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Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1: The Re-emergence of a Class Cleavage? Social Movements in Times of Austerity -- Bringing capitalism back into protest analysis? -- Social movements and political cleavages -- The research -- This volume -- 2: Social Structure: Old Working Class, New Precariat, or Yet Something Different? -- Dynamics of capitalism -- Social movements and social structures -- World-systems theory and anti-systemic movements -- Multitudes against the empire? -- Bridging political economy and social movement studies -- Modes of production and social cleavages in social movement studies -- Anti-austerity protest in the periphery -- The social basis of the (European) Global Justice Movement -- The social bases of movements in the crisis of neoliberalism -- The sociography of the camps -- The social basis of protest in Europe -- Conclusion -- 3: Identification Processes: Class and Culture -- Immoral (neo)liberalism: the challenge -- The cultural dimension: which identity for which movement? -- Liquid modernity and fragmented societies? -- Populist logic as search for the people -- The new spirit of capitalism and its critics -- Identity in social movement studies -- Morality and justice frames in anti-austerity protests in the periphery -- Anti-neoliberalism and tolerant identities in the Global Justice Movement -- Morality framing in anti-austerity movements -- Indignation and occupation -- Inclusive identities in European protests -- Conclusion -- 4: Lo Llaman Democracia Y No Lo Es: A Crisis of Political Responsibility -- Lack of responsibility in (late) neoliberalism -- Crisis of legitimacy in neoliberalism: the abdication of responsibility by representative institutions and its discontent -- Legitimacy crisis and institutional trust -- Political opportunities in social movement studies

Introduction: Identity work, sameness, and difference in social movements / Rachel L. Einwohner, Jo Reger, and Daniel J. Myers -- Doing identity work -- Just like you: the dimensions of identity presentations in an antigay contested context / Kimberly B. Dugan -- "We're not just lip-synching up here": music and collective identity in drag performances / Elizabeth Kaminski and Verta Taylor -- Technical advances in communication: the example of white racialist "love groups" and "white civil rights organizations" / Todd Schroer -- Drawing identity boundaries: the creation of contemporary feminism / Jo Reger -- Passing as strategic identity work in the Warsaw ghetto uprising / Rachel L. Einwohner -- I am the man and woman in this house: Brazilian Jeito and the strategic framing of motherhood in a poor, urban community / Kevin Neuhouser -- Working through identities -- Ally identity: the politically gay / Daniel J. Myers -- Being "sisters" to Salvadoran peasants: deep identification and its limitations / Susan Munkres -- Dealing with diversity: the coalition of labor union women / Silke Roth -- Diversity discourse and multi-identity work in lesbian and gay organizations / Jane Ward -- The reconstruction of collective identity in the emergence of U.S. white women's liberation / Benita Roth -- Afterword: The analytic dimensions of identity: a political identity framework / Mary Bernstein -- Contributors -- Index

Social movement campaigns help create the networks and collective identities needed to build social movement communities, which in turn support subsequent collective campaigns. This article examines the interactions between movement communities and campaigns using the case of the 2000 World March of Women in Montreal. We find that movement community resources and networks, mobilized by leaders in stable movement organizations and institutions, support campaigns. Centralization, diversity, and size of movement communities affect campaign mobilization. Movement campaigns alter movement communities by creating bonds that form the basis for subsequent campaigns and by keeping movement communities politicized. Prior campaigns generate public consciousness, put issues on the public agenda, create new frames and discourse, forge connections to new constituents, and leave behind new networks, coalition organizations, leaders, and activists. Our research contributes to an understanding of the connections between the submerged networks of social movement communities and the contentious politics of movement campaigns. Adapted from the source document.

Using such theories as resource mobilization and social capital, this article examines how housing social movement organizations (SMOs) in the USA are connected through hyperlink networks. In doing so, this article employed hyperlink network analysis (HNA) through data collected from 26 national housing SMOs. Results indicate that the more bridging ties an organization has, the more central they are to the network. Results also show that the more incoming hyperlinks that a particular organization has, the more central they are to the network. These results suggest that the utilization of bridging social capital by a housing SMO has the potential to increase the ability to mobilize resources by that organization. Furthermore, increasing the number of bridging hyperlinks available on a website can improve the web presence of the SMO furthering the goals of the overall movement.

This research investigates the strategic use of protest imagery on social media by movement parties, bridging the gap between protest and institutional politics. We apply a mixed-methods analysis of 9584 Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram image posts by seven movement parties between 2015 and 2021. We find that protest images frequently serve to amplify movement grievances. Yet, parties' involvement with contentious protest forms undergoes temporal shifts, influenced mainly by their evolving positions within the polity. Moreover, parties' engagement with protest images differs by country and ideological leaning. Movement parties on the Right express a conflictual position between supporting and delegitimizing different protests. Conversely, Left-leaning counterparts tend to support protest, yet veer toward deradicalization and emphasizing symbolism over disruptive tactics, once they become more institutionalized. This research highlights the intricate relationship between movement parties, protest, and visual narratives on social media, in light of the interplay between movements and institutional politics.

The new town movement, originated in Britain in the ideas of Howard, was active in successfully implementing two new towns on a cooperative basis, Letchworth and Welwyn. These ideas became important on the Continent when the new town movement continued on a wider scale, mostly with government initiative. A remarkable exception to this is Tapiola, Finland, built by a nonprofit organization.

Purpose
Social left-wing political contestation and activism in Spain have undergone great changes over the past four years. First, there has been a shift from the 15-M movement that took over public plazas with its ambiguous claims basically related to radical democracy and rejection of institutional politics, to a new focus on social problems generated by the crisis, highlighting issues such as housing and cutbacks in social rights. Second, there has been a shift towards institutional politics in 2014. How should this recent whirlwind evolution in political contestation to status quo be understood? What is the relation between the changing material conditions of the population and the extremely shifting shape of left-wing militancy in Spain? The paper aims to discuss these issues.


Design/methodology/approach
The arguments put forward here are based on the authors' involvement in social movements in the city of Seville between 2011 and the current time. They have been complemented with in-depth interviews of social activists who have taken part in the movements: 15-M assemblies, the housing movement, general strikes and, in more recent times, electoral initiatives (Podemos and Ganemos). The interviews were done between 2012 and 2014. The fieldwork has been complemented with an exploration of documentary sources: the manifests and writings of the various organisations that are being addressed.


Findings
In the transition from 15-M assemblies to the recent shift in electoral initiatives, social protest have turned from direct democracy demands and the rejection of institutionalised politics to a progressively pragmatic and short-term position where institutions are targeted. This paper argues that the generalised impoverishment of the population, increased numbers of evictions and consistently high unemployment rates have broadened the social framework for the action of social movements. The political and ideological crisis, rooted in the majority of the population's crumbling expectations of social progress has enabled the array of possibilities to be opened up to emancipatory politics.


Originality/value
It is argued that massive deprivation provoked by the economic crisis has been a fundamental factor in the movements' new orientation, what as a consequence, and until certain extent, throws the New Social Movements discourses into crisis itself, at least with regard to its post-materialistic nature and its opposition to institutions of the State.

Since its launch in 2011, the Occupy Wall Street movement has been linked with anarchist theory and practice by several scholars such as David Graeber, NathanSchneider, and MarkBray. However, Occupy was not an isolated case in the history of social movements. It emerged at a paroxysmal point as anti-neoliberal and pro-democracy manifestations – both local and global – have already been flourishing throughout the end of the 20th century. In a few years, demonstrations, uprisings, and social protests spread all around the world in the global North and the global South. It went from the Arab Spring in 2011 to the Greek protests, the Indignants, the OWS and the Gezi Park movement in 2013. This article aims to study the presence of anarchist ideas and practices in these early 2010s movements. To do so, we rely on existing studies dealing with the political and economic aspects of these movements. We argue that if anarchism is linked with the 2010s movements, it is through its political and economic values and practices. As a matter of fact, the period that preceded – from the mid-1990s until 2010 – already witnessed the development of anti-neoliberal, alter-globalization and pro-democracy movements. Thus the central point of contestation which characterizes these movements – which can be referred to as 3rd wave movements – are indeed political and economic. The empirical studies that were analysed in this article may not all point out a link between these movements and anarchism but show, at least, the practice of political and economic alternatives than can be defined as anarchistic – close to the anarchist ideas without clearly mentioning it. The anarchist ideas and practices observed in the 2010s movements thus show a link with the re-emergence of anarchism, under the form of post-anarchism, since the mid-1990s. Its development is closely related to the rise of the alter-globalization movement. Under its new form anarchism tends to distance itself from its violent past in the 19th century. Even though it is not referred to as "anarchism" in mainstream media, it still exists through new movements such as alter-globalization and direct democracy experiments. ; Le mouvement OccupyWall Street, depuis ses débuts en 2011, a été relié à la théorie et à la pratique anarchiste par différents universitaires tels que DavidGraeber, NathanSchneider et MarkBray. Cependant, Occupy n'est pas un cas isolé dans l'histoire des mouvements sociaux. Le mouvement s'est développé à un moment où les manifestations des courants anti-néolibéral et pro-démocratie — à la fois locales et mondiales —, qui étaient apparues à la fin du XXesiècle, ont atteint un point culminant. En quelques années, des manifestations, des révoltes et des protestations sociales se sont répandues à travers le monde, au Nord comme au Sud. Cela va des printemps arabes en 2011 au mouvement de Gezi Park en 2013, en passant par les protestations en Grèce, le mouvement des Indignés et OccupyWall Street. Cet article s'intéresse à la présence d'idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein de ces mouvements, apparus au début des années2010. Il s'appuie sur des études qui portent sur les aspects politico-économiques de ces mouvements. On pose comme hypothèse que si l'anarchisme est lié aux mouvements des années2010 c'est au travers de ses valeurs et de ses pratiques politiques et économiques. En effet, la période qui précède les mouvements des années2010 – –qui s'étale du milieu des années1990 jusqu'en 2010 – a vu le développement des mouvements anti-néolibéral, altermondialiste et pro-démocratie. Ainsi, le point de contestation central qui caractérise ces mouvements – que l'on qualifiera de mouvements de la 3evague – est donc bien politico-économique. Les études empiriques utilisées comme base de travail pour cet article ne montrent pas toutes de façon explicite le lien qui existe entre ces mouvements et l'anarchisme, mais elles révèlent cependant l'usage de pratiques politiques et économiques alternatives qui peuvent être considérées comme anarchisantes – proches des idées anarchistes sans le mentionner clairement. La présence d'idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein des mouvements des années2010 montre ainsi un lien avec la réémergence de l'anarchisme, sous la forme du post-anarchisme, depuis le milieu des années1990 et dont le développement est étroitement lié au mouvement altermondialiste. Sous cette nouvelle forme, l'anarchisme a tendance à s'éloigner de son passé violent du XIXesiècle. Ainsi, même si l'anarchisme n'est pas mentionné comme tel dans la presse grand public, il existe au travers de nouveaux mouvements tels que l'alter-mondialisme et les expériences de démocratie directe.