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In a much-cited paper Fernandez and Rogerson (1995) suggest that public spending on higher education is politically sustained by middle- and high income groups voting for a policy which is positive but not generous enough to allow lower income families to overcome the financial constraints that prevent their participation. Using a quantitative model, calibrated to the UK economy, we find that current public spending on post compulsory education corresponds to a political equilibrium. Support for the equilibrium policy comes primarily from low- and middle income groups, indicating that the policy needn't be highly regressive. Credit constraints play a minor role. [Copyright Elsevier B.V.]

The European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership (EaP) heralded the willingness of the EU to create a comprehensive concept for developing relations with the post-Soviet states. The politics of Europeanization (the export of specific forms of the EU political organization) served as a basis for this concept. Liberalization of the visa regime, cooperation with the EU agencies, "Action plans", adaptation of the acquis communautaire and financial aid, – all these elements are the instruments of Europeanization. The author comes to a conclusion that within the EaP framework, the acquis adaptation will be piecemeal, and Europeanization will be of a limited, "sectoral" character.

Research Paper, Academic Research Branch, NATO Defense College, Rome - No. 25, December 2005. ; On 3-4 November 2005 the NATO Defense College hosted a seminar, co-sponsored by the Ministry of Defense of Finland, regarding NATO and European Union post-conflict reconstruction operations. The participants included officials from NATO and the EU, as well as experts and officials from NATO, EU, and Partnership for Peace nations. The seminar objectives included: – promoting more effective EU-NATO cooperation in such operations, – evaluating the main problems and achievements of such operations to date, and – assessing lessons from operations in Afghanistan in particular.

This article explores the status of Turks in Bulgaria under the transition from Communism to post-Communism. After a summary of the demography of the Turkish population in Bulgaria, the paper focuses on developments in three specific areas: religious, political, and educational issues. For each issue a brief historical background is given but the emphasis is on developments since 1989. Since the article is an expanded version of a presentation on East European Linguistic Minorities, the issue of Turkish language and Turkish language education in Bulgaria is discussed in greater detail than religious and political issues. This in no way implies that the latter are any less important.

This article examines the impasse in development studies and takes issue with the contention that the roots of this impasse lie in the work of Marx. It does so by examining orthodox and structuralist versions of Marxism, and argues that these determinist approaches actually fetishise, in Marx's sense, social reality. This argument is outlined by an extended examination of the historical and social significance of the transition from feudalism to capitalism in England. It is also argued that post Marxism, in replacing a theoretical determinism with an atheoretical empiricism, has not necessarily transcended the impasse. Finally, some suggestions are made for transcending the impasse in development studies.

If diaspora communities are socialized with democratic values in Western societies, they could be expected to be sympathetic to the democratization of their home countries. However, there is a high degree of variation in their behavior. Contrary to the predominant understanding in the literature that diasporas act in exclusively nationalist ways, this article argues that they do engage with the democratization of their home countries. Various challenges to the sovereignty of their homelands explain whether diasporas involve with procedural or liberal aspects of democratization. Drawing evidence from the activities of the Ukrainian, Serbian, Albanian and Armenian diasporas after the end of communism, I argue that unless diasporas are linked to home countries that enjoy both international legal and domestic sovereignty, they will involve only with procedural aspects of democratization. Diasporas filter international pressure to democratize post-communist societies by utilizing democratic procedures to advance unresolved nationalist goals.

The 'return of religion' as a social phenomenon has aroused at least three different debates, with the first being the 'clash of civilizations', the second criticizing 'modernity', and the third focusing on the public/private distinction. This article uses Habermas' idea of a post-secular society as a prism through which we examine the return of religion and impact on secularization. In doing so, we attempt to understand the new role of religion as a challenger of the liberal projects following the decline of communism. Against this background, section four focuses on Habermas's central arguments in his proposal for a post-secular society. We claim that theproblematiquein Habermas's analysis must be placed within the wider framework of an emerging global public sphere. In this context we examine the problem of religion's place in political process and the two readings of Habermas as suggested by Simone Chambers.

Beginning in the mid-1990s and continuing through the 2000s, Italy's population of semi-permanent or sub-employed workers doubled, while its safeguarded workforce was halved, a trend particularly salient in Northern Italy. In historical tandem with this immense socio-economic transformation, outstanding public attention, originating in the field of occupational psychology, has been focused on a form of workplace harassment called mobbing ( il mobbing ). Mobbing, I show, both as praxis and site of public discourse, articulates the inchoate threats and ravages of intra- and inter-class solidarities which have become the affective trademarks of post-Fordism. It is but one example of everyday labor practices which signal a far deeper proximity between the detached and atomized workers of a market-oriented labor regime and the Fordist ideals of material stability, valorized toil, and, crucially, affective ties. Italy's working populations confront Fordist ruins not only as intangible and nostalgic remnants but as a labor force deprived of solidarity between workers even though workers' affective investment in their labor has intensified. I interrogate how the eerie presence of capitalism's affective past is reincarnated in mobbing discourse, redeployed to signal at once the solidarity-stripping capacity of post-Fordism and the affinity-affirming spirit of Fordism.

This two-volume book examines the most important global problem—the recovery of the social-economic crises due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This economic crisis has its own basis and differs from others by the lockdown of most businesses on the decision of authorities. The uncertainty of the future economic revival obliges scientists around the world to unite in search of effective solutions that will become the basis for prosperity and human wellbeing. The death of millions of people around the world, several waves of coronavirus, and a global pandemic have forced most states to seek extraordinary measures to save people and revive economic activity. The world economy experienced a global shock, probably never experienced before due to lockdowns. The disruptions and gaps in the value chains were primarily caused by the lockdowns of enterprises. The change in the essence of the economic crisis has raised the question of how to overcome it and revive economic activity. The crisis caused a sharp decline in incomes of the population around the world, which led to social upheavals. Post-COVID economic revival in a globalized world has become the most important problem of our time. This book offers contributions of authors from different countries and explores problem solving in the fields of public administration (Volume I, Part I), financial services (Volume I, Part II), different branches (Volume II, Part III) and the social sector (Volume II, Part IV). The second volume of the book is devoted problems in sectors of the economy, such as agriculture, tourism, aircraft, the automotive industry, electricity, culture, etc. The second part of the second volume examines trends in the revival in the social sector—medicine, pharmaceuticals, the labor market and social insurance. Despite the fact that the book is divided into two volumes and four parts, a holistic and systematic perception of the new reality of the post-COVID age can be obtained by reading the entire book. This book will be of interest to academics and practitioners in public administration and economics, particularly those who are interested in Post-COVID economic revival.

This article explores the factors affecting post-rebel party electoral performance. We present new research tracking the participation of these groups in national legislative elections from 1990 to 2016. Our full data set covers 77 parties and 286 elections in 37 countries. It includes parties formed after conflicts of varying length and intensity, with different incompatibilities, in every region of the world, and in countries with disparate political histories. Our analysis suggests that post-rebel parties' early electoral performance strongly affects future performance, and that competition – crowd-out by older rival parties – and pre-war organizational experience in politics have a significant positive effect, particularly for those parties that are consistently winning more than about 10 per cent of seats. But especially for parties that consistently win very low seat shares, organizational characteristics yield increasingly to environmental factors, most importantly the presence of rival parties and the barriers to representation presented by electoral rules.

Transformations and integration processes of post-communist European states have resulted in changes in the production process across borders. The main objective of this article is to present the positions of post-communist states in terms of cross-border input–output linkages. The analysis takes advantage of both the conventional methods of comprehensive study of global value chains and the advanced methods and measures examining the role of Central and Eastern Europe in global value chains in general and in sectoral terms. Findings of the study suggest that more integrated are countries with grater connections to Western European countries, especially Germany; a large share of exported goods from the post-communist states passes through GVCs in Western Europe, and exporters from post-communist states are usually located more in downstream segments of production than in upstream markets.

This paper highlights a literary style in which African dramatists compose in current diction and express themselves in a contemporary mode. The approach, identified in this essay as Post-indiginist Realism or Aesthetics, represents a departure from a celebrated method in which African dramatists privileged their culture or indigenous traditions in foreign language plays in the spirit of cultural nationalism. The main objective of this essay is to explain the Postindiginist concept, and thereafter examine some examples of the approach.

This paper will discuss the changing role of the military in criminal activity during the Reform Era which was affected by strict regulations, the supervision of institutions and the government's commitment to meet the welfare of the soldiers, with criminal activities referring to activities such as illegal economic activities, extortion, as well as drug and human trafficking. This paper will also analyze the ongoing criminal activity in the military, which mostly originates from personal interest rather than in the interest of the institution. This paper also describes the competition between military and police increasing criminal activities in order to seize illegal financial income potential. This paper will also analyze the methods of Post-Suharto military involvement in criminal activities.