large memberships and technical mandates have higher survival rates. My analysis leads me to suggest a number of refinements to existing theories institutional robustness.

This book is devoted to quantify the role of the world's major economies in the international division from the perspective of global value chains and clarify the value cycle system between China and developed and developing economies. This book establishes a theoretical paradigm that conforms to the current world economic structure. That is, the world economic structure gradually shifts from a single-cycle model centered on developed countries to a more complex dual-circulation model. Furthermore, based on the analysis of the current world economic situation, it also analyzes the interaction between trade and investment and the synergistic effect of the Corridors under the Belt and Road Initiative. The first part of the book brings a better understanding of mutual relationships between trade and investment under the Belt and Road Initiative and broadens the research fields of relevant studies. Additionally, comprehensive and specific country research is particularly conducted in this book. By analyzing the economic indicators, reviewing social history and social-economic development, covering various countries along the Belt and Road, it provides deep exploration of the fields and approaches of the most potential cooperation under the purpose of "Peace, Development, Cooperation and Win-Win." Therefore, this part draws a broad map of economic and cultures in order to provide a reference and assistance for promoting the Belt and Road Initiative. Fulfilling this vision, this book hopes to deepen the understanding of economic development of each relevant economy to encourage the participation of economies in regional connectivity.

This book examines the American industrial strategy, from the late 70s to the present day, in what is now known as the 'neoliberal era'. The author illustrates the ways in which the protection and promotion of American companies and industries took place in the context of the international 'free market'. He provides clear evidence of how the economic power of the United States - wielded to influence the formal and informal institutions of the neoliberal order - has been used as a tool for enhancing its competitive advantage against other world economies.

Launched by President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016, the New Southbound Policy (NSP-T) aims to enhance cooperation and exchange between Taiwan and 18 countries in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Australasia. The policy is a concerted effort designed to expand Taiwan's presence across these broad regions by leveraging Taiwan's cultural, educational, technological and economic resources. There is no doubt that the NSP-T has yielded results in terms of economic cooperation and people-to-people exchanges between Taipei and Southeast Asia. However, with Beijing pushing forward its own agenda and, at the same time, asserting more pressure on Taiwan, there are questions about how Taiwan should respond. This article argues that China, through its enormous economic influence and constant consolidation of 'One China Policy' in Southeast Asia has limited the success and effectiveness of the NSP-T in the region. The impact of this 'China Factor' has, however, differed among Southeast Asian countries due to their distinct relationships with China. This article also argues that while China's economic diplomacy has earned Beijing considerable influence in the region, that influence has not been translated into Southeast Asian support for its foreign policies, principles nor values – leaving Taiwan with rooms to maneuver its strategic space in the region. Therefore, several policy directions, clusters and implementations have been identified for Taiwan's consideration in order to enhance existing Taiwan-ASEAN relations. These are: the visible and viable institutionalisation of the NSP-T; addressing existing and emerging issues in the NSP-T; and the consolidation of Taiwan-ASEAN long term connectivity. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

The Covid-19 pandemic poses unprecedented challenges to the global economy. While aggregated agricultural trade patterns remained largely unaffected by the pandemic, the World Bank still expects global poverty to rise for the first time in more than twenty years. Since late 2020, several developments have the potential to further jeopardize global food security. Precisely, sea freight rates for bulk carriers, which are primarily used in international agricultural trade, have surged to an eleven-year high. However, despite the significant role that transportation costs play in international food trade, current research tends to overlook the impact they have on trade flows and food price formation. Further, the Food Price Index provided by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) has increased for eleven straight months, reaching a seven-year high. These developments constitute increased risk to food security, particularly in poorer regions. Only strengthened international cooperation and unrestricted trade can safeguard global food security in the coming phase of globally uneven economic recovery. Calls for domestic self-sufficiency, proposals to transition to an over-bureaucratized, command-and-control EU-food system, as well as tightening economic sanctions and countersanctions between leading economic powers endanger food security, especially in import-dependent regions.

Examines how efficient the current system of world trade is in distributing resources from the geographical locations of supply to the locations of demand. By examining trade from a biophysical (versus an economic) viewpoint, the authors of the report seek to assess whether or not trade allows commodities to be obtained from countries where their production requires fewer resources and generates a smaller amount of wastes and emissions

Recent decades have seen a strong trend among democratic countries to extend voting rights at subnational levels to non-naturalized immigrants, creating substantial variation across countries in terms of voting eligibility rules for non-naturalized immigrants. Our knowledge of the consequences of these different systems for immigrant political integration is, however, limited. This article seeks to shed new light on this important issue by using Swedish data to study whether immigrants who face shorter residency requirements for voting eligibility in local elections are more likely to integrate politically. We find little compelling evidence that such is the case. The results suggest that immigrants who became eligible to vote after six to seven years were as likely to naturalize and vote in future elections in both the short and long run as those who received the right to vote after only three years of residency. Thus, although expanded franchise can be of symbolic, as well as practical, value, it is unlikely to be a panacea for immigrant political inclusion. The argument that early voting rights for non-naturalized immigrants is desirable since it helps speed up immigrant political integration should, therefore, be used with some care by those advocating for such reforms.