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Tracing the social, political, and intellectual genealogies of the concepts of secularism and communalism from the late nineteenth century until the ratification of the Indian constitution in 1950, she shows how secularism came to be bound up with ideas about nationalism and national identity.

The aims and ideals of secularism have increasingly come under scrutiny with the critique that it is underpinned by Christo-normative and colonial assumptions and is therefore inherently inappropriate to represent and govern the needs of a culturally diverse society. This article examines these critiques and responds by suggesting that secularism needs to be rethought and infused with a critical and practical sensibility that aims for inclusivity and engagement instead of neutrality, because aiming at neutrality has often involved ignoring or dismissing religion. What is presented in this article is an argument for a practical form of secularism, one that seeks validity through application and testing, so that it would be better equipped to represent and protect the identity and rights of individuals from a variety of religious backgrounds than an abstract version of secularism, which purports to be neutral yet remains unvetted in this regard.

This book provides an account and explanation of a fundamental dilemma facing secular states: the "legitimacy gap" left by the withdrawal of religion as a source of legitimacy. Legitimacy represents a particular problem for the secular state. The "secular" in all its manifestations is very much linked to the historical rise of the modern state. It should not be seen as a category that separates culture and religion from politics, but rather as one that links these different dimensions. In the first part of the book, Depaigne explains how modern constitutional law has moved away from a "substantive" legitimacy, based in particular on natural law, towards a 'procedural' legitimacy based on popular sovereignty and human rights. Depaigne examines three case studies of constitutional responses to legitimacy challenges which articulate the three main sources of "procedural" legitimacy (people, rights, and culture) in different ways: the "neutral model" (constitutions based on the "displacement of culture"); the "multicultural model" (constitutions based on diversity and pluralism); and the "asymmetric model" (constitutions based on tradition). Even if secularization can be considered European in its origin, it is best seen today as a global phenomenon, which needs to be approached by taking into account the particular cultural dimension in which it is rooted. Depaigne's detailed study shows how secularization has moved either towards "nationalization" linked to a particular national identity (as in France and, to some extent, in India)-or towards "de-secularization", whereby secularism is displaced by particular cultural norms, as in Malaysia --Front flap of book

Since late 2000s, the political landscape in Bangladesh moved from democracy to an authoritarian kleptocracy, and experienced a new set of political and social narratives. This paper aims to contest some of these dominant/official narratives which have been discursively constructed and promoted by the secularist parties (including the ruling regime) and groups in Bangladesh over recent years. Examining the sociopolitical and historical facts and figures of the country, we have identified five major contested narratives related to (a) Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan, (b) foundational ideology of Bangladesh's war of liberation, (c) state-sponsored Islamization in Bangladesh, (d) pro-liberation and anti-liberation dichotomy, and (e) war crimes trial. Drawing on a robust content analysis of the credible secondary sources substantiated by qualitative interviews, we have examined these dominant narratives and found that they are not supported by historical evidence and popular mandate, yet have been constructed largely to support and legitimize the current authoritarian regime. The paper offers both counter-narratives and some pragmatic policy recommendations to elude increasing polarization and sociopolitical instability and foster a peaceful democratic society in Bangladesh. ; Published version

Since late 2000s, the political landscape in Bangladesh moved from democracy to an authoritarian kleptocracy, and experienced a new set of political and social narratives. This paper aims to contest some of these dominant/official narratives which have been discursively constructed and promoted by the secularist parties (including the ruling regime) and groups in Bangladesh over recent years. Examining the sociopolitical and historical facts and figures of the country, we have identified five major contested narratives related to (a) Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan, (b) foundational ideology of Bangladesh's war of liberation, (c) state-sponsored Islamization in Bangladesh, (d) pro-liberation and anti-liberation dichotomy, and (e) war crimes trial. Drawing on a robust content analysis of the credible secondary sources substantiated by qualitative interviews, we have examined these dominant narratives and found that they are not supported by historical evidence and popular mandate, yet have been constructed largely to support and legitimize the current authoritarian regime. The paper offers both counter-narratives and some pragmatic policy recommendations to elude increasing polarization and sociopolitical instability and foster a peaceful democratic society in Bangladesh. ; Published version

Chapter 1. From "French Laïcité" to the Pluralism of French Laïcités -- Chapter 2. State Neutrality. A Challenge for Secularism -- Chapter 3. The Legal Framework of French Secularism -- Chapter 4. State Neutrality and the Common Expression of Religious Beliefs -- Chapter 5. State Neutrality and the Individual Expression of Religious Beliefs -- Chapter 6. Neutrality as a Test for All.

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the secularism debate currently taking place in France by examining how this issue impacts the integration of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants. Secularism is one of the key values of French Republicanism, but one which has been challenged by the establishment of a settled population of Muslim immigrants in France. The issue has been particularly highlighted by the affaire des foulards (headscarf affair), an ongoing debate over the rights of Muslim girls to wear a headscarf to secular French schools. Discussions of the principle of secularism and of its application have been even more intense in recent months with the publication in December 2003 of a report by the Stasi Commission, a commission set up by President Chirac to investigate the application of the principle of secularism, and by the passage of legislation intended to outlaw the wearing of any "overt" religious insignia in French schools. This article examines these recent developments in the context of the long‐running debate over Muslim women's right to wear a headscarf in French schools. It argues that the current focus on secularism provides evidence of the return of assimilation as a primary objective of public policy (Brubaker, 2001) and the decreasing strength of the movement in favour of the droit à la différence (right to difference). Finally, the paper argues that this has provided important obstacles to the integration of certain groups of immigrants, particularly Muslim immigrants.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- 1 Fertility and the Decline in Religious Belief -- 2 The Religious Roots of the Malthusian Controversy -- 3 The Secularist Case for Birth Control -- 4 The Emancipation of Women -- 5 Hostages to Fortune -- 6 The Meritocratic Emphasis -- 7 The Apostasy of the Paterfamilias -- 8 The 1870s and After -- 9 The Revaluation of Children -- 10 Towards a Fertility Policy -- Notes -- Index to Sources -- General Index.

A nation of nonbelievers -- Classifying secularities -- A cultural view of secularities -- Historical foundations -- The great abdicating -- Nonreligious belief systems -- Ethnicity, assimilation, and secularity -- Gender and secularity -- Marriage, family, and social networks -- The (explicit) politics of secularity -- A secular, cosmical movement?