Over the last 20 years, the international community has significantly stepped up its efforts to prevent, detect, and deter money flows related to criminal activities and terrorism financing. Since the early 2000s, this drive has extended to developing countries, with most of them introducing anti-money laundering (AML) policies. The primary driver behind this is law enforcement; these policies are aimed at detecting and tracing flows of ill-gotten money, which would enable authorities to fight and prevent crime and recover assets of crime, corruption, and tax evasion. The core objective of this study is to introduce economics into the international debate about anti-money laundering, and to introduce the idea of the usefulness and effectiveness of such policies. The study focuses on two developing countries: Malawi, a low-income country, and Namibia, a middle-income country. The findings presented in this study are based on an extensive literature research; World Bank discussions with numerous public- and private-sector officials and representatives of the Governments of Malawi and Namibia during a Bank mission in November 2010; and workshops conducted in both countries in February 2011 to obtain feedback on the preliminary findings. In conducting this study, the team adopted an interactive approach. This was critical because mobilization of local expertise is essential not only in establishing a complete picture of current and future AML challenges, but also in designing policy considerations that subsequently are widely supported.
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The Country Partnership Framework (CPF) will succeed the Myanmar interim strategy note (FY13-14) and be the first full country strategy for Myanmar since 1984. This CPF comes at a time of great opportunity for Myanmar; over the three year period covered in this CPF, the reforms initiated in 2011 have the potential to bring Myanmar into a new era of peace and prosperity. Myanmar s history, ethnic diversity, and geography combine into a unique set of development challenges and opportunities, including (i) emergence from a long period of international isolation; (ii) widespread poverty, despite rich land, water, and mineral resource endowments; (iii) a strategic location in the fastest-growing region in the world; (iv) the role of the military and associated groups in the economy; and (v) long standing armed conflict and ethnic and religious tensions. Myanmar is on a path of fundamental transformation, seeking to address all these challenges and opportunities simultaneously. Along with unique opportunities, the CPF supported program will also face substantial risks. Political risks associated with the elections in late 2015 include a polarization among stakeholders, policy discontinuity, and a slow-down of reforms. The national peace process to resolve decades-old conflicts remains fragile. On the economic front, risks include vulnerability to volatile oil and gas prices, spending pressures, an underdeveloped financial sector, and a weak regulatory framework, while overall capacity constraints may limit the country s ability to effectively manage macro-financial shocks. The design of the WBG program will help manage and mitigate these risks, and the WBG will regularly review risks and opportunities and adapt the CPF during implementation as warranted. A performance and learning review planned for late FY16 will facilitate the adaptation of the WBG program to country developments as needed.
Political uncertainties in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) continue to affect the short term economic prospects in the region, while major developments in the global economy over the past six months have put the region on a two-track growth path for 2012. These developments include a significant rise in crude oil prices on fears of oil supply disruptions and weak economic activity in the Eurozone. Economic growth of MENA's oil exporting countries will be strong as it rebounds from the average of 3.4 percent in 2011 to 5.4 percent in 2012. Overall growth in the region is expected to be 4.8 percent in 2012, surpassing the 3 percent growth achieved in 2011. Improvement in the growth prospects of oil exporters is due to strength in oil markets. The fiscal situation is expected to remain tenuous for oil importing countries, especially those going through transitions. Overall, inflation is expected to remain subdued in 2012, with the notable exceptions of Iran and Egypt. Subsidies are currently dampening currently dampening the effects of increased global food and energy prices in many MENA countries.
The paper is based on a scenario workshop held on January 20, 2009, where leading financial and private sector development experts from IFC, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank discussed the unfolding crisis. This paper is a product of the staff of the Financial and Private Sector Development Vice Presidency of the World Bank Group. The scenarios described in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the World Bank Group, its Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The scenarios described serve as the basis of a planning exercise and are not to be interpreted as forecasts or projections on the part of the World Bank Group or the authors of this paper. The purpose of this paper is to sketch scenarios taking into account the information currently at hand. In this way, scenarios can provide decision makers with alternative views of the future. Decision makers can test their strategies against the different ways in which the future might play out. Scenarios provide a framework for debate, leading to better policy making and strategies. They are especially useful in situations where major global changes are under way but there is huge uncertainty over what may happen. Staffs of the World Bank Group are providing these scenarios to help governments and organizations prepare for an uncertain future. Being well prepared and open to thinking about different outcomes is much better than continually being behind the curve and having to chase events.
Debates over the nature and direction of economic policy in Iran have intensified rather than abated after the tumultuous changes brought about by the revolution in 1979. In the span of these three decades, Iran has witnessed sweeping institutional changes and has been affected by significant economic and political upheavals. At the macroeconomic level, too, there have been a number of shocks ranging from oil booms and busts, to war (with Iraq), trade sanctions, and internal political strife. This paper uses Iran's experience to reflect on growth and development in the context of political upheaval and an uncertain institutional environment. It is a premise of the paper that Iran's recent past presents a rare, 'laboratory' like, case for the study of growth and development in a broad context. This paper examines post-revolutionary Iran's macroeconomic policies and performance in a comparative context, appraising it against Iran's past trends and real potential. It shows how recurrent cycles of populism and pragmatism have characterized this period. The paper argues that two sets of factors have conditioned Iran's performance and will continue to taint her prospects for sustainable growth into the future. These are: (i) Iran's limited economic diversification and continued dependence on the oil sector, and (ii) the institutional setting in which post-revolutionary economic policies have been formulated and implemented for much of the last three decades.
Botswana represents one of the few development success stories in Sub-Saharan Africa. Real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth averaged almost 9 percent between 1960 and 2005, far above the Sub-Saharan Africa average. Real GDP per capita grew even faster, averaging more than 10 percent a year -- the most rapid economic growth of any country in the world. The crucial question is: Why has Botswana grown the way it has done, and what lessons does it offer? This evidence-based story is an account of policy and institutional dynamics of sustained growth and development in Botswana -- illuminating the role of leadership. It shows how a secure political elite has pursued growth-promoting policies and developed, modified, and maintained viable inherited traditional and modern institutions of political, economic, and legal restraint. These institutions have remained robust in the face of initial large aid inflows and spectacular mineral rents, producing a growth pattern that has been both rapid and cautious. The nature of the Botswana developmental state is illustrated by the way in which the state mobilized development resources-especially savings, investment, and human resources, widely known as the primary drivers of economic growth, and prudently managed the economy without becoming excessively involved in the nuts. It demonstrates that through intentional policy choices and countercyclical instruments, countries can shift from aid-dependent to trade-led natural resource development (though probably with narrow-based growth), to a broader development strategy as long as the state is capable and operates within effective institutional design. Botswana's story is sterling example of how the critical issue in development is not so much access to resources but how resources are managed.
Rapid growth since 1980 has transformed India from the world's 50th ranked economy in nominal U.S. dollars to the 10th largest in 2005. The growth of per capita income has helped reduce poverty. At the same time, evidence suggests that income inequality is rising and that the gap in average per capita income between the rich and poor states is growing. This paper reviews India's long term growth experience with a view to understanding the determinants of growth and the underlying political economy. The paper looks specifically at the political economy of India's growth transformation from a low-growth environment (pre-1980s) to a rapid-growth environment (post 1980s) and asks how sustainable is this transformation in view of concerns about regional disparity and income inequality. The paper concludes that the pledge that India's post-independence leadership had undertaken to abolish mass poverty remains only partially redeemed. Half the battle still lies ahead. Many more would like the fruits of the economic boom to come to them. The greatest challenge for India's policy makers today is to balance the growth momentum with inclusionary policies.
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Plekhanov/Labriola As a bit of an experiment, coupling my interest in André Tosel and my work on translation, I have decided to try my hand at a few translations of the former when I get the time. These are totally unauthorized, and rough drafts posted for edification and entertainment purposes only. I started on this piece because it is short, and because it works on an area that I need to learn more about, the history of Marxist-Spinozism before Matheron or Althusser. However, the more I worked on this piece, the more I thought that this split between Plekhanov and Labriola, still exists, in the divide between neo-enlightenment Spinozists and what some might call post-modern, but I prefer to call Marxist Spinozists. The Marxist Uses of Spinoza: Lessons of Method The history of the role of Spinoza's thought in the formation and the development of the work of Marx remains to be written, as is that of the history of the diverse Marxist usage (from different Marxisms) of Spinozist philosophical elements. This double history would reveal the work of Marx, and its contradictions, as much it would open up the work of Spinoza himself. Marxisms have reflected their aporias and their hopes onto Spinoza without necessarily truly thinking them through. In other words this is a domain of misunderstandings and equivocations. In order to undertake this history it would be useful to draw some lessons from the encounter of Marx and Marxist thought with Spinoza. First remark. The encounters of Spinoza by Marxists are discontinuous and contradictory. This discontinuity is initially characterized by the lack of a definitive encounter between Marx himself and Spinoza. Marx is formed through the reading of Spinoza, of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, and the correspondence. Not to learn the lessons of materialism, but an ethico-political lesson. Spinoza is considered as philosopher of freedom and autonomy, modern incarnation of Prometheus and continuation of Epicurus, all at once. Marx, in is progression from Kantian-Fichtean idealism to the speculative communism of the 1844 Manuscripts, develops three theses which are the practical theses of philosophical materialism, without the epistemological and ontological theses of this materialist tradition. Thesis One: Philosophy has a fundamental interest in the liberty of humanity, understood as autonomy and as the end of all heteronomies. Thesis Two: Philosophy is critical of all transcendental authorities of all principle of domination which justify and represent their domination through this principle. Thesis Three: Philosophy is eminently a science, knowledge, but knowledge of life, of the simple life of spirit of bodies rendered by their power. All particular sciences and knowledge must be thought from the point of view of science of life and its forms, as forms of life. When Marx elaborates the materialist conception of history he revolutionizes materialism but he does this without ever connecting it to the spinozist theory of nature, of the relations of extension and thought, of bodies and mind. He integrates and modifies the strong ontological and epistemological thesis of materialism, but these theses are taken more from Hobbes and other materialists of the eighteenth century than from Spinoza. Let us state these theses which are capable of a Spinozist formulation, without however assuming such a formulation. Thesis Four: Nature is the original reality and it is organized as matter at different objective levels. Thought cannot be separated from matter. Thesis Five: Nature in its diverse senses is intelligible. It emerges only from itself, excluding all creation. The human order is not a kingdom within a kingdom and susceptible of being understood. Thesis Six: All knowledge presupposes the reality of its object outside of thought. The appropriation by the knowledge of its own object of knowledge presupposes the reference to a real object. It is necessary to pay attention to the debates in Marxism of the Second International in order to see how the question of "Spinoza precursor of Marxist materialism appears." Emerging in the years of the crisis of revisionism the debate engages above all the German and Russian theorists of social democracy: Bernstein, Kautsky, and Plekhanov. It is in part based on the Anti-Dühring of Friedrich Engels and puts into play the complex questions of the relationship between the materialist theory of history with the sciences of nature with the political problem of the alliance of the intellectual groups in the perspective of socialist transition. This debate between 1896-1900 is inscribed in a theoretical problematic, such of Marxist orthodoxy that will find a new actualization with the problems proper to Soviet philosophy between 1917 and 1931, when it is a matter of specifying what would be called "Marxism-Leninism." If the question of materialism assumes the continuity between the Spinoza of the Second International and that of the Third, nothing would be more erroneous than to let oneself be taken in by the apparent continuity of an imaginary history of philosophy. These occurrences are in effect specific, they constitute theoretical and political conjunctures which must be grasped in a way that takes into account the strategic dimensions of the class struggle whether or not it is led by Marxist parties, the problem of alliances, that of the intellectual division of labor. Marxist philosophy, as it is officially constituted, is part of the practice of parties, and the reference to Spinoza is overdetermined by the political and theoretical stakes that have to be elucidated in each specific situation. Here we touch on the second lesson of method: it is necessary to historically specify the conjunctures where Spinoza intervenes and where and how there is a specific usage of this prestigious and troubling reference. This method makes it possible to determine what falls under ideological legitimation, and what is inserted at the level of the practical politics of the party, of the state, of the level of specialized intellectuals. Spinoza does not only appear only in the emergence of Marxist orthodoxy. He intervenes, in a subterranean manner, in the elaboration of theorists where the considerable theoretical importance has never been associated with an actual political importance. This can be found in the crisis over revisionism in the last century, such that Antonio Labriola in his Essays on the Materialist Conception of History (1895-1898) attests to the presence of a different Spinoza than that of his contemporary Plekhanov and a fortiori than that which was celebrated in Soviet Philosophy in 1927 and 1932. Spinoza intervenes as a critic of the same orthodoxy which returns as elements of an older materialism in another theoretical configuration that has solicited different aspects of his philosophy: no longer the parallelism between extension and thought, not a determinist ontology but the mode considered to be at once conceptual and experimental, the same geometrico-genetic method, in that it now excludes the guarantees of teleological philosophies of history. A contradictory intervention which is not without analogies to another occurrence, the most recent, that of Spinoza in the work of Louis Althusser which can be considered as a systematic deconstruction of the Marxist orthodoxy of the Second and Third International. Between Labriola (1898) and Althusser (1965), if we except the Soviet Spinoza, there is little except Ernst Bloch's remarks that no one has yet taken into account for a history of materialism oriented in the direction of a utopian ontology. This appearance of a Spinoza critical of stated and intended Marxist orthodoxies gives a third lesson of method: the diverse contradictory Marxist uses of Spinoza are situated between two poles, the first is that of an orthodoxy elaborated by the intellectuals of the social democratic and communist parties at the end of an a party/state conception of a finalist world and at the other is from thinkers situated in a problematic relation to the party, who look in Spinoza for other ways to make sense of the world and other practices then the becoming state of the worker parties. This opposition can appear to be schematic. It can be developed into provisional and schematic path of investigation. Such an investigation takes one central question: What is it in the philosophy of Spinoza that authorizes these discontinuous usages, determined by their conjunctures, and perhaps violently opposed? Confronting therefore these different usages of Spinoza that can be considered historically significant in the course of history, that is to say in terms of their specific conjunctures. This can be seen with the orthodox use of Spinoza by Plekhanov and the critical usage of Spinoza by Labriola at the heart of the second international. Plekhanov gave himself the task of elaborating the originality of Marx's philosophy and defending it in the face of revisionists who, with Bernstein, contest the self-sufficiency of Marx's philosophy, dividing into an evolutionary sociology and a Kantian inspired ethics. For Plekhanov there is very much a Marxist philosophy. It is inscribed in the materialist current which it revitalizes by giving it a historical dialectical dimension. Spinoza is the direct ancestor of Marx in that it is through the monism of the former that one can unify the science of nature and the science of history of the latter. Marx has revitalized substance as historical-social matter, metabolism of humanity with nature, and has inherited his realist theory of knowledge, thought is nothing other than a moment or function of matter. There is a Spinozism of Marx that is the realization of historical Spinozism as a the affirmation of the materialist conception of the world, one predicated on the knowability of matter in terms of its organization at diverse levels. Only this conception of the world can give the workers' movement its organization and which would permit it to avoid the disorganization that revisionism introduces, neo-Kantian idealism cannot organize the class struggle without harmful compromises. Spinoza is one part of orthodox Marxism returned to during this period. This Spinoza can authorize the theses of Friedrich Engels, in some sense simplifying the complexity of the Anti-Dühring. Concerned to think together the development of the sciences of nature, the materialist conception of history, and developing a philosophy capable of correct reflection and the movement of the specialization of sciences and the political struggle of classes (alliance with the intellectual stratum), Engles had proposed the idea of a materialist dialectic that oscillates between an ontological conception and a methodological conception of this dialectic. These two conceptions are apparently unified in the idea of "the science of the general laws of motion, both of the external world and of human thought — two sets of laws which are identical in substance, but differ in their expression in so far as the human mind can apply them consciously, while in nature and human history (at least up to now), these laws assert themselves unconsciously, in the form of external necessity, in the midst of an endless series of seeming accidents." This parallelism between (laws of) movement of the external world and (the laws of) thought has a Spinozist connotation which reinforces the idea of liberty as the comprehension of necessary laws. However, it remains above all intended to make possible a representation of the dialectic under materialism, without examining its own difficulties. Plekhanov is not interested in these difficulties in elaborating a general materialist conception that Marx completes and fulfills through the mediation of Hegel. Antonio Labriola, who wrote "Origin and Nature of the Passions According to Spinoza's Ethics" at a young age (1866), refuses this ontologization or methodolization of the dialectic in order to develop the idea of a philosophy of praxis as a philosophy immanent to a new conception of history, reflecting the constitution of history as a complex unifying ground and surface. In this sense, the Plekhanov project, apparently Spinozist, of thinking the continuity of nature and society at the heart of a substantial and homogenous causality loses its sense. The process of social life must be desubstantialized at with it the philosophy that is presented as a hyperphilosophy or super science organized as "theosophic or metaphysic of the totality of the world, as if by an act of a transcendent knowledge we can arrive at a vision of substance and all of the phenomena and processes under it." Antonino Labriola as much as he refuses to make man an 'kingdom in a kingdom' refuses the naturalization of history and the transformation of Marxism into a naturalist ontology where social practice becomes a species of being in general. Labriola denounces a matter found on things as a form of metaphysical superstition. Spinoza is evoked as a hero in the struggle against the imagination and ignorance that resurfaces in Marxist orthodoxy under the form of universal materialism. It is necessary above all to think of the diverse levels of the "animation" of matter, and therefore the specificity of the "artificial terrain" which constitutes practice. What Spinoza knew how to do for the theory of passions must be done for praxis: each one, the relations of affects and and those that constitute praxis, are not ruled by a subject and for this reason must be studied through a genetic method. Labriola speaks of a genetic method that also defines the method of Marx in Capital. The genetic method takes its distance from the dialectic and its teleological philosophy of history and established guarantees. For Labriola the turn to Spinoza is less about the strengthening of a materialist monism than it is about the possibility of reinterpreting Marx's Capital as a geometry of capitalist social being. The geometrical method is an instrument of internal purification destined to eliminate the finalism of productive causes and biological predetermination from Marxist orthodoxy. The philosophy of praxis manifests the basic critical and formal tendency of monism: everything is conceivable as a the causal genesis of a complex totality. The materialist dialectic is neither a universal method nor a logic of being, but constitutes the critical movement internal to knowledge which acts on the practice of philosophy and makes it a "conceptual form of explication" parallel to contemporary science. The reference to Spinoza intervenes in the critique of a Marxist orthodoxy which is supposed to include in a dogmatic manner Spinoza's own materialism. Marx and Spinoza are considered as two practitioners of philosophy who refuse the closure of knowledge in favor of the immanent self-reflection of knowledge. The lesson of Spinoza is not to find the unity of knowledge under a principle but to demystify the fetishes which substitute imaginary principles for the movement of practice. One could develop a similar analysis of the confrontation of the Soviet Spinoza of the Third International to the Spinoza of Louis Althusser. The Soviet Spinoza is an impoverished and petrified version of the Spinoza of Plekhanov. With respect to Althusser, Spinoza's critique is referenced constantly and augmented, infinitely better elaborated than in Labriola, since it acts this time not as a critique of metaphysical fetishism, even materialist, but of the metaphysics of the juridical subject characteristic of occidental rationalism. The contributions of R. Zapata and J.-P. Cottent have clarified these points, but it seems opportune to underly the paradox of this history: it is possible to tie together the diverse uses of Spinoza, one against the other. If Spinoza is enrolled in the constitution of a "conception of the world" which intends to complete a current of philosophy and which cannot at any time criticize its presuppositions, it is also possible, as with Althusser, to think the structure of ideological interpellation that constitutes the ideological subject and invalidates philosophy considered as a theory of knowledge. If Spinoza makes possible a conception of the world in which the State Party is supposed to be the subject of history accomplishing its ultimate ends, it also makes it possible for Althusser to try to reconstruct Marxist theory on the ruins of the triple myth of origin, subject, and the end. The Labriolian critique of imaginatio and ignorantia is radically interiorized in the destruction of Marxisms of the Second and Third International. The recourse to structural causality supposed to have been developed in the theory of modes and substance serves as an incomplete program to develop the theoretical revolution of Marx. However, it goes further still: there are two Spinoza's in Althusser himself. The Spinoza critical of any theory of knowledge ultimately occludes the Spinoza of structural causality: the denunciation of the triple myth of origin, subject, and end is lead to the liquidation of the rational modernism present in Marx. However the pars destruens always prevails over the pars construens. The idea of structural causality (such that of substance as the absent cause over the modes and affects) is accompanied with the affirmation of an unknown radicality of Marxist science, but the critique of the metaphysics of subjectivity in the teleology of Marxism that accompanies it announces the crises of Marxist liberation in the last interventions of Althusser. Everything comes to pass as if Althusser deconstructs a dogmatic Spinoza in the name of another Spinoza, more secret and more enigmatic. Spinoza is always divided from Spinozism which claims to define himOriginally published in Bloch, Olivier, Editor, Spinoza au XXe siècle, Paris, PUF, 1993.
Viet Nam has undergone a major socio-economic transformation over the past quarter century, rising from one of the poorest countries in the world to a middle income country. Today it continues to develop rapidly, becoming more integrated with the global economy and undergoing significant regulatory and structural changes. Viet Nam has also made remarkable progress on gender equality, but important gender differences still remain. On the positive side Viet Nam has had considerable progress in addressing gender disparities in education, employment and health. The gender gap in earnings is lower in Viet Nam than in many other East Asian countries. Indeed by a number of measures, women's outcomes have improved significantly. However, upon deeper examination of the data, a number of challenges still remain. The report is organized into five chapters. The current chapter has provided a background to the report and the process through which it has been prepared. The next three chapters will deal with the substantive issues, focusing primarily on gender but addressing ethnicity and other forms of social inequality where relevant. Chapter two will provide an analysis of the situation and trends in gender equality in relation to the multiple dimensions of poverty, some of which are included in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Chapter three will provide an in-depth gender analysis of livelihoods and employment, bearing in mind the likely impact of the recent crisis as well as the challenges of transition to middle income status. Chapter four will pick up on the issue of women's political participation in leadership positions and in the wider society. The final chapter will synthesize the key findings of the report and prioritize key recommendations.
The purpose of this handbook is to provide policy makers with a framework to assess a tax system in its entirety, measure its various parameters and how it is administered, and defines best practices for tax policy and administration that will yield a tax system that is simple and predictable and does not create an undue burden on private enterprise. This handbook is primarily designed for policy makers and tax practitioners. The goal is to analyze the impact of income tax, the value added tax (VAT), and other local taxes that are imposed on business. This handbook does not analyze the effects of trade and labor taxes such as social security. The administration of the customs duty is unique and has been addressed extensively in the literature on customs modernization. Labor taxes primarily imposed on salaried individuals are not covered by this handbook, even though their incidence affects business. VAT has been included even though it is a tax on consumption because the administrative burden to comply with it is primarily on business.
Un viejo proverbio chino señala que "la puerta mejor cerrada es aquella que puede dejarse abierta". Efectivamente la transformación de China durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX grafica este dicho. De manera impensada para muchos, luego de casi tres décadas de férreo control estatal sobre la economía bajo el liderazgo de Mao Zedong, la dirigencia china que lo sucedió en el poder decidió hacia fines de los setenta "abrir una puerta bien cerrada" y emprender un ambicioso proceso de modernización, liberalización y apertura económica. De la mano de Zhou Enlai primero y Deng Xiaoping después, el Estado chino se embarcó en la tarea de modernizar dentro del país su sector agrícola, su estructura productiva, la ciencia y tecnología y la defensa nacional. El interés central detrás de esta transformación radicaba en acortar la brecha de desarrollo existente con los países más avanzados, situación que se reflejaba en el éxito económico de "vecinos" como Japón, Corea del Sur, Taiwán y Hong Kong. Para Deng, China sólo podría convertirse en una gran potencia a través de una política sistemática de modernización, con énfasis en el desarrollo económico y manteniendo la estructura de control político del Partido Comunista (Wilhelmy y Soto, 2005: 52). El desafío a superar consistía en dejar atrás una empobrecida, cerrada y estancada economía planificada y avanzar en la configuración de una economía competitiva. En la opinión del periodista Li Datong (2009), la política de reformas contó a grandes rasgos con dos etapas bien claras. En la primera, que se extendió de 1978 a 1989, el ímpetu de cambio fue puesto en la reducción de la pobreza rural y urbana. En la segunda, iniciada en 1992 con el famoso viaje de Deng al sur del país y culminada en el 2001 con el ingreso de China a la Organización Mundial de Comercio, el gobierno en estrecha alianza con sectores empresariales concentró esfuerzos en impulsar el crecimiento económico.Las principales medidas adoptadas consistieron en: la descolectivización de la agricultura y la autorización del uso privado de las tierras comunales (household responsibility system); el levantamiento de la prohibición para realizar actividades empresariales de índole privada; la apertura por primera vez desde la Revolución de 1948 al ingreso de capitales extranjeros; la creación de zonas económicas especiales y de apertura (existen actualmente una veintena, entre ciudades, provincias y áreas costeras); la privatización de numerosas empresas (a excepción de algunos grandes monopolios vinculados a energía y al sistema bancario); la descentralización del control estatal nacional hacia los gobiernos provinciales; la reducción general de aranceles y barreras comerciales; y el reconocimiento legal en 2005 de la propiedad privada.Estas reformas hicieron posible el denominado "milagro chino", la gran performance económica desatada a partir de 1978. Entre aquel año y el 2006 China mantuvo un promedio anual de crecimiento del 9,7%, tendencia que sólo se interrumpió tras los incidentes de la Plaza de Tiananmen en 1989 y que apenas se redujo en 1997 y 1998 durante la dura crisis asiática (Zhao, 2006: 3). Asimismo, mientras en los objetivos iniciales se esperaba cuadruplicar el PIB para comienzos del siglo XX, el desempeño real arrojó un impresionante crecimiento de trece veces del PIB de 1978 hacia el año 2006. En materia comercial, su comercio exterior se ha quintuplicado en los últimos diez años, mientras que su participación en el comercio mundial en ese mismo período se ha más que duplicado, llegando en 2007 al 9% de las exportaciones y al 6,8% de las importaciones globales. Además, China incrementó su penetración en los mercados de las economías desarrolladas y simultáneamente se transformó en un importante destino de exportación, especialmente para las economías de la región asiática, convirtiéndose en un nuevo eje del comercio mundial –segundo exportador y tercer importador en 2007–, disputando así el papel de Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Japón (D'Elía et al., 2008: 67-8). Una de las principales fuentes de esta expansión comercial ha sido el creciente emplazamiento de firmas extranjeras en el país, las que se valen de los bajos costos de producción para sus operaciones. La participación de dichas firmas en las exportaciones chinas aumentó del 10% en 1990 a casi un 60% en 2004 (Blonigen y Ma, 2010: 475). Este fenómeno denominado "processing trade"explica que China se haya convertido en el principal receptor entre los países en desarrollo de inversión extranjera directa por primera vez en 1993 y uno de los tres primeros a nivel mundial entre 2003 y 2005 (Cheng y Ma, 2010: 545). Conjuntamente, el doble éxito comercial y en atracción de capitales apuntaló también las reservas internacionales. Mientras que en 1992 se registraron reservas por 19 mil millones de dólares, equivalente a un 4% del PIB, tan sólo quince años después éstas alcanzaron 1,4 billones, correspondiente al 50% del PIB (Truman, 2008: 169).A nivel doméstico, la principal transformación ha consistido en el establecimiento gradual de una "economía de mercado socialista". Su avance se evidencia en que hacia 1979 la totalidad de las industrias eran estatales o "colectivas" y el Estado controlaba los precios del 97% de los productos en circulación, mientras que hacia fines de la década de los noventa, menos del 30% de las empresas seguían siendo estatales y las fuerzas del mercado fijaban ya el 97% de los precios. Desde el 2001 estos márgenes se han mantenido mayormente constantes. Pero este ascenso económico posee una contracara de obstáculos, desafíos y debilidades bien marcados que pondrán a prueba la potencialidad de crecimiento a futuro. Por un lado, China es todavía un país pobre en términos de su ingreso per capita, estimado en aproximadamente U$S 3.000 anuales, lo que equivale sólo al 10% de los ingresos registrados en Estados Unidos y Europa. Este bajo registro se conjuga con una mayor desigualdad y una aguda concentración de los ingresos, siendo el 90% de la riqueza acaparada por el 1% más rico de la población (Datong, 2009). La razón detrás de éste pasivo social yace en las privatizaciones, la liberalización y el marcado contraste entre el interior del país y las más dinámicas zonas costeras e industriales —el 57% del PIB se produce en el este de China, un 26% en la región central y apenas el 17% en el oeste (D´Elía et al., 2008: 69). Consecuentemente, ello explica que el crecimiento de la economía esté principalmente impulsado por las exportaciones y la inversión más que por el consumo doméstico. Por el otro lado, los problemas ambientales se han vuelto verdaderamente acuciantes de la mano de este crecimiento. China ha reemplazado recientemente a los Estados Unidos como principal emisor mundial de gases de efecto invernadero. A causa del creciente parque automotriz, las industrias contaminantes y las numerosas plantas procesadoras de carbón, la calidad del aire se ha deteriorado en las principales ciudades. Así, por ejemplo, la concentración de partículas tóxicas inhalables en Beijing en el año 2008 superó en un 80% el estándar tolerable fijado por la Organización Mundial de la Salud (Jacobs, 2010). En las zonas rurales, la masificación del uso de fertilizantes y agrotóxicos para apuntalar la productividad de la agricultura ha contaminado buena parte de las cuencas hídricas.En el plano de los desafíos, debe sumarse que China no es una democracia. El sistema de gobierno es esencialmente autoritario, regido por actores que se imponen en contiendas intrapartidistas y burocráticas libradas a puertas cerradas en Beijing (Wilhelmy y Soto, 2005: 53). Lejos de ser China una "sociedad armónica", se han registrado al compás de las transformaciones importantes conflictos sociales con base en diferentes reclamos: mayor democratización, mejores condiciones de vida, reconocimiento de autonomía política en el caso del Tíbet, etc. Desde los años de Deng, la regla ha sido la aplicación de una política de "mano dura" para contener el disenso interno —como se evidenció en la plaza de Tiananmen en 1989. No obstante, este disenso ha ido en ascenso. En septiembre de 2003, Human Rights Watch informó que más de tres millones de personas se movilizaron en distintas protestas en sólo un mes y que, en más de cien casos a lo largo del país, los reclamos escalaron en violentos choques con las fuerzas de seguridad locales y la destrucción de edificios gubernamentales (Becker, 2006: 169). Por tanto, resta ver cómo el sistema político logra adaptarse a las radicales modificaciones sociales en curso y da cabida a nuevos actores en la lucha por el poder. A pesar de estos desafíos por resolver, existe un fuerte consenso mundial sobre el actual proceso de ascenso de China al status de gran potencia. La célebre predicción de Napoleón —"Let China sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world"—, parece estar siendo confirmada (Kynge, 2006). En efecto, "China is reemerging as a major power after one hundred and fifty years of being a weak player on the world stage—a brief hiatus in China's long history", de acuerdo con Susan Shirk (2007: 4), máxima responsable en el Departamento de Estado de las relaciones con China durante la administración Clinton. Si se considera su situación estructural, una estimación reciente del poder comprehensivo de China comparada con las otras grandes potencias del sistema internacional arroja los siguientes resultados. Allí se advierte que China es la única potencia con un status fuerte de poder en cada una de las dimensiones contempladas y por tanto la principal competidora estratégica detrás de la superpotencia estadounidense. Pero el nuevo protagonismo chino también se percibe de una manera más dinámica. Crecientemente el país empieza a desempeñar roles críticos en distintos asuntos de interés mundial, desde la no proliferación hasta el cambio climático, además de ser materia de controversia en Occidente en asuntos relacionados con la pérdida de empleos, déficits comerciales y derechos humanos. En la última década, además, China ha combinado su dinamismo económico con políticas pragmáticas de seguridad y defensa y un fuerte activismo diplomático, gracias a lo cual ha empezado a establecer sólidas relaciones no sólo en toda Asia sino también en Europa, África y Sudamérica, aprovechando en buena medida los "espacios" generados por la focalización de los Estados Unidos en las guerras de Afganistán e Irak y la lucha contra el AlQaeda (Gill, 2007: 1).En el caso particular de América Latina, el carácter actual de los vínculos con China se remonta a la finalización de la Guerra Fría. Fue entonces cuando la desideologización de la política exterior del gigante asiático y el auge del proceso de globalización brindaron un marco propicio para una fuerte expansión económica de las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas (Cesarín, 2006: 52). Algunas cifras ilustran el fenómeno. Las exportaciones de América Latina y el Caribe a China aumentaron en forma súbita desde los US$1.500 millones en 1990, a los casi US$3.000 millones en 1995 y US$5.400 millones en 2000, para crecer posteriormente un 42% anual entre 2000 y 2004 hasta llegar a superar los US$21.000 millones en 2004. En 2003, los recursos primarios representaban el 45,5% de la canasta (Davy, 2008: 4). Por su parte, las exportaciones chinas a la región durante la década de los 90 crecieron más de cinco veces, logrando un superávit comercial global que perduró hasta el 2002. Sin embargo, con los países ricos en recursos naturales como Brasil, Argentina, Chile y Perú, la balanza mercantil resultó deficitaria para Beijing (Cheng, 2006).El interés chino en los países del subcontinente se ha vuelto desde entonces más claro: América Latina constituye un importante reservorio de materias primas, alimentos y recursos naturales necesarios para la prosecución de su crecimiento —no debe perderse de vista que China importa el 30% del petróleo que consume, el 45% del mineral de hierro, el 44% de otros metales no ferrosos y una proporción cada vez más alta de productos agrícolas. El patrón de intercambio comercial y de inversiones en los últimos años refleja dicho interés: minería y forestación (Perú y Chile), pesca, agroalimentos y petróleo (Argentina y Venezuela), mineral de hierro y acero (Brasil), producción de alimentos (Brasil, Chile, Argentina y Perú) y minería (Perú, Colombia, Chile). (Cesarín, 2006: 52-3.) En efecto, la relativa bonanza económica latinoamericana de comienzos de siglo —en parte— se debe a la fuerte demanda china de este tipo de bienes y commoditiesque traccionó al alza los precios internacionales. Para algunos, esto representa una importante oportunidad de optimizar los procesos subregionales de integración e impulsar cambios en las estructuras productivas nacionales mediante la participación inversora de firmas chinas (Cesarín, 2005: 3). Pero esta situación, en principio favorable, amerita una reflexión cautelosa en la medida en que "el auge de los commodities encubre los riesgos inherentes de depender de un sector volátil y en gran medida poco calificado para el sostenimiento de un crecimiento económico a largo plazo y la prosperidad" (Davy, 2008: 2). En este sentido, China ofrece a la región oportunidades pero también desafíos: detrás de los cantos de sirena, se esconde el peligro de un comercio asimétrico que conduzca a la reedición de lazos de dependencia y a una inserción internacional de América Latina subordinada a los dictados de una gran potencia distante. Precisamente, el profesor Julio Sevares (2007: 12) ve en la relación económica Latinoamérica-China no una relación Sur-Sur, sino más bien el clásico esquema comercial Norte-Sur y el patrón inversor de tipo extractivo británico del siglo XIX.Con respecto estrictamente al plano político-estratégico, dos cuestiones deben considerarse. La primera es que China resulta para muchos de los liderazgos latinoamericanos un simpático ejemplo de éxito en materia de reformas dado el importante rol estatal en la conducción de la transformación económica. Representa así un exitoso experimento, distinto de las propuestas neoliberales que fracasaron en América Latina (Cesarín, 2010: 8). Y la segunda, es que la irrupción de China en la región plantea interrogantes sobre la eventual reacción de los Estados Unidos ante un eventual socavamiento de influencia en su "patio trasero". Se trata de un escenario que desde comienzos del siglo XXI se sigue con atención en las usinas de pensamiento estratégico en Washington. Allí se distinguen al menos dos posiciones: una, la de los decisores estadounidenses más temerosos que entienden a la nueva presencia china en la región como la movida inicial de una ofensiva diplomática a gran escala de Beijing para desafiar a los Estados Unidos en su propio hemisferio; y la otra perspectiva, más benigna, que percibe los crecientes vínculos como una oportunidad antes que una amenaza y como una manifestación natural de las necesidades energéticas y de recursos del país asiático sin miras explícitas de choque con la superpotencia (Roett y Paz, 2008: 1). Esta última visión es la que acepta la idea del ascenso pacífico ("peaceful rise") que ha publicitado Hu Jintao. De acuerdo con Zheng Bijian, uno de sus principales ideólogos, "China no tiene la intención ni de desafiar ni de subvertir el orden internacional político y económico ya existente (…). No buscamos la hegemonía ni en el pasado, ni ahora, ni nunca jamás en el futuro cuando hayamos alcanzado el desarrollo. Hemos convertido ya en una premisa básica de nuestro Estado la de no pretender nunca la hegemonía" (Bijian, 2005).La reemergencia histórica de China debe por tanto discurrir a través de la integración a las reglas de juego internacionales, a través del multilateralismo, la resolución pacífica de las disputas y la tolerancia hacia el resto de las naciones. En última instancia, la evolución hacia un abierto desafío estratégico entre los Estados Unidos y China o hacia una convivencia respetuosa entre superpotencias, dependerá del factor que prime en la interacción mutua: un juego de suma cero producto de las transformaciones estructurales en el sistema político internacional, o bien un juego de suma positiva resultado de intereses y percepciones convergentes.(1) El presente artículo es un fragmento de un capítulo de libro en elaboración sobre la inserción internacional de la Argentina entre el 2003-2007. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional General San Martín (UNSAM).Referencias bibliográficasBecker, Jasper (2006): Dragon Rising. An inside look at China today (Washington D.C.: National Geographic). Bijian, Zheng (2005): "Diez puntos de vista sobre el ascenso pacífico de China y sobre las relaciones entre China y Europa", Real Instituto Elcano, disponible en:«http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/analisis/867/867_DiscursoZheng.pdf».Blonigen, Bruce A. y Alyson C. Ma (2010): "Please Pass the Catch-Up. The Relative Performance of Chinese and Foreign Firms in Chinese Exports", en Feenstra, Robert C. y Shang-Jin Wei: China's Growing Role in World Trade (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press).Cesarín, Sergio (2005): "Ejes y estrategias del desarrollo económico chino: enfoques para América Latina y el Caribe", en Cesarín, Sergio y Carlos Moneta: China y América Latina. Nuevos enfoques sobre cooperación y desarrollo. ¿Una segunda ruta de la seda? (Buenos Aires: BID-INTAL).Cesarín, Sergio (2006): "La relación sinolatinoamericana, entre la práctica política y la investigación académica", Nueva Sociedad, N° 203, Mayo/Junio, pp. 48-61.Cheng, Joseph Y. S. (2006): "Latin America in China's Contemporary Foreign Policy", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 36, No. 4, pp. 500-528.Cheng, Leonard K. y Zihui Ma (2010): "China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment", en Feenstra, Robert C. y Shang-Jin Wei: Op. Cit.Datong, Li (2009): "China's stalled transition", Open Democracy (February 19), disponible en «http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/chinas-stalled-reforms». Accedido 16/09/2010. Davy, Megan (2008): "¿Qué presagia el crecimiento de China para América Latina?",Panorama del Desarrollo Internacional del American Enterprise Institute, N° 2, julio.D´Elía, Carlos, Carlos Galperín y Néstor Stancanelli (2008): "El rol de China en el mundo y su relación con la Argentina", Revista del CEI, N° 13, pp. 67-89.Gill, Bates (2007): Rising Star. China's New Security Diplomacy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press).Jacobs, Andrews (2010): "In China, Pollution Worsens Despite New Efforts", The New York Times (July 28), disponible en «http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/29/world/asia/29china.html?_r=1»(accedido 18/9/10). Kynge, James (2006): China Shakes the World: A Titan's Rise and Troubled Future - and the Challenge for America (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt).Roett, Riordan y Guadalupe Paz (eds.) (2008): China's expansion into the Western Hemisphere (Washington D.C.: The Brookings Institution).Sevares, Julio (2007): "¿Cooperación Sur-Sur o dependencia a la vieja usanza?", Nueva Sociedad, N° 207, enero-febrero, pp. 11-22.Shirk, Susan L. (2007): China. Fragile Superpower (New York: Oxford University Press).Truman, Edwin M. (2008): "The Management of China's International Reserves: China and a Sovereign Wealth Fund Scoreboard", en Goldstein, Morris y Nicholas R. Lardy (eds.):Debating China's Exchange Rate Policy (Washington: Peter G. Peterson Institute for International Economics).Wilhelmy von Wolff, Mandfred y Augusto Soto (2005): "El proceso de reformas en China y la política exterior: de Deng Xiaoping a Hu Jintao", en Cesarín, Sergio y Carlos Moneta: Op. Cit.Xuetong, Yan (2006): "The Rise of China and its Power Status", Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 1. Zhao, Min (2006): External Liberalization and the Evolution of China's Exchange System: an Empirical Approach (Final Draft, The World Bank Beijing Office), disponible en «http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INDIAEXTN/Resources/events/359987-1149066 764594/Paper_MinZhao.pdf».
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Keith Hart on the Informal Economy, the Great Transformation, and the Humanity of Corporations
International Relations has long focused on the formal relations between states; in the same way, economists have long focused exclusively on formal economic activities. If by now that sounds outdated, it is only because of the work of Keith Hart. Famous for coining the distinction between the formal and the informal economy in the 1970s, Hart is a critical scholar who engages head-on with some of the world's central political-economic challenges. In this Talk, he, amongst others, discusses the value of the distinction 40 years after; how we need to rethink The Great Transformation nearly a century later; and how we need to undo the legal equivalence of corporations to humans, instituted nearly 150 years back.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the central challenge or principal debate in International Relations? And what is your position regarding this challenge/in this debate?
I think it is the lack of fit between politics, which is principally national, and the world economy, which is global. In particular, the system of money has escaped from its national controls, but politics, public rhetoric aside, has not evolved to the point where adequate responses to our common economic problems can be posed. At this point, the greatest challenge is to extend our grasp of the problems we face beyond the existing national discussions and debates. Most of the problems we see today in the world—and the economic crisis is only one example—are not confined to a single country.
For me, the question is how we can extend our research from the local to the global. Let the conservatives restrict themselves to their national borders. This is not to say I believe that political solutions to the economic problems the world faces are readily available. Indeed, it is possible that we are entering another period of war and revolution, similar to 1776-1815 or 1914-1945. Only after prolonged conflict and much loss might the world reach something like the settlement that followed 1945. This was not only a settlement of wartime politics, but also a framework for the economic politics of the peace, responding to problems that arose most acutely between the wars. It sounds tragic, but my point in raising the possibility now is to remind people that there may be even more catastrophic consequences at stake that they realize already. We need to confront these and mobilize against them. When I go back in history, I am pessimistic about resolving the world's economic problems soon, since the people who got us into this situation are still in power and are still pursuing broadly the same policies without any sign of them being changed. I believe that they will bring us all into a much more drastic situation than we are currently facing. Yet in some way we will be accountable if we ignore the obvious signs all around us.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?
My original work in West Africa arose out of a view that the post-colonial regimes offered political recipes that could have more general relevance for the world. I actually believed that the new states were in a position to provide solutions, if you like, to the corrupt and decadent political structures that we had in the West. That's why, when we were demonstrating outside the American embassies in the '60s, we chanted the names of the great Third World emancipation leaders—Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah, Fidel Castro, and so on.
So for me, the question has always been whether Africans, in seeking emancipation from a long history of slavery, colonialism, apartheid and postcolonial failure, might be able to change the world. I still think it could be and I'm quite a bit more optimistic about the outcome now than I have been for most of the last fifty years. We live in a racialized world order where Africa acts as the most striking symbol of inequality. The drive for a more equal world society will necessarily entail a shift in the relationship between Africa and the rest of the world. I have been pursuing this question for the last thirty years or more. What interests me at the moment is the politics of African development in the coming decades.
Africa began the twentieth century as the least populated and urbanized continent. It's gone through a demographic and urban explosion since then, doubling its share of world population in a century. In 2050, the UN predicts that 24% of the world population will be in Africa, and in 2100, 35% (read the report here, pdf)! This is because Africa is growing at 2.5% a year while the rest of the world is ageing fast. Additionally, 7 out of the 10 fastest growing economies in the world are now African—Asian manufacturers already know that Africa holds the key to the future of the world economy.
But, besides Africa as a place, if you will, a number of anti-colonial intellectuals have played a big role in influencing me. The most important event in the twentieth century was the anti-colonial revolution. Peoples forced into world society by Western Imperialism fought to establish their own independent relationship to it. The leading figures of that struggle are, to my mind, still the most generative thinkers when we come to consider our own plight and direction. My mentor was the Trinidadian writer C.L.R. James, with whom I spent a number of years toward the end of his life. I am by temperament a classicist; I like to read the individuals who made a big difference to the way we think now. The anti-colonial intellectuals were the most important thinkers of the 20th century, by which I mean Gandhi, Fanon and James.
But I've also pursued a very classical, Western trajectory in seeking to form my own thinking. When I was an undergraduate, I liked Durkheim and as a graduate student Weber. When I was a young lecturer, I became a Marxist; later, when I went to the Carribbean, I discovered Hegel, Kant and Rousseau; and by the time I wrote my book on money, The Memory Bank, the person I cited more than anyone else was John Locke. By then I realized I had been moving backwards through the greats of Western philosophy and social theory, starting with the Durkheim school of sociology. Now I see them as a set of possible references that I can draw on eclectically. Marx is still probably the most important influence, although Keynes, Simmel and Polanyi have also shaped my recent work. I suppose my absolute favorite of all those people is Jean-Jacques Rousseau for his Discourse on Inequality and his inventive approach to writing about how to get from actual to possible worlds.
What would a student need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
In your 20s and 30s, your greatest commitment should be to experience the world in the broadest way possible, which means learning languages, traveling, and being open to new experiences. I think the kind of vision that I had developed over the years was not one that I had originally and the greatest influence on it was the time I spent in Ghana doing my doctoral fieldwork; indeed, I have not had an experience that so genuinely transformed me since!
Even so, I found it very difficult to write a book based on that fieldwork. I moved from my ethnographic investigations into a literature review of the political economy of West African agriculture, and it turns out that I am actually not an ethnographer, and am more interested in surveying literature concerning the questions that interest me. I am still an acute observer of everyday life; but I don't base my 'research' on it. Young people should both extend their comparative reach in a practical way and dig very deeply into circumstances that they encounter, wherever that may be. Above all, they should retain a sense of the uniqueness of their own life trajectory as the only basis for doing something new. This matters more than any professional training.
Now we see spectacular growth rates in African countries, as you mentioned, one of which is the DRC. How can we make sense of these formal growth rates: are they representative of the whole economies of these countries, or do they only refer to certain economic tendencies?
The whole question of measuring economic growth is a technical one, and it's flawed, and I only use it in the vaguest sense as a general indicator. For example, I think it's more important that Kenya, for example, is the world leader in mobile phone banking, and also a leader in recycling old computers for sale cheaply to poor people.
The political dispensation in Africa—the combination of fragmented states and powerful foreign interests and the predatory actions of the leaders of these states on their people -- especially the restrictions they impose on the movements of people and goods and money and so on – is still a tremendous problem. I think that the political fragmentation of Africa is the main obstacle to achieving economic growth.
But at the same time, as someone who has lived in Africa for many years, it's very clear that in some countries, certainly not all, the economies are very significantly on the move. It's not--in principle—that this will lead to durable economic growth, but it is the case that the cities are expanding fast, Africans are increasing their disposable income and it's the only part of the world where the people are growing so significantly. Africa is about to enter what's called the demographic dividend that comes when the active labor force exceeds the number of dependents. India has just gone through a similar phase.
The Chinese and others are heavily committed to taking part in this, obviously hoping to direct Africa's economic growth in their own interest. This is partly because the global economy is over the period of growth generated by the Chinese manufacturing exports and the entailed infrastructure and construction boom, which was itself an effect of the greatest shift from the countryside to the city in history. Now, the Chinese realize, the next such boom will be—can only take place—in Africa.
I'm actually not really interested in technical questions of how to measure economic growth. In my own writing about African development, I prefer anecdotes. Like for example, Nollywood—the Nigerian film industry—which has just past Bollywood as the second largest in the world! You mention the Congo which I believe holds the key to Africa's future. The region was full of economic dynamism before King Leopold took it over and its people have shown great resilience since Mobutu was overthrown and Rwandan and Ugandan generals took over the minerals-rich Eastern Congo. Understanding this history is much more important than measuring GDP, but statistics of this kind have their uses if approached with care.
Is it possible to understand the contemporary economic predicament that we are seeing, which in the Western world is referred to as the "crisis", without attributing it to vague agencies or mechanisms such as neoliberalism?
I have written at great length about the world economic crisis paying special attention to the problems of the Eurozone. My belief is that it is not simply a financial crisis or a debt crisis. We are actually witnessing the collapse of the dominant economic form of the last century and a half, which I call national capitalism—the attempt to control markets, money and accumulation through central bureaucracies in the interests of a presumed cultural community of national citizens.
The term neoliberalism is not particularly useful, but I try to lay out the history of modern money and why and how national currencies are in fact being replaced. That, to my mind, is a more precise way of describing the crisis than calling it neoliberal. On the other hand, neoliberalism does refer to the systematic privatization of public interests which has become normal over the last three or four hundred years. The bourgeois revolution claimed to have separated public and private interests, but I don't think it ever did so. For example, the Bank of England, the Banque de France, and the Federal Reserve are all private institutions that function behind a smokescreen of being public agencies.
It's always been the case that private interests corrupted public institutions and worked to deprive citizens of the ability to act purposefully under an ideological veil of liberty. But in the past, they tried to hide it. The public wasn't supposed to know what actually went on behind the scenes and indeed modern social science was invented to ensure that they never knew. What makes neoliberalism new is that they now boast about it and even claim that it's in everyone's interest to diminish public goods and use whatever is left for private ends—that's what neoliberalism is.
It's a naked grab for public resources and it's also a shift in the fundamental dynamic of capitalism from production for profit through sales tow varieties of rent-seeking. In fact, Western capitalism is now a system for extracting rents, rather than producing profits. Rents are income secured by political privilege such as the dividends of patents granted to Big Pharma or the right to control distribution of recycled movies. This has got nothing to do with competitive or free markets and much opposition to where we are now is confused as a result. Sometimes I think western capitalism has reverted to the Old Regime that it once replaced—from King George and the East India Company to George W and Halliburton. If so, we need another liberal revolution, but it won't take place in the North Atlantic societies.
In your recent work, you refer to The Great Transformation, which invokes Karl Polanyi's famous analysis of the growth of 19th century capitalism and industrialization. How can Polanyi help us to make sense of contemporary global economy, and where does this inspiring work need to be complemented? In other words, what is today's Great Transformation in light of Polanyi?
First of all, the Great Transformation is a brilliant book. I have never known anyone who didn't love it from the first reading. The great message of Polanyi's work is the spirit in which he wrote that book, regardless of the components of his theory. He had a passionate desire to explain the mess that world society had reached by the middle of the 20th century, and he provided an explanation. It's always been a source of inspiration for me.
A central idea of Polanyi's is that the economy was always embedded in society and Victorian capitalism disembedded it. One problem is that it is not clear whether the economy ever was actually disembedded (for example capitalism is embedded in state institutions and the private social networks mentioned just now) or whether the separation occurs at the level of ideology, as in free market economics. Polanyi was not against markets as such, but rather against market fundamentalism of the kind that swept Victorian England and has us in its grip today. The political question is whether politics can serve to protect society from the excesses produced by this disembedding; or whether it lends itself to further separation of the economy from society.
And I would say that Polanyi's biggest failure was to claim that what happened in the 19th century was the rise of "market society". This concept misses entirely the bureaucratic revolution that was introduced from the 1860s onwards based on a new alliance between capitalists and landlords which led to a new synthesis of states and corporations aiming to develop mass production and consumption. Polanyi could not anticipate what actually happened after he wrote his book in 1944. An American empire of free trade was built on a tremendous bureaucratic revolution. This drew on techniques and theories of control developed while fighting a war on all fronts. The same war was the source of the technologies that culminated late in the digital revolution. Karl Polanyi's interpretation of capitalism as a market economy doesn't help us much to understand that. In fact, he seems to have thought that bureaucracy and planning were an antidote to capitalist market economy.
If you ask me what is today's great transformation, I would prefer to treat the last 200 years as a single event, that is, a period in which the world population increased from one billion to seven billion, when the proportion of people living in cities grew from under 3% to around half, and where energy production increased on average 3% a year. The Great Transformation is this leap of mankind from reliance on the land into living in cities. It has been organized by a variety of institutions, including cities, capitalist markets, nation-states, empires, regional federations, machine industry, telecommunications networks, financial structures, and so on. I'm prepared to say that in the twentieth century national capitalism was the dominant economic form, but by no means all you need to know about if you want to make a better world.
I prefer to look at the economy as being organized by a plural set of institutions, including various political forms. The Great Transformation in Polanyi's sense was not really the same Great Transformation that Marx and Engels observed in Victorian England—the idea that a new economic system was growing up there that would transform the world. And it did! Polanyi and Marx had different views (as well as some common ideas), but both missed what actually happened, which is the kind of capitalism whose collapse is constitutes the Great Transformation for us today. The last thirty years of financial imperialism are similar to the three decades before the First World War. After that phase collapsed, thirty years of world war and economic depression were the result. I believe the same will happen to us! Maybe we can do something about it, but only if our awareness is historically informed in a contemporarily relevant way.
The distinction between states and markets really underpins much of what we understand about the workings of world economy and politics. Even when we just say "oh, that's not economic" or "that's not rational", we invoke a separation. How can we deal with this separation?
This state-market division comes back to the bourgeois revolution, which was an attempt to win freedom from political interference for private economic actors. I've been arguing that states and markets were always in bed together right from the beginning thousands of years ago, and they still are! The revolution of the mid 19th century involved a shift from capitalists representing workers against the landed aristocracy to a new alliance between them and the traditional enforcers to control the industrial and criminal classes flocking into the cities. A series of linked revolutions in all the main industrial countries during the 1860s and early 70s—from the American civil war to the French Third Republic via the Meiji Restoration and German unification—brought this alliance to power.
Modernity was thus a compromise between traditional enforcers and industrial capitalists and this dualism is reflected in the principal social form, the nation-state. This uneasy partnership has marked the relationship between governments and corporations ever since. I think that we are now witnessing a bid of the corporations for independence, for home rule, if you like. Perhaps, having won control of the political process, they feel than can go ahead to the next stage without relying on governments. The whole discourse of 'corporate social responsibility' implies that they could take on legal and administrative functions that had been previously 'insourced' to states. It is part of a trend whereby the corporations seek to make a world society in which they are the only citizens and they no longer depend on national governments except for local police functions. I think that it is a big deal—and this is happening under our noses!
Both politicians and economic theorists (OliverWilliamson got a Nobel prize for developing Coase's theory of the form along these lines) are proposing that we need to think again about what functions should be internal to the firm and what should be outside. Perhaps it was a mistake to outsource political control to states and war could be carried out by private security firms. The ground for all of this was laid in the late 19th century when the distinction in law between real and artificial persons was collapsed for business enterprises so that the US Supreme Court can protect corporate political spending in the name of preserving their human rights! Corporations have greater wealth, power and longevity than individual citizens. Until we can restore their legal separateness from the rest of humanity and find the political means of restricting their inexorable rise, resistance will be futile. There is a lot of intellectual and political work still to be done and, as I have said, a lot of pain to come before more people confront the reality of their situation.
What role do technological innovations play in your understanding and promoting of shifts in the way that we organize societies? Is it a passive thing or a driver of change?
I wrote a book, the Memory Bank: Money in an Unequal World (read it here, with the introduction here), which centered on a very basic question: what would future generations consider is interesting about us? In the late '90s, the dot com boom was the main game in town. It seemed obvious that the rise of the internet was the most important thing and that our responses to it would have significant consequences for future generations.
When I started writing it, I was interested in the democratic potential of the new media; but most of my friends saw them as a new source of inequality – digital exclusion, dominance of the big players and so on. I was accused of being optimistic, but I had absorbed from CLR James a response to such claims. It is not a question of being optimistic or pessimistic, but of identifying what the sides are in the struggle to define society's trajectory. In this case the sides are bureaucracy and the people. Of course the former wish to confine our lives within narrow limits that they control in a process that culminates as totalitarianism. But the rest of us want to increase the scope for self-expression in our daily lives; we want democracy and the force of the peoples of world is growing, not least in Africa which for so long has been excluded from the benefits of modern civilization. Of course there are those who wish to control the potential of the internet from the top; but everywhere people are making space for themselves in this revolution. When I see how Africans have moved in the mobile phone phase of this revolution, I am convinced that there is much to play for in this struggle. What matters is to do your best for your side, not to predict which side will win. Speaking personally, Web 2.0 has been an unmitigated boon for me in networking and dissemination, although I am aware that some think that corporate capital is killing off the internet. A lot depends on your perspective. I grew up learning Latin and Greek grammar. The developments of the last 2-3 decades seem like a miracle to me. I guess that gives me some buoyancy if not optimism as such.
It's obvious enough to me that any democratic response to the dilemmas we face must harness the potential of the new universal media. That's the biggest challenge. But equally, it's not clear which side is going to win. I'm not saying that our side, the democratic side, is going to beat the bureaucratic side. I just know which side I'm on! And I'm going to do my best for our side. Our side is the side that would harness the democratic potential of the new media. In the decade or more since I wrote my book on money and the internet, I have become more focused on the threat posed by the corporations and more accepting of the role of governments. But that could change too. And I am mindful of the role the positive role that some capitalists played in the classical liberal revolutions of the United States, France and Italy.
Final Question. I would like to ask you about the distinction between formal and informal economy which you are famous for having coined. How did you arrive at the distinction? Does the term, the dichotomy, still with have the same analytical value for you today?
Around 1970, there was a universal consensus that only states could organize economies for development. You were either a Marxist or a Keynesian, but there were no liberal economists with any influence at that time. In my first publication on the topic (Informal Income Opportunities and Urban Employment in Ghana, read it here, pdf)—which got picked up by academics and the International Labor Organization—I was reacting against that; the idea promoted by a highly formal economics and bureaucratic practice that the state as an idea as the only actor. In fact, people in Third World cities engaged in all kinds of economic activities, which just weren't recognized as such. So my impulse was really empiricist—to use my ethnographic observations to show that people were doing a lot more than they were supposed to be doing, as recorded in official statistics or discussed by politicians and economists.
Essentially, I made a distinction between those things which were defined by formal regulation and those that lay outside it. I posed the question how does it affect our understanding in the development process to know more what people are doing outside the formal framework of the economy. And remember, this came up in West Africa, which did not have as strong a colonial tradition as in many other parts of Africa. African cities there were built and provisioned by Africans. There were not enough white people there to build these cities or to provide food and transport, housing, clothing and the rest of it.
In my book on African agriculture, I went further and argued that the cities were not the kind of engines of change that many people imagined that they were, but were in fact an extension of rural civilizations that had effectively not been displaced by colonialism, at least in that region. Now if you ask me how useful I think it is today, what happened since then of course is neoliberal globalization, for want of a better term, which of course hinges on deregulation. So, as a result of neoliberal deregulation, vast areas of the economy are no longer shaped by law, and these include many of the activities of finance, including offshore banking, hedge funds, shadow banking, tax havens, and so on. It also includes the criminal activities of the corporations themselves. I've written a paper on my blog called "How the informal economy took over the world" which argues that we are witnessing the collapse of the post-war Keynesian consensus that sought to manage the economy in the public interest through law and in other ways that have been dismantled; so, it's a free-for-all. In some sense, the whole world is now an informal economy, which means, of course, that the term is not as valuable analytically as it once was. If it's everything, then we need some new words.
The mistake I made with other people who followed me was to identify the informal economy with poor slum dwellers. I argued that even for them, they were not only in the informal economy, which was not a separate place, but that all of them combined the formal and informal in some way. But what I didn't pay much attention to was the fact that the so-called formal economy was also the commanding heights of the informal economy—that the politicians and the civil servants were in fact the largest informal operators. I realize that any economy must be informal to some degree, but it is also impossible for an economy to be entirely informal. There always have to be rules, even if they take a form that we don't acknowledge as being bureaucratically normal like, for example, kinship or religion or criminal gangs. So that's another reason why it seems to me that the distinction has lost its power.
At the time, it was a valuable service to point to the fact that many people were doing things that were escaping notice. But once what they were doing had been noticed, then the usefulness of the distinction really came into question. I suppose in retrospect that the idea of an informal economy was a gesture towards realism, to respect what people really do in the spirit of ethnography. I have taken that idea to another level recently in mywork on the human economy at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. Here, in addition to privileging the actors' point of view and their everyday lives, we wish to address the human predicament at more inclusive levels than the local or even the national. Accordingly, our interdisciplinary research program (involving a dozen postdocs from around the world, including Africa, and 8 African doctoral students) seeks ways of extending our conceptual and empirical reach to take in world society and humanity as a whole. This is easier said than done, of course.
Keith Hart is Extraordinary Visiting Professor in the Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship and Co-Director of the Human Economy Program at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. He is also centennial professor of Economic Anthropology at the LSE.
Related links
Faculty Profile at U-London
Personal webpage
Read Hart's Notes towards an Anthropology of the Internet (2004, Horizontes Antropológicos) here (pdf)
Read Hart's Marcel Mauss: In Pursuit of a Whole (2007, Comparative Studies in Society and History) here (pdf)
Read Hart's Between Democracy and the People: A Political History of Informality (2008 DIIS working paper) here (pdf)
Read Hart's Why the Eurocrisis Matters to Us All (Scapegoat Journal) here (pdf)
In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Degree Completion category. ; 1 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century Michael J. Bearden Norwich University SOCI401: Cultural and Anthropology Studies Dr. Timothy Maynard April 30, 2020 2 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. 3 Since its beginning in circa 610 CE, when the prophet Muhammad ibn Abdullah was visited by the angel Gabriel in a cave near Mecca, Islam has shaken the foundations of the Middle East and remained in a state of near-perpetual conflict with the Western world. Islam is an Arabic term most closely relating to the English words submission or surrender. Mujahedeen, or holy warriors, spread this new religion by the sword throughout Asia, forcing the "submission" of thousands, and have hardly been at peace with their neighbors since. Centuries later, in the two decades following the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in the United States, radical Islam's stance against the West has altered the diplomatic landscape between the world's great powers, fundamentally changed the United States' national strategic direction, and caused youth from all walks of life to sacrifice the best years of their lives in holy war to protect the supra-national community of Islam. From the invasion of Afghanistan to the subsequent invasions of Iraq and Syria to the ongoing peace talks with the Taliban, diplomatic and military efforts to eradicate jihadists from the Middle East have to-date been nearly ineffectual. Not only have these efforts failed to contain or defeat jihad, but at times have served to strengthen Islamic extremists' resolve in their call to arms against the West. Because jihad is such a fundamental part of the Islamic faith, it can never be "defeated" in the sense of traditional military eradication of an enemy force, but it can be confronted, contained, or refocused, as this paper will address. I argue that enabling local solutions and promoting education, alongside tailored surgical strike and security cooperation operations where necessary, are the keys to confronting, containing, and countering jihad. 4 Background Defining Jihad and Salafism Jihad is a transliterated form of the Arabic word meaning to struggle or to strive. In the traditional teachings of the Islamic faith, jihad is broken into two distinct categories: Greater jihad and lesser jihad. Greater jihad includes the personal struggle against selfish desires, emphasizing discipline and morality, as well as the struggle against Satan and the forces of evil. It includes jihad of the heart, jihad of the mind, and jihad of the tongue, involving praise for those who follow the will of Allah and correction for those who have gone astray (Gorka, 2016). The second category, lesser jihad, is viewed as the struggle against the enemies of Islam and the defense of its people. Lesser jihad is commonly referred to as Jihad of the Sword. Gorka (p. 60) reveals that, over time, this category of jihad has been used as justification for at least seven different subsets of holy war: 1. Using holy war to build an empire 2. Going after apostate regimes or individuals 3. Revolting against non-pious Muslim leaders 4. Fighting against the forces of imperialism in Muslim lands 5. Countering the West's pagan influence 6. Guerrilla warfare against a foreign invader 7. Using jihad as justification for terrorist attacks against civilian targets In a broad sense, lesser jihad can be viewed as offensive or defensive martial action. On the offensive side, jihadists use religion to justify building an empire, such as the Islamic State, attack apostate regimes, like those of the Taliban against Afghan government forces, and use terrorism against civilians, like the attacks on the World Trade Center. This offensive action 5 often takes jihadists beyond the borders of the ummah, or the people of Islam, striking fear into hearts of unbelievers around the globe. The defensive variety, especially in recent history, has most often correlated directly with the use of guerrilla warfare against foreign invaders, such as al-Qaeda's attacks on the international military coalitions that invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. This radical view of Islam is mostly practiced by those who follow the way of the Salafi, or the pious predecessors from the time of Muhammad, who experienced Islam in its purest form. It is believed that the first three generations who practiced the teachings of the prophet Muhammad are the ones who all Muslims thereafter should try to emulate. Themes of Salafism focus on complete adherence to sharia law, the fight against apostate Muslim regimes, and the spread and protection of Islam and its followers. At its core, Salafism is a very traditionalist view of Islam and has been practiced by multiple 21st Century terrorist organizations. The terms jihad and Salafi have shared such a close relationship in the last few decades that they have become nearly synonymous, at times described as Salafi-Jihadism or Jihadi-Salafism (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019) What Cultural Influences Lead One to the Path of Jihad? Before the attacks on 9/11, the largest call to jihad answered by the international Muslim community was in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Stopping the spread of communism and defending the ummah against the atrocities of Russian ground forces was seen as a noble and just cause for young Muslim men, and not just among Muslims (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019). Many nations, including the United States, funded, equipped, and trained the Afghan mujahedeen (those who conduct jihad) for the fight against the Soviet empire. Jihad in the 21st Century has been viewed in a much different light, as it is most closely associated with acts of extreme violence against Western nations. While the piles of rubble that used to be the 6 World Trade Center smoldered, and a gaping hole scarred the wall of the Pentagon, people of the world were forced to ask themselves, "How could a person do this? Why would someone take their own lives and thousands of others in the name of Allah?" Religious Justification for Jihad. Though jihad has become almost entirely associated with Islamic holy war, the term itself is still simply the Arabic word for striving. Struggling against one's selfish desires, striving to maintain traditional values, and defending a community against a common enemy are not just Islamic concepts, they are universal to most tightly-knit cultures. Similarly, Christians and Jews are taught self-discipline, adherence to moral codes, and defending their belief against enemies of their faith. So, why has the Islamic flavor of this common cultural theme become so violent, causing deep unrest around the world in our modern era? Verses from the Qur'an can begin to unpack why horrific public executions, suicide bombings, and advocating for generalized violence against non-Muslims may be justifiable in jihadist culture. The Qur'an (2015) lays out the following decree in chapter 9, verse 29: Fight those from among the People of the Book who believe not in Allah, nor in the Last Day, nor hold as unlawful what Allah and His Messenger have declared to be unlawful, nor follow the true religion, until they pay the tax with their own hand and acknowledge their subjection (p. 208). My personal study of Islam and conversations with Muslims in the field revealed that this bit of prose has been used as motivation and justification for jihad by groups like al-Qaeda, the Taliban, the Islamic State, and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham of our modern age. Some of the following themes are evident in the translation: 7 • Jews and Christians are recognized as People of the Book, but are required to accept the following—Allah as the one true god, sharia as the acceptable law, and Islam as the one true religion. • If Jews and Christians refuse to accept these statutes, they must pay a tax called the jizyah to show their subjugation. • If they refuse to do either of these, they are to be put to the sword (p. 208). Salafi-jihadist groups such as the Taliban and Islamic State have tried to revive the jizyah tax in areas under their control. Likewise, hundreds of Christians, Jews, and even Muslims who refuse to adhere to strict sharia law have been publicly executed. This vehement enforcement of arcane Islamic law is seen as a return to the purest form of Islam, as pious as the first few generations who followed the Prophet Muhammad. Another common religious cultural theme that ties these jihadist organizations together is a message of religious oppression. They preach to young Muslims that the Islamic world is under siege by the West and that their god, their value systems, and their way of life are being threatened by the evils of capitalism and democracy (Venhaus, 2010). In joining organizations like al-Qaeda or the Islamic State, young men from across the globe find a sense of purpose and direction in their cause to protect the ummah. This theme is manifested in the teachings of Anwar al-Awlaki, the spiritual leader of al-Qaeda and the father of home-grown terrorism in the United States. He calls on Muslims living among those in the West: How can your conscience allow you to live in peaceful coexistence with a nation that is responsible for the tyranny and crimes committed against your own brothers and sisters? How can you have your loyalty to a government that is leading the war against Islam and Muslims? Hence, my advice to you is this, you have two choices: either hijra [migration 8 to an Islamic land] or jihad. You either leave or you fight. You leave and live among Muslims or you stay behind and fight with your hand, your wealth, and your word. I specifically invite the youth to either fight in the West or join their brothers on the fronts of jihad: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia (as cited in Gorka, 2016). This way of thinking is also captured in chapter 9, verse 5 of the Qur'an (2015): Kill the idolaters wherever you find them and take them prisoners, and beleaguer them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they repent and observe Prayer and pay the Zakat, then leave their way free (p. 204). When taken literally, as they are by followers of Salafi-jihad, scriptures such as these leave no choice. To these men who have committed themselves fully to the ways of the pious ones, they are compelled to become shahid, or martyrs in the protection of the ummah. The Qur'an promises paradise for those who do: Surely, Allah has purchased of the believers their persons and their property in return for the Garden they shall have; they fight in the cause of Allah, and they slay and are slain—a promise the He has made incumbent on Himself in the Torah, and the Gospel, and the Qur'an. And who is more faithful to his promise than Allah? Rejoice, then, in your bargain which you have made with Him; and that it is which is the supreme triumph (p. 222). The concept of becoming a martyr in the struggle for Islam is romanticized by jihadist groups, like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, and even state governments in local programming. In Lebanon, Mothers of Martyrs are interviewed to share the stories of their sons' glorious end while fighting abroad against the infidels (Venhaus, 2010). The Qur'an itself calls this sacrifice the supreme triumph for a jihadist, striving for the glory of Allah. 9 Though enforcing the jizyah, publicly executing those who do not follow sharia law, and seeking opportunities to kill infidels through suicide attacks represent a very small, extremist cultural sect of Islam, each of these practices is still justifiable if one looks to the Qur'an. This could be viewed as no different than a rural Pentecostal church in the Deep South who maintains strict standards for how women must dress and act: it all comes down to interpretation and a community's willingness to subjugate themselves to these standards. Spiritual leaders of jihadist groups in the 21st Century have used the Qur'an as continued justification for a variety of cruel, inhumane, and brutal actions that served to shock the West. The holy book of Islam acts as the essential glue, binding together all facets of Arab and Islamic culture. Artistic Inspiration for Jihad. A far cry from the harsh proclamations of the Qur'an, Arabic poetry predates Islam by centuries and serves as a bedrock of Arabic culture across the Middle East. Early desert nomads composed poems mostly in mono-rhyme and in one of sixteen standard canonical measures, which made them easy to commit to memory (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Naturally, this beautiful form of cultural expression has found a home in the modern jihadist movement, where it has become an inspiration for new recruits to join the cause and crucial in the sustainment of those already fighting infidels abroad. Creswell and Haykel assert that although analysts have generally ignored this facet of jihadist culture, it is woven deeply into the fabric of modern Islamic extremism. Osama bin Laden, most recognized as the former head of al-Qaeda, was also a highly-celebrated jihadist poet. Without question, his lyrical genius inspired young Arabs with stories of a return to the heroic and chivalrous past of Islam. One of his most famous works celebrates the martyrdom of the 9/11 hijackers. This is a theme among modern jihadist poetry, which preserves the tales of suicide bombers, the conquered apostate regimes of Iraq and Syria, and the glories of jihadist heroes (Creswell & Haykel). Likewise, in a 10 group of individuals who have each traveled far from home to defend Islam against the kuffar, these poems help to establish a sense of cultural identity, strengthening their wartime bond and solidifying their resolve. In seeing the videos of the Islamic State as they carved a path of destruction across large swathes of Iraq in early 2014, it may be difficult for one to believe that its members were motivated by the rhythmic lines of jihadist poetry. It is hard to accept that the same young fighter who is willing to behead an infidel for all the free world to see, could also be found passionately reciting lines celebrating the glorious return of an Islamic caliphate. During its rise, the Islamic State capitalized on the lyrical talent of a Damascus-born woman named Ahlam al-Nasr. In her first broadcast, called the Blaze of Truth, she sang each one of her 107 works a cappella, in accordance with the Islamic State's ban on musical instruments. The video was uploaded to Youtube, receiving thousands of views and further shares on multiple social media platforms (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). In the early days of the group's brutal campaign in Iraq, al-Nasr celebrated victory in Mosul as a new dawn for the country: "Ask Mosul, city of Islam, about the lions— how their fierce struggle brought liberation. The land of glory has shed its humiliation and defeat and put on the raiment of splendor" (as cited in Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Her choice of words helps one sense her deep passion for jihad, hidden within the lines. Mujahedeen are called lions and liberators. Mosul is called both a city of Islam and a land of 11 glory that, because of its liberation, has been released from the chains of shame and can now live in the splendor and pride of its former renown. Poetry has succored those serving in times of war for hundreds, even thousands of years. In the same manner, this key element of artistic cultural expression has helped bind together the modern jihadi movement, capturing the heroic deeds of martyrs who would otherwise remain nameless and unrecognized by the outside world. Serving in lands far away from home, young jihadists find inspiration, strength, and a renewed sense of identity in these haunting bits of rhyme. Social Pressure to Join Jihad. Abdullah Anas was an Algerian who served as one of the mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and spent several years studying under Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian "Father of Resistance to the Soviets" (Gall, 2020). Working to help Algerians achieve nonviolent change in their government, Anas, now in his 60s, has spent a life living and working among jihadists. To Anas, jihad is a fundamental principle of Muslim culture through which mujahedeen receive rewards in heaven: "I will never denounce jihad. As a Muslim, I know this to be a noble deed—where man can be the most beastly" (Gall). In a study of three Swedish jihadists, with experiences ranging from 1980s Afghanistan to the modern fight in Syria, Nilsson (2019) suggests that one of the fundamental social justifications for joining jihad is the sense that Islam and Muslims are collectively under attack. This, again, is a theme that applies to more than just the modern jihadist movement: Americans lined up in droves outside recruiting stations following the attacks on Pearl Harbor and decades later after September 11, 2001. Following the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, many Muslims from around the world began to see this not as just the West going after the 9/11 conspirators, but as a global attack on Islam. Each day, fresh news stories of coalition soldiers' crimes against 12 Muslim civilians and pictures of burning villages continued to motivate men to join the fight to protect the ummah from the foreign invaders. Nilsson contends that since most jihadists are very young, in their teens and early twenties, they are very susceptible to the influences of close friends and social groups. Safet, a young Muslim living in Sweden, was pressured by a friend to join the Islamic State in Syria, saying that he became convinced by his friend Ahmed that the group was fighting to protect Muslims (Nilsson). However, after realizing that the Islamic State was actually killing other Muslims in a practice called takfir, or excommunication, Safet became disillusioned and returned to Sweden (Nilsson). From the fight against the foreign invaders in the early 2000s in Afghanistan and Iraq, to the struggle for the establishment of an Islamic caliphate in 2015, it seems jihadists have most often been motivated by the need to protect the international Muslim community. Aside from the social responsibility of defending their faith and people, the need for adventure also seems to permeate the ideations of young men seeking to join a jihadist group. One of Nilsson's (2019) most interesting theories is that jihad is not the radicalization of Islam, but rather the Islamization of radicalism. Individuals who are already naturally predisposed to such adventurous or nihilistic behavior get caught up in the social dynamics of their time, ending up in a jihadist movement. Venhaus (2010) explains that in interviews with over 2,000 al-Qaeda prisoners from Iraq to Guantanamo Bay, he found that young Muslim men sought the cause of jihad for a number of normal social pressures felt by normal teens worldwide: "Revenge seekers need an outlet for their frustration, status seekers need recognition, identity seekers need a group to join, and thrill seekers need adventure" (Venhaus). The Effects of Social Media and Technology on Jihad. In the modern era, news is no longer bound by the time it takes for an article to be published, printed, and distributed across 13 great distance in a community. Social media platforms like Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, and Instagram have made sharing news instantaneous. Additionally, the advent of the smartphone, which acts simultaneously as a hand-held computer, high definition camera, and telephone with nearly world-wide coverage has forever changed the media landscape. In the era of modern jihad, one can post a single video that moves the minds of thousands in a matter of seconds. Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein's regime, news stories of atrocity among the efforts of coalition troops over the next decade served to further the cause of local and foreign jihadists to protect the ummah from these invaders. Accidental bombing of civilians, mistreatment of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib, and a general ignorance toward Muslim culture were fueled by social media and smartphone technology. Venhaus (2010) claims that throughout this early phase of the war in Iraq, al-Qaeda very rarely had to actively recruit, their global brand was aggressively promoted through satellite television, internet chat rooms, and social media platforms; willing candidates sought them out. This use of media continued to be perfected by jihadist organizations like the Islamic State, who published a digital magazine called Dabiq, named for the ideological capital of the proposed caliphate, which rallied Muslims to jihad through stories of glory and heroism in the cause for Islam. The Islamic State also posted grisly execution videos, with stunning music and production value, including super high-definition shots of their brutality. Publications and videos such as these could be copied, saved, shared, and re-shared before any sort of government intervention could stop them. Creswell and Haykel (2015) reveal that jihadists were running a massive, secret network of social media websites and fake accounts that could be rapidly assembled and dissembled by hackers. The effects of social media and technology on modern jihadist culture are easy to understand, but challenging to measure in scope and reach. Just as easily as videos of Islamic 14 State propaganda or poetry can be shared, so too can stories of coalition force atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq. This has put strategists in a unique position, where it is nearly impossible to control the narrative. Unfortunately, the story that breaks first is still the one that is liked and shared the most, even if the truth comes out after. Effects of Western Culture on Jihad. Rapid globalization, including the widespread diffusion of the internet and technology into the Middle East in the last two decades has continued to foment jihadist hatred for the West. Personal conversations with multiple Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan revealed that the decadence, lavish richness, and sinful lifestyles portrayed by Western movies and media served to fuel the fires of disdain among the pious Salafi-jihadists. Additionally, Muslim men living in Western nations following the attacks on the World Trade Center were ostracized and feared by society, often leading them to an eventual radicalization process. Being denied a peaceful coexistence because of continued Western misperception, caused many young Muslims to become angry and seek community and brotherhood among other Muslims experiencing the same problems. Venhaus (2010) notes that out of the over 2,000 captured jihadists interviewed, more than 30 per cent of them sought al-Qaeda because they were angry. Under the tutelage of local al-Qaeda mentors, the frustrations of these young men were then turned upon their neighbors through careful instruction and manipulation. They were taught to see the West as the enemy of Islam, with hundreds of the ummah being harmed by their military coalitions in Afghanistan and Iraq each day. They were instructed in the ways of the pious ones who came before them, inspiring them to turn from the sinfulness of their Western neighbors and take pride in their newfound self-discipline and righteousness in the eyes of Allah. Eventually, many of these young men would travel to their 15 ancestral homelands to join the struggle, or conduct terrorist attacks on their own Western communities. Analysis A Unique Challenge Given the litany of reasons one might join jihad, the incredibly complex cultural and social environment, and the fluidity of the modern jihadist movement, how can the United States begin to contain this problem? The reasons one individual might join a jihadist cause are as various and sundry as why one might choose to join any movement or profession over another. As Nilsson (2019) and Venhaus (2010) have detailed, there appears to be no singular marker: one could be an extremely religious or a passive Muslim, rich or poor, single or married with a family, have a completely stable social life or be isolated with no friends. Jihadists can be from any country, any walk of life, and usually do not widely broadcast their intentions prior to taking part in acts of violence for the cause of Islam. It is because of the near-impossibility of clearly identifying a pattern of distinguishable cultural markers that make it such a challenge for the United States government and its allies to address the threat of jihad. Targeting an individual before they become a jihadist or before they commit a terrorist act has been one of the most formidable challenges of our time for military and law enforcement professionals alike. Usually, the much simpler job is finding a jihadist who has allowed their communications discipline to slip before an act, or catching them in a pitched battle on foreign soil. In order to protect citizens of the West and East alike against jihadists' aims, the United States Government must be prepared to confront, contain, and counter the jihadist narrative "left of bang," before an attack occurs. 16 The Global War on Terrorism: Taking the Fight to the Jihadists. In the months that followed September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush deployed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) paramilitary officers and US Special Operations Forces (SOF) to find, fix, and finish pockets of al-Qaeda militants being harbored by the Taliban in Afghanistan. A fierce campaign of relentless aerial bombardment and mounted assaults by the forces of the Afghan Northern Alliance led to a swift and decisive defeat of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With Kabul and Kandahar in allied hands, and an interim government established under the leadership of the Pashtun Hamid Karzai, the future of a free and prosperous Afghanistan seemed assured, but what came to be known as The Long War had only just begun. Trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and 19 years later, the United States and its allies have been forced to the negotiating table with the Salafi-jihadist Taliban. Likewise, after Saddam Hussein's continued disregard for international law, threats against the United States, and open violence against his own people, the administration of President Bush decided again to pursue a military option. Much like Afghanistan, the coalition was led by CIA operatives and SOF operators, coordinating airstrikes on key positions in a tactical display of American firepower affectionately titled Shock and Awe. However, unlike Afghanistan, a massive conventional invasion followed the bombing campaign, bent on toppling the Baathist regime and finding Saddam's chemical weapons stockpiles. What followed was a series of policy failures, leading to a steady influx of jihadists partnering with local insurgents seeking to oust the foreign invaders and protect the ummah from the atrocities of the kuffar. In my professional opinion, Iraq is still recovering from the decade-long military occupation, cleaning up the destruction left by the Islamic State, and on the brink of civil war due to concerns about being an Iranian puppet state. 17 Ineffective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Operation Iraqi Freedom. During my first combat rotation as an Infantryman in the Triangle of Death in southern Iraq in 2005-2006, I experienced the initial rumblings of a civil war between the Sunni and Shia Muslims in Iraq, each wrestling for power in a post-Saddam world. I was also witness to the inundation of foreign jihadists, joining the ranks of al-Qaeda in Iraq under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who at times headquartered in my area of operations. As I analyze our highly-kinetic and aggressive initial campaigns years later, I can see that the coalition's fight, first against Saddam, then against al-Qaeda, only bolstered jihadist motivation. In being a foreign invader, we inadvertently created a jihadist resistance movement, bent on the removal of their occupiers. Kilcullen (2010) explains this dilemma by explaining that focusing on the wrong metrics in a fight against insurgents can be deceptive: If you kill 20 insurgents, they may have 40 relatives who are now in a blood feud with your unit and are compelled to take revenge. Again in 2007-2008, I was deployed to Iraq as an Infantry squad leader to the sacred city of Khadimiyah in Northwest Baghadad. This was during the famous troop surge, meant to fix the ongoing problems with stability throughout the country. Being in the home of the beautiful Shrine of the Seventh Imam, it was a predominantly Shia area. Over the course of 15 months, my unit fought several engagements against Iranian-backed Shia militias and worked on project after project to strengthen local civil infrastructure, all while maintaining the utmost discretion against damaging homes or creating civilian casualties. Yet again, although we had conducted a nearly perfect counterinsurgency fight, it seemed that Kilcullen's insurgent math still applied: Fighting the jihadists only served to create more unrest within the population, no matter if we were restoring essential services and reducing damage to homes or not. 18 Operation Enduring Freedom. Nearly a decade after the fall of al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts, I was deployed to the mountains of Afghanistan from 2010-2011. Stationed along the Arghandab River, just north of Kandahar, we were in the heart of the Pashtun Taliban. Again, the same story remained true: We fought the Taliban jihadists almost daily, but could not seem to win over the true key terrain in a counterinsurgency fight: The hearts and minds of the people. The Taliban would harass our unit's base of operations with a few pop shots as we called them, which would unleash a massive response in firepower and resources. Thousands of rounds of machine gun ammunition would be fired into the farm fields surrounding our Combat Out Post (COP), squads would be sent in pursuit of the attackers, and helicopters would spend hours scouring the terrain in an attempt to heap justice on the insurgents. This massive effort against so few served to erode the unit's motivation, exhaust our supplies, and alienate the civilian population whose homes and fields had been damaged in the process. Reflections on Personal Combat Experience. After years of combat experience and deeply studying Muslim culture, I can now see how the mistakes the coalitions made early-on in both operations only fueled the fires of insurgency, resistance to foreign occupiers, and generalized hatred for the West. Porch (2013) argues brilliantly that US counterinsurgency doctrine made the same mistake as its imperialistic predecessors of centuries before: Believing that military action was a proper vehicle for providing Middle Easterners with Western values, as well as a foundation for governance, social programs, and economic transformation in a region. This became evident in my own experience, realizing that no matter what sort of social, infrastructure, or economic programs ran alongside our military efforts, the people of both Afghanistan and Iraq felt the enormous social weight of being occupied by a foreign power, rendering these efforts nearly ineffectual. On the contrary, local and foreign jihadist movements 19 capitalized on each and every mistake of coalition forces, increasing their recruitment and resolve against the West. Though our military may have been winning every major battle against the jihadists, our policy makers and field commanders made the fundamental mistake of believing that these non-Western nations lived in some sort of time-warp, in which the adoption of Western democracy, rule of law, and capitalism would allow them to thrive as a nation (Porch). Effective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Surgical Strike and Precision Targeting. A unique feature of the Global War on Terrorism was the US military's continued perfection of covert strike operations with surgical precision deep into enemy safe havens. This was put on display in the rout of al-Qaeda by CIA and SOF in Afghanistan, in the kill/capture missions against the Baathists in the deck of cards in Iraq, and later in the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and Sheik Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in Iraq. Having the ability to appear out of nowhere in the middle of the night, kill or capture an intended target with zero damage to infrastructure or civilian casualties, and leave within minutes of arrival struck fear into the hearts and minds of jihadists across the globe. The success and efficacy of this type of operation was acknowledged in the 2015 National Military Strategy, which stated: "The best way to counter VEOs [violent extremist organizations] is by way of.military strengths such as ISR, precision strike [emphasis added], training, and logistical support" (p.11). Likewise, President Obama's massive expansion of the use of drones, which could watch individuals for days and execute a precise strike that only touched the intended target, has continued to sow fear and deny jihadists' freedom of maneuver on a global scale. The US military and its allies have only continued to master these types of operations throughout the 20 fights in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other locations. The jihadists know this, and realize that one wrong move at any time could mean disaster. Security Cooperation. An additional theme that has spelled the end for jihadists throughout the globe has been the training, advising, and equipping of security forces and partners within Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other nations. Enabling the host-nation military to handle jihadist movements on their own helps the United States military work itself out of a job. US Army Special Forces are uniquely suited to accomplish this mission: With specialized training, language capability, and cultural understanding, they are able to train foreign security forces through a variety of Principle Tasks. These tasks include Foreign Internal Defense, which focuses on a holistic approach to internal security and protection of citizens against lawlessness and insurgency, and Security Force Assistance, which can be focused internally or externally against threats to a nation's stability and security. The success of these mission sets was evident in 2014, during my own experience with the Afghan Commando Kandaks' continued fight against the Taliban and in closely following the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service's efforts against the Islamic State. Both of these forces, built from the ground-up by US Army Special Forces have continually fortified weak conventional military force operations against jihadist groups in their respective nations. Muslim Youth Efforts Against Jihad Globalization, though it has been proven to bolster the jihadists' narrative against the West, has also been beneficial to the movement against jihad itself. Because youth of the world have access to technology that allows them to see the atrocities and lies associated with global jihadist organizations, they are beginning to turn the tide. During the Islamic State's rise to power in Iraq and Syria, Muslim youth from across Europe travelled to join the jihadists in their 21 fight against the West. However, groups of Muslim youth also spoke up to counter this narrative. In 2015 the Muslim Youth League, an anti-Islamic State cultural movement, declared a holy war against all extremist organizations (Dearden, 2015). The group called on all Muslims to stand united against those who have hijacked Islam and misrepresented the faith. Through engagement work in schools and communities, as well as a robust online campaign, the Muslim Youth League is fighting back against jihadist propaganda that bids young Muslims join the Islamic State and other extremist groups (Dearden). Since the time of this publication, the Muslim Youth League has spread to several countries throughout the Middle East, Asia, and Europe, each with their own social media presence, outreach programs, community events, and websites. Local Government Efforts Against Jihad In the years following the Islamic State's spread across Iraq and Syria, the United Kingdom has developed a robust strategy to help at-risk Muslims avoid the radicalization process. The program itself is called Contest, and includes four distinct categories: Prevent, Prepare, Protect, and Pursue (British Broadcasting Corporation [BBC], 2017). Police departments and social organizations have built relationships with doctors, faith leaders, teachers and others, who are required to report suspicious persons to the proper authorities. In response to these reporting requirements and recommendations, over 7,500 reports were filed between 2015-2016, with one in 10 being actionable intelligence for government and police forces (BBC). In 2015 alone, over 150 people, including 50 children, were kept from traveling to conflict zones in Iraq and Syria (BBC). The strategy has of course drawn criticism, for fear that it will further alienate Muslims from their local communities, but it presents as an excellent plan of action for identifying individuals who are at risk beyond just using traditional signals intelligence and 22 surveillance techniques. It does more than just target the individual, it also seeks to reform them through education, outreach, and community programs. Counterarguments You Can Kill an Idea. I have heard the opinion throughout my time in the military that jihad and the idea of Islamic supremacy can be completely eradicated. The example most often given is that Nazism, including the idea that the Aryan race was superior to all others, was effectively destroyed by a global military campaign. This argument is weak. The Nazis represented a very small portion of German culture, including among those serving in the military, so it was relatively easy to contain once there was an overwhelming military victory by the Allies. However, although the German Army of the 1940s was defeated militarily, the idea of white supremacy lives on in small social groups throughout the world to this day. The Ongoing Taliban Peace Talks. I have colleagues throughout the military who are convinced that the current negotiations with the Taliban are a key indicator of success in our two decades at war against the Salafi-jihadist group. The issue with this is that temporary cease fires have already been violated several times, leading one to believe that the strategic level leadership's messages are simply not reaching their subordinates or that local factions are not adhering to the agreement. Trusting that radical Muslim extremists will not allow Afghanistan to become a future safe haven for other jihadists, as it has in the past, is simply unrealistic. Believing some sort of quasi peace deal is going to miraculously pacify an organization that hates everything the West stands for is misguided. My own experiences throughout the Middle East have proven that the spirit of jihad and hatred will live on in Afghanistan. The Islamic State is Nearly Defeated. Multiple global media outlets continue to run stories about the dismantling of the Islamic State, as though the battle is won. Though Sheik Abu 23 Bakr al-Baghdadi has been killed, and the proposed Islamic caliphate was never fully realized, it would be naïve to think that the Islamic State's jihad is over. The movement will metastasize and take on new forms in other parts of the globe: It is already happening. Jihadists are continually leaving the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, headed back to their former homes in mainland Europe. As these individuals reenter the diaspora, the concern is that they will radicalize other individuals and conduct terrorist attacks within the continent. Conclusion The reasons an individual seeks to join a jihadist movement are deeply rooted in personal social dynamics, the security situation of their country, and a multitude of other religious, cultural, and economic factors. I agree with Venhaus (2010) and Gorka (2016) who assert that there is no singular military operation or strategy that can bring about a decisive victory against something so intangible as why one might join the modern jihadist movement. Use of the US military as a vehicle for the establishment of Western democracy and nation-building efforts in tribal nations like Afghanistan and Iraq only served to invigorate the jihadists' call to arms. Jihad is not something that can be eradicated completely by military force. Jihad must be confronted, contained, and countered through a comprehensive approach that empowers state and non-state actors to develop local solutions and directs expeditious military applications only where completely necessary. Recommendations Promote and Protect the Muslim Youth Leagues In order to truly create a cultural paradigm shift in Muslim youth at risk of radicalization, groups like the Muslim Youth League (BBC, 2017) should be promoted by governments worldwide as a bastion of true and peaceful Islam. While they should no doubt be supported, 24 governments must also protect these organizations from becoming targets for violent acts of terrorism or influence operations by jihadists. Through a combination of deep cultural understanding and positive messaging, the Muslim Youth League has already shown its effectiveness in the United Kingdom and beyond. Because the youth of each nation understand the social pressures and cultural influences that may lead one to seek jihad, they can effectively develop tailored, local solutions to persuade at-risk individuals. The Muslim Youth Leagues are on the front lines of countering the jihadist worldview, taking a stand and declaring war on jihad and its misrepresentations of Islam. Enable Local Solutions for Local Problems This should be accomplished through unified government action that involves all the United States' instruments of national power including diplomacy, information sharing, military action where necessary, and economic stimulus as needed. The specific issue with efforts like these, is that they cannot be accomplished during what is perceived by locals as a military occupation. This was proven true in Afghanistan and later in Iraq. Despite massive efforts to rebuild infrastructure, aid in agricultural processes, build schools, and organize community projects, the United States and its allies were still viewed as pushing Western values and democracy on nations through military occupation. As much as possible, we must limit our military presence in areas that are ripe for developing a jihadist movement, or in ones that are recovering. I have seen firsthand that government efforts against jihadist organizations or at-risk communities have often been fragmented, poorly staffed, and uncoordinated. Venhaus (2010) suggests the creation of an agency that is staffed, trained, funded, enabled, and equipped for strategic communications, calling it the United States Strategic Communications Agency. An 25 agency like this could ensure that a comprehensive national communications strategy is developed and achieved, with a focus on enabling local community efforts to counter the jihadist narrative. By promoting social outreach, religious education, and community programs, this agency could bolster the efforts of community leaders and stifle jihadist aims in their areas. Support Religious Education and Reintegration Reintegration programs in Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Singapore and elsewhere have successfully rehabilitated former jihadists through religious education (Venhaus, 2010). Countering the apocalyptic world view of jihadist groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State requires local religious leaders who understand their community's issues to band together and refute the extremist narrative. Through careful, patient, and individually-tailored instruction, Muslim religious leaders can invalidate each and every one of the extremists' claims. Individuals who turn to jihad are often seeking this type of direction, they just find it in the wrong places. Counter Threats with Tailored Military Force Packages Continued themes among the military failures in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations during the early years of the Global War on Terrorism are indiscriminate use of force, lack of cultural understanding, and hyper-focus on tactical gains while failing at the strategic level. US government nation-building efforts on the backs of the military cost our country trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and years of frustration, bogged-down in an endless quagmire of misunderstanding. US Army Special Forces are selected, trained, equipped, and enabled to clandestinely handle complex problem sets in denied or politically-sensitive environments. Each Special Forces Group is regionally-aligned, with Operational Detachments developing deep cultural understanding through Area Studies and continuous relationship-building with regional state and 26 non-state actors. Special Forces operators understand the complex cultural and security situations in their areas of responsibility and have the language capability and strategic understanding to operate with complete independence of outside support. Frankly, if given the authority and autonomy to do their jobs, Special Forces can coerce, disrupt, or overthrow jihadist organizations unilaterally, or train, advise, and equip foreign security forces to accomplish this task on their own. This can all be done independent of a large, slow, and expensive conventional military occupation. Organizations like al-Qaeda must be kept in a state of constant fear and uncertainty. US Special Operations Forces are uniquely suited to this task. Through structured, rapid application of military force, SOF can find, fix, and finish intended targets with surgical precision. This has proven true in the capture of Saddam Hussein and the elimination of Osama bin Laden and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, among numerous other targets throughout the Global War on Terrorism. Continuing to deny safe havens through short, precise applications of combat power is crucial and does not rely on a conventional military occupation of the target area. Operations such as these, characterized by discriminate use of force and strategic impact, should be the main avenue for denying the relative safety, security, and freedom of maneuver of jihadist organizations. 27 References British Broadcasting Corporation (2017, June 4). Reality check: What is the prevent strategy? Reality Check. https://www.bbc.com/news/election-2017-40151991. Creswell, R., & Haykel, B. (2015, June 1). Battle lines: Want to understand the jihadis? Read their poetry. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/06/08/battle-lines-jihad-creswell-and-haykel. Dearden, L. (2015, March 21). Young British Muslims declare own jihad against ISIS and other terrorists who 'hijack' Islam. Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/young-british-muslims-declare-own-jihad-against-isis-and-other-terrorists-who-hijack-islam-10146534.html. Dempsey, M. (2015). The national military strategy of the United States of America 2015: The United States military's contribution to national security. The Joint Staff. https://www.jcs.mil/Portals/36/Documents/Publications/UNCLASS_2018_National_Military_Strategy_Description.pdf. Gall, C. (2020, January 31). From armed struggle to peaceful protest, a road still to travel: A veteran of the Afghan jihad working for nonviolent change in Algeria. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/31/world/middleeast/from-armed-struggle-to-peaceful-protest-a-road-still-to-travel.html. Gorka, S. L. (2016). Defeating jihad: The winnable war. Regnery Publishing. Kilcullen, D. J. (2010). Counterinsurgency. Oxford University Press. Nilsson, M. (2019, 18 June) Motivations for jihad and cognitive dissonance: A qualitative analysis of former Swedish jihadists. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2019.1626091. 28 Porch, D. (2013). Counterinsurgency: Exposing the myths of the new way of war. Cambridge University Press. Qur'an (M. Ali, Trans.; 7th ed.) (2015). Islam International Publications. (Original work published ca. 1537). Venhaus, J. (2010). Why youth join al-Qaeda. Special Report, 236(1), 1-12. https://www.usip. org/sites/default/files/SR236Venhaus.pdf.
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PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and develop one of the church in-stitutions with pecuniary ad-vantage to yourself. Address HENRY S. BONER, Sup't. T H E HE RC U R V The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER 1907 No. 5 CONTENTS PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE.—Junior Oratorical Oration. 2 W. A. BEKKEY, '08. MAN, THE MARVEL OF CREATION. Honorable Mention Junior Oratorical. H. M. BOWEK, '08. PUMPKIN PIE. GEO. W. KESSLER, '08. THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS.—Essay. Socrates.—Part I. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '08. 10 SOLDIERLY QUALITIES.—Essay. MARY HAY HIMES, '08. lf> MY FIRST DAY AS TEACHER IN A COUNTY SCHOOL. 19 E. E. SNYDER, '09. OUR NATION'S DANGER.—Poem. H. D. SWANK, '11. 21 A VISIT TO SING SING.-Essay. BY 1908. 22 SCHEDULED TIME.—Essay. EDITORIALS. EXCHANGES. 2& 28, 31 THE MERCURY. PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE. Junior Prize Oration. W. A. BEHKEY, '08. THOUSAND years hence the history of the United States will be studied with an interest that shall equal if not excel that which is now manifested for Greece, Eome, or any of the nations whose history is already made. . The unparalleled rise and development of our nation is a truism. Our standing and supremacy among the other nations of the world is indeed unique. Little wonder is it that the heads of European nations grow dizzy when they see the progress of their own countries during hundreds of years equalled and excelled in a few scores of years by the American people. Of first importance to the student, then, will be this incomparably rapid development. Various prophesies and predictions have been made about the destiny of our republic. The whole of history has been scanned for a parallel of principles and practice which will indicate her ultimate character and function. The question how long our republic will endure was answered very profoundly by James Russell Lowewll: "So long as the ideas of the men who found-ed it continue dominant." To some people the character of our age seems so evident, since they themselves form a part of it, that it presents no ques-tions of inquiry. To the student who surveys carefully the principles and practice dominating and shaping the trend of our growth, there appear tendencies, various, conflicting and inconsistent to such a degree, that the scene is one of intermi-nable confusion. Among the nations of the world, none wields such power and prestige for bringing about peace, as our own When Nicholas of Russia extended a call to the nations for a world parliament at The Hague, and afterwards refused to follow the very prin-ciples which he advocated; when England, the leading nation of Western Europe was willing to block the way of international peace; when the Hague conference, the grandest ideal ever at-tempted, seemed to result in utter fruitlessness ;then it was that the United States on the occasion of the Venezuelan trouble. THE MERCURY. 3 brought back to life this grandest movement of history. When Japan and Eussia, failing to come to terms of peace, were on the point of resuming a war that was inhuman in its character, and unjustified in its object, it was again through the mediation of U. S. that peace was effected satisfactorily to all the world. But on the other hand, if our nation wields such an influence for peace, honesty, integrity of character and justice, how can we reconcile this with the inner life of our nation—with such facts &s are disclosed by the Life Insurance Investigation, the monopolists, the Capitol graft, in our own state which is but a type of what is occurring in some form or other in nearly every large city; the corruption of our politics; the startling statistics of crime; the constant strife between the different races in our own land; the lack of a public conscience in our courts of jus-tice. These glaring facts seem to indicate an utter disregard of the principles of peace, honesty, liberty, and justice, upon which our nation is founded. Statistics show that the IT. S. has the greatest criminal record of any other nation on earth. We pride ourselves in claiming that one of our great national principles is the equality of man. and we point to the 15th Amendment of our Constitution as an achievement which must outshine any enactment, decree, or legislation in the world. In practice, however, we discriminate against the negro. States are openly disavowing and nullifying the 15th Amendment by inserting in their constitutions suffer-age provisions which are in direct conflict with the spirit of the Federal Constitution. Separate coaches on lines of transporta-tion, and restriction of residence to certain portions of the city are not matters of the dim past. We dilate each year on the growing feeling of peace between the North and South, and yet when a Southerner comes to the North, he is a mark of curiosity—a rebel—alive, and in the North. It was but a few months ago when a prominent South-erner, during his visit to a wealthy shoe manufacturer of Boston was utterly embarrassed by the curiosity of the people, which reached its climax in the question from the most refined lady to the Southerner: "Since the war is over, don't you Southern-ers feel ashamed for causing it ?" We eulogise American democracy for the principles which THE MERCURY. govern her political system. Yet we have come to such a status in which it seems the majority of men are willing to abdicate the sovereignty entrusted to them, to allow a boss to dictate their votes, and all too frequently, to compromise with one fac-tion or tiie other for a price. Do we not regard our own government with too much com-placency ? A feeling' that it cannot go wrong, it has been maintained that the glory of American democracy consists in the manner in which people of the most various races and na-tions have been absorbed and adapted by the vigor of the Aiheri-ean spirit. Hugo Munsterburg says of this: "The foreign ele-ments which come of their own choice to Germany, have been as thoroughly assimilated by the monarchy as the American emi-grants by the democracy. America's whole success in that di-rection, hi' says, is determined by her geographical and economi-cal situation, but not by her form of government." We make no apology for this seeming pessimism. Such is not our view. We have no sympathy with the view that every-thing is corruption and that all the picture should be dark and threatening. The last decade has been marked by prosperity never known heroic: by progress in international relations never dreamed of in all history. There has been illgotten gain and corruption in many places. But, the abuses which in' condemn only cause the principles in which we hare such profound faith, to stand out by contrast in their full orbed glory. The questions which present themselves are these: How can the 1'. S. maintain and exert such an influence for peace and honesty, when internal conditions are so inconsistent ? If the rest of the world is really aware of the true conditions, what is the secret of our influence ? If the rest of the world is not aware, how long will it be until the corruption comes to the sur-face and our prestige falls ? We do not believe even that danger is imminent. But we must admit that the people do not want to hear and seemingly are almost unwilling to believe that our destiny as a nation is affected by forces such as these. 1'eare is not the greatest word. Honor and Justice are far greater. We must remain true to the principles which we maintain. We must endeavor to practice them universally. We cannot close our eyes to facts. We have • little time for the student or teacher of science who refuses to THE MERCURY. -open Eds eyes to the (acts of investigation which lie beneath the surface. So with the individual who refuses to recognize the •disharmony between his principles and the facts of his practice. One of the most dramatic lessons in history is Demostheness pleading with the people of Athens. Demosthenes well knew that Athens could stand only as she was true to the principles ■of the fathers. Not because they were the principles of the fathers, but because their fathers had been faithful to the message of Demosthenes to Athens remains a message to every republic—a message of life. The people in their assemb-lies applauded the fine sentiments, enjoyed the praises of the fathers, passed eloquent resolutions,—and shirked their duties. They depended upon leaders—bosses—to attend to all the affairs •of the state. "In old. days," Demosthenes said, "the people was master of its statesman. Now it is their servant." These seeming inconsistencies are only warnings directing us where our principles which are ideal might become real. If ■there can be any evident reason for our progress at home and abroad during the last six years, it is because we have a man at the head of our government who practices the principles for which the nation stands. His, the work of one man,-shows us the secret of a principle of progress—the individual. The thinker sees problems in their relations. The inconsistencies which he finds become a burden, and this very burden of incon-sistency between principle and practice gives the impulse which, leads him to their solution. THE MERCURY MAN, THE MARVEL OF CREATION. Honorable Mention, Junior Oratorical. H. M. BOWER, '08. ITII the advancement of civilization and the rapid pro-gress of modern times, the truth of the assertion that man is a wonderful piece of mechanism becomes more and more apparent. In his forward movement he leaps the chasm of mysteries, forces the strongholds of igno-rance, and surmounts the seemingly impossible. Prom the very beginning, created from the dust, guided by the Omnipotent Hand, he is by his very nature, not only a vir-tual compendium of proceeding stages of creation; but as such is an exponent of the power and wisdom and goodness of God. For in him the laws of matter are to find their interpreter, the vegetable kingdom its uses, animal and all creation its subordi-nate completion and end. "He is a being who besides being a continuous link in the chain of the divine manifestation, could,, as the creation to whom the manifestation is made, turn round and look back upon that chain and by that very act show himself to be the most important part cf it." In this new creature we behold a being capable of knowing and distinctly conscious of a three-fold element of knowledge—of himself as a dictinct ex-istence; of the finite creation to which he belongs and from which he derives his sensation; and of the Infinite Maker of both, presupposed by their existence. Still more: Ileie is a person, a being, influenced by motives and determined by will, and having a high moral end cf his own. He is a creature in whose mysterious constitution law and liberty—perfect law and conscious liberty—harmoniously co-exist. It is the universal law that all things develop gradually. Man with all his wonderful endowments, his emotion, his intellect, his will, once latent gradually arose to his present stage of in-telligence. But he possessed the germ of power which burst forth into a mighty volcano of achievement—the power of his perception, which enables him to remember and compare, the power of his imagination which, at times indeed, leads him into perplexities and errors, but without the aid of which Newton would never have passed from a falling apple to a falling moon; THE MERCURY. the power of his thought by which an inventor finds his wonder-ful analogies; the power of his will by which he determines his destinies. What mind is there large enough to grasp the great achieve-ments that man has wrought. He revels among the stars and says that they are suns. He delves into the bowels of the earth and says there is fire. Archimedes exclaimed: "Give me a place to stand and I will move the earth." Man has found a standng place and he literally moves the earth, not, it is true, from its place among the stars, but that he brings every part nearer the other, and bends the forces of nature to his own pur-poses. He crushes a ton of granite or cracks an egg with equal •ease. He lifts thousands of tons as easily as he raises a finger. The deepest valleys and the highest mountains are his play-things-— he bridges the one and tunnels the other. He makes a messenger of the lightening and harnesses vapor to his chariot. At his command the spirits of air, water, fire, and earth do his every bidding. They propel his steam ships, railway cars, and mighty energies. They make his garments; they build his houses; they harvest his crops; then illuminate his cities; for him they make ice in the tropics or oranges grow amid the snow; for him they fan heated atmosphere into cooling breezes, banish icy winds. They.flash his news around the world; carry his voice for thousands of miles; or preserve it after he is dead. What are the causes of man's progress ? His indominatable will and the gift of Immortality are the true and real causes. His will, the very image of the Divine will, which is unconquer-able, enables him to control the lower creation as well as him-self. God has given to man immortality. He leads and guides man so that he will be worthy, at His call to assume the crown ■of immortality. No wonder Hamlet exclaimed: "What a piece of work is man ! How noble in reason !, How infinite in faculty, in form and movement, how expressed and admirable ! In action how like an angel! In apprehension how like a god! The beauty of the world ! The paragon of animals !" *Baker, '08, also received honorable mention. THE MERCURY. PUMPKIN PIE. GEO. W. KESSLER. '"08. • EXT to pudding, pumpkin pie is one of the best of the toothsome inventions of our New England ancestors. The modern substitute is made of squash, and very good it often is. But s-q-u-a-s-h is a dreadful name. The man who invented it ought to have a hard shelled Hubbard hurled at his head, as Ichabod Crane was served with a pump-kin, in the "Legend of Sleepy Hollow." Pumpkin is quite a different word , whether it adorns a bill of fare, is woven into poetry, or is flattened into "pu-n-n-kin"in the vernacular. It is one of the old fashioned vegetables that has held its own among upstart rivals for one hundred years or more. Precious little help has the pumpkin had from the propagating gardeners, who are so intent on improving nature's products in other fields. The pumpkin is the same honest, homespun, self-made sort of vegetable vagabond that it was when it straggled through the cornfields and dotted the autumn landscape with spots of golden color in the pioneer days when luxuries were not necessities and wants were few. They pretend to say that the quality has de-teriorated, like some stiains of blood in men whose heads this useful vegetable has most uncharitably been made to symbolize, and that the flesh is pale and poor compared with the yellow richness of fonner years. Yet this may be only the woi k of the old-time worshippers. But when made "tine to name" in just the right way, and served before it gets cold, a pumpkin pie is a thing of beauty and a joy—while it lasts ! 1 know there is an attempt made by certain super-civilized persons to make abstinence from pie a test of refinement. Some of them haven't gastric juice enough to digest anything but tea and toast, but others are just putting on airs. I wouldn't trust some of these fellows who make a virtue of abhoring pie alone with a whole one behind the pantry door, even at 11 o'clock at night. 1 take my seat with Emerson, who, when lunching at a railroad eating house with a party of literary and scientific friends, asked them each in turn if they would ha,ve a piece of the pie before him. When all had politely declined the philosopher helped himself to a gen-erous pie«e and, beaming upon the company with his benevolent THE MERCURY. 9 smile asked: "What is pie for, gentlemen ?" Judge the diet i)v its results ! Was not our New England sage a hundred times healthier and saner with his pie than crabbed old Thomas Carlyle was with his oat meal porridge and dyspepsia ? A well made pie of the right sort is a good deal more wholesome than half of the modern messes concocted as a concession to dyspep-tics who charge upon healthful foods, the natural results of their own sin and ignorance in living without exercise, sleeping too little, smoking too much and neglecting the normal condi-tions of health. But to return to my pie. I scorn to make a cook book of this essay with my present rather scant supply of technical knowledge. But I do know that for a good pumpkin pie you want plenty of milk, just enough eggs, not a judicious sprink-want plenty of milk, just enough eggs, not too much pumpkin, a lump DI' butter and a judicious sprinkling of spices, princi-pally cinnamon and ginger—omitting, if you please, the nut-megs and cloves. The concoction when made ready for the oven, in a "bottom crust" that is tender and flaky when baked, should be about the consistency of good thick cream. Pies that cut out only a little less firm than a pine board—those that will "wobble" without breaking, like a piece of leather—and those that run about loose on your plate are alike to be avoided. About an inch and a half strikes me as a good depth for the filling; two inches is better than the miserable, thin plasters one some-times sees at boarding houses, that look for all the world like pumpkin flap-jacks. The expressive phrase, "too thin" must have come from such lean parodies on pumpkin pies. With the pastry light, tender and not too-rich, and a generous filling of smooth, spiced sweetness, a little "trembly" as to consistency, and delicately browned on top, a perfect pumpkin pie, eaten within a few hours after baking, is one of the real additions made by American cookery to the good things of the world. For the first pumpkin pie of the season, flanked by a liberal cut of creamy"cheese, I prefer to sit clown, as the French gour-mand said about his boiled young turkey—"with just two of us; myself and the turkey." Company is apt to distract from the attention—and subtract from the pie. IO THE MERCURY THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS SOCRATES. Parti. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '08. HE ideal which the citizens of ancient Greece held in; mind was that the state should not be too large, so. that each one personally would be able to take a large share in civic affairs. The divided condition of the country made it difficult for the ideal to be realized, for in-tense rivalries sprang up continually between the various com-munities and the result was that national life was destroyed. Though confederacies were formed, nevertheless they were short-lived and in th end this rival spirit resulted in Greece losing her liberty. . Thus when Xerxes had invaded Greece with his Persian hordes, Athens and Sparta were active in repelling the invasion. Subsequent years found Athens the leader in Grecian affairs. She became weaithy and brilliant. Intense rivalry and jealousy on the part of Sparta and many other Greek states who had formed a confederacy with Athens led to an open revolt. Athens was accused of appropriating funds for her own use, which did not belong to her. In the struggle that followed Athens lost her political supremacy from which she never recovered. Al-though she remained intellectual queen of the world for years afterward. In order that the state might be strong each citizen lived pri-marily for the state. Though the state may be ever so small each citizen participated in the government in a personal and direct manner. The citizen formed and made up the leisure' class of society. The people were therefore able to devote all their time to civic, religious, intellectual and artistic pursuits, since their menial tasks were performed by slaves. The intense rivalry of various states and factions within the-state and the mountainous condition of Greece prevented a firm union. A diversity of interests sprang up. The state was unable to grow or develop. It was ideal in its conception, ■ but there was breathed into its structure an air of artificiality. The true development of the state was also hampered by the-union of their so-called protecting divinities and civic ideals: They developed all knds of fantastic ideas about gods, divinities'. THE MERCURY II and deities. The various so-called priests multiplied the con-ceptions of numberless gods. Their religion was lacking in unity and stability. Forbes.well says: "That the more stable elements in the Athenian constitution had been greatly weaken-ed, and the general aim was to make all legislation and admin-istration a reflection of the immediate feeling of the citizens, a rationalizing process in matters of faith and principle had been gaining among the more cultured Greeks, and its results had been filtering through philosophic teaching and poetry into the minds of a wider circle." Since the priests were not true guides in the religious affairs, the moral life of the people degenerated. However, the time would come when the religious and moral tone of the native would undergo a complete revolution. Poets and philosophers would seek to know and explain the mysteries of life. Specula-tive thinkers desired to know the origin of things. About (600 B. C.) Hales of Milatus begins to philosophize upon these things. After him followed Anaxmander, Heraclitus, Pytho-goras, Xenophanes, Parmenides, Zeno, Anaxagoras, and others who sought to explain the ultimate reality of things. About 450 B. C. a transition is noticed in Greek thought. The Sophist School became the leaders in Greek philosophical thought. The reasonings and teachings of the Sophists were empty and to a great measure false. Ueberney says: "In the doctrine of the Sophists the transition was effected from philosophy as cosmology to philosophy as concerning itself with the thinking and willing subject. Yet the reflection of the Sophist extended only to the recognition of the subject in his immediate individual character, and was incompetent, therefore, to establish on a scientific basis the theory of cognition and sci-ence of morals, for which it prepared the way. The chief rep-resentatives of this tendency were Protogoras the Individualist, Gorgias the Nihilist, Hippias the Polymathist, and Prodicus the Moralist. These men were followed by a younger genera-ton of Sophists, who perverted the philosophical principle of subjectionism more and more, till it ended in mere frivolity." Furthermore the Sophistic teachings led to a confusion of thought, a corruption of morals and skepticism. Selfishness and self-conceit everywhere were prevalent. Men claimed to know everything, when in reality thy knew nothing. An atmosphere 12 THE MERCURY entirely foreign to the earlier days of the Athenians hung over the city. The citizens were unable to receive justice at the courts. Wealth, luxury, indifference, immorality, atheism and selfishness had resulted in bringing chaos to Greek life. A cricis, faced the people. Who would arouse the citizens from their leth-argy ? To whom could they look for help ? They were in-different to their condition. This work was to be started and accomplished in part by Soc-rates. Kitch el I says: "There were great evils existing in men and society about him. To those evils he was particularly sen-sitive, owing to the peculiar quality of his intellectual and moral nature. For those evils he was persuaded that he had the only and sufficient remedy. The application of the remedy in order to overcome those evils was the work of his life. His great aim was to make men care, not so much for their bodies, or money, or office, as for righteousnes, and virtue and the things of the-snul." He spent his time among his fellow-citizens, in the con-stant and public quest of truth, with them and for their good. He was convinced that as only could he do his part in counter-acting the evils in men and society about him." Socrates was born at Alopece near Athens about 469 B. C. His father, Sophoniscus, was a sculptor and his mother's name was Phaenarete. His father was a freeman and was in humble circumstances. At an early age he was instructed in gymnas-tics, lyric poetry (JKOWEK^)" and literary art. Tradition, says that some one gave him sufficient money to attend a special course of lectures given by a rhetorician in mathematics, logic and ethics. For a time he followed the art of his father, but not with very mueh success. He was dissatisfied with this profession and at length abandoned it to devote all of his time to phi-losophy. However to live in Athens in the days of Socrates was an education in itself. He lived at the time of the confederacy of Delos, the great poet Pindar, and the three brilliant dramatists, Aeschyus, Sophocles and Euripides. It was the great age of Pericles. Athens was the intellectual-queen of the world. He saw the great development Athens was making. He was also conscious of the immorality and skepticism which was prevalent everywhere. Without a doubt as he contemplated and reflected. THE MERCURY J& upon the condition of his beloved' city, lie realized how great a mission he had to fulfill. During this period the Sophists, Pro-tagoras and Gorgias, lived and taught, and it is very likely that Socrates attacked them and argued with them in regard to the-principles they advocated and taught. The mind of Socrates, as his personal appearance, was unique. Kitchell says: "That his eyes projected like a crab's, his nos-trils were upturned like an ape's and his lips were thick." He was independent in his thought. In his conversation with men. he sought to find out the relation of things. His mind was keenly analytic. The principle that governed his teaching was "Know Thyself." • He had wonderful control over his body and mind. As Soc-rates so St Paul had this power as is illustrated in his letter to the Corinthians (i Cor., IX, 26, 27)—so fight i as not heating the air, but I buffet my body and bring it into bondage. His: remarkable fortitude was revealed in the military expedition to Potidaea in 432 B. C. At this time he was in the prime of life. The winter was severe and the food supplies were short and the soldiers suffered intensely. But Socrates went for days without food and went about very thinly clad and marched in his bare feet over the snow and ice. He also took part in the battle of' Delium, Amphipolis and Arguinsal. In these battles he exhibi-ted the same moral courage as at Potidea when he rescued Al-eibiades from the enemy at the peril of his own life. Of the home life of Socrates very little is known. Late in> life he married Xanthippe. Several sons were born to them. Xanthippe's fame as a common scold is proverbial. However, she had much to contend with. Socrates was very seldom at home and did not provide very well for the wants of his family. For days at a time and perhaps for weeks Xanthippe and her hungry children saw very little of Socrates. He was engaged and interested in nothing else than his great philosophic mis-sion. Tradition says that when the needs of the family became too apparent Socrates would make some piece of sculpture and sell it and give the proceeds to Xanthippe to provide for the famished household. Socrates' wants were few and he got the-necessaries of life wherever it was possible. It is very likely that his friend, admirer and pupil, Crito, did much toward sup-porting his family. Perhaps some of the cross things she may 14 THE MERCURY have said to Socrates may be overlooked. It is seen that Socra-tes was more interested in his work than in his home life, as many great men have been. He felt that he had not only a mission to carry out but that God had called him to do this particular line of work. Every-where he came in contact with men. He knew and understood human nature. He was ever ready to question men upon their knowledge of life. He was sincere in his convictions. He loved Athens but he pointed out the wrong views of life her citizens held. He was in the quest of truth and he was ready to learn from every source and he was always willing to impart truth to his hearers. He was practical. He wanted living con-trol with men of action and reflection. Thus he was different from the thought uttered by Wordsworth : "One impulse from a vernal wood May teach you more of man, Of moral evil and of good Than all the sages can." Socrates believed in the divinities which were wworshiped by the citizns of Athens. Every moyning lie offered prayer and sacrifice to the rising sun. He believed that the gods took an active part in the af-fairs of men. From his childhood he claimed to be guided by a voice. He obeyed that voice implicitly and he always listened to be guided by it. This voice he termed the Sai^oviov arj/xilov This voice revealed to him his mission as a philosopher. He be-lieved it to be the voce of God. He was guided by it only in regard to the future actions. Thus Fisher well says: "Socrates asserted the doctrine of theism, and taught and ex-emplified the spiritual nature of religion. It is true that he be-lieved in 'gods many and lords many.'" But he believed in one supreme, personal being, to whom the deepest reverence was to be paid. He taught the truth of a universal Providence. "He was persuaded," says Xenaphon, "that the gods watch over the actions and affairs of men in a way altogether different from what the vulgar imagined; for while -these limited their knowl-edge to some particulars only, Socrates, on the contrary, extend-ed it to all; firmly persuaded that every word, every action, nay THE MERCURY even our most retired deliberations, are open to this view; that they are everywhere present, and communicate to mankind all such knowledge as relates to the conduct of human life." He had only one prayer, that the gods would give him those things that were good of which they alone were the competent judges. \'o service is so acceptable to the Deity as that of a pure and pious soul. With Socrates a new era begins in philosophy. He knew his-, knowledge was limited and he knew how far to proceed and that made him the great man of his age. His influence and power over men was striking. His command was, "Follow me and thou shalt learn." Thus, as Socrates taught and questioned all with whom he came in contact, he started to get at the basic principle of all knowledge. He worked with concrete examples and although many of them were crude and simple, nevertheless they served his purpose. He studied the soul and strove for the improvement of man's moral nature. His method was entirely introspective. Xeno-phon tells us that he endeavored to have his pupils distinguish between "what was pious; what impious; what honorable; what base; what just; what unjust; what wisdom; what folly; what courage; what cowardice;" etc. i6 THE MERCURY SOLDIERLY QUALITIES. MAST HAT HIKES, '08. HOM of men do the people as individuals or as a nation love and revere so mueh while living or pay such honor to when dead as the true soldier ? To the . heart of the small boy in childhood the game which is perhaps the most delightful is that of "playing soldier," and when lie grows older lie reads with admiration of the brave lives of warriors and of the worthy deeds-of knights and, at school lias his taste of hero-worship. What makes the true soldier what he is, what are the qualities which distinguish him 'i If we were to paint our ideal soldier—ideal in every way— the picture would show a man tall, well-built, and impressive, of powerful strength, whose brow shows intellect, and whose eyes though keen are kind and glow with the light of a mighty and noble purpose. The lines in his tanned and weatherbeaten face which is alight with enthusiasm, reveal the strong determination and endurance of the one who overcomes. His whole appear-ance impresses us with his remarkable power in things physical, mental, and moral. He is physically perfect, and, mentally, he is a man of keen-sightedness and wise decision. However these physical and mental traits are not essential for the making of a true soldier. The qualities which are most distinguished as soldierly are the moral ones. One could lie one of the truest soldiers even though not physically or mentally gifted;'for after all the moral battles are the greatest tests. One of the first soldierly qualities to be brought into play is that of patriotism ; however, this must signify devotion to duty. The love of his country leads one to give up much, but not un-less it proves his duty, does the true soldier seek war. There is nothing shallow or fleeting about his patriotism. In the camp the true soldier is distinguished by his honorable-ness. His respect for the cause which is his goal is too great for him to forget himself and his duty. Everything must be con-ducive to the end which he seeks, at least not detrimental to it. The cause is worthy of his risking suffering and death, therefore it is worthy of an upright life. He is truthful and faithful to any trust; holding his honor dearer than his life. When hard- ? 1 i THE MERCURY >7 ships come he is patient and conquers himself so far as to stifle all complaints. He is unselfish, thinking always of others and considering their welfare before his own, even denying himself necessary food at times of short rations in order that another may have a better fare. When he goes to battle he faces the enemy with bravery, not that brute courage which is a "free gift of the gods," but that kind which is inspired by duty, which enables a man to approach the fire though his knees tremble so that he can hardly stand. He fights, not because he hates men, and enjoys felling them, one after another, but because his sense of duty compels him and makes him say with Luther: "Mere 1 stand, I cannot do other-wise." One of the essential characteristics of a soldier in battle is obedience to authority. He must learn to obey without question the one who has the right to command, and this obedience as well as everything else which he does must be prompt and accur-ate. This quality of promptness is, also, a very necessary thing for the soldier, for the delay of a few seconds has often been the cause of the destruction F much life and of heavy losses. The soldier is never at his best unless he has perfect confidence in his commander, for prompt obedience is like the power which naturally springs up under this as the warm spring sunshine.' The true soldier must be a hero doing great deeds if the oc-casion is offered, but doing them always'quietly, unostentatious-ly. He has been brave and he rejoices if he is permitted to go still farther and to give to duty a richer offering, an act of hero-ism. Xext I would mention two qualities whose names when read seem to stand for two extremes, enthusiasm and endurance; for the former seems so full of life and the latter so stolid, almost dead. However the former may impart life to the latter. En-durance is a very essential soldierly quality. Battles are often, indeed nearly always won through the endurance of the soldiers. Enthusiasm is the oil which makes the steady flame of endur-ance grow strong and last as well as excites new energy. The soldier's enthusiasm encourages his comrades to make greater and more effective efforts. Mercy has not generally been associated with the grim coun- THE MERCURY. tenance of Mars, but I believe that the true soldier is merciful. Since he is fighting against a bad cause, not against men, he must be as merciful as possible to his prisoner if he gets control of any, and, in the olden combats, honor forbade the one par-ticipant to strike the other while he was down. Dina Gibson represents in one of his pictures the characteris-tic of the present day soldier, who sits, whole and strong before a veteran of bygone days who had then been deprived of several limbs, recounting with evident relish tales of the terrors he has just experienced, the very recital of which .brings horror to the old man's face. This quality does not belong to the true soldier, as the picture may help to illustrate. A true soldier at home when he tells of the brave deeds of the war invariabty omits, his own share in the glory. The true soldier possesses the quality of modesty—he has done deeds which speak for themselves, he need not boast. So, I have given some of the qualities which are necessary for a true soldier to possess, the qualities which I consider most be-coming to a soldier, and in that sense soldierly. Especially would I emphasize those which may be found in the persons around iis who are fighters in silent battles of which the world seldom dreams. THE MERCURY 19 MY FIRST DAY AS TEACHER IN A COUNTRY SCHOOL. E. E. SNYDEH, '09. XE bright autumn morning, some few years ago, after receiving much good advice from my father and many admonitions from my mother, I set out to walk about five miles to a little country school house to spend my first day as a teacher. It was a beautiful autumn morning; the sun throwing its first firey gleams across a distant eastern mountain, the light of which danced and glimmered on the many colored leaves of the forest through which I passed; the rustling of the corn in the Held just beyond; the noisy chattering of the scolding squirrel; the frequent noisy flight of the quail and pheasant, were enough to arouse one to a more than ordinary interest in the life and beauty about him, but I saw them not, or heeded not, for my thoughts and fancies were all centered on that little white school house which I had never seen. 1 a 1 rived at the school house about 7.30 A. M. and at once began to sum up my duties and to speculate upon my chances for fame amid such surroundings. I found that the school house was situated in an old field partly covered with shrubby pines, locusts, and wild grape vines. It was about two miles to the borne of the nearest pupils and about half a mile from any traveled road. To a more experienced mind the impression would have been anything but favorable, but I was blind to everything unfavorable, and was well pleased with the surround-ings. Taking from my pocket a ring that contained four or five keys I immediately opened the door, and began to examine the in-terior of the school house. I found a room about twenty by thirty feet with one row of desks on each side, and a few others scattered promiscuously around. A slate blackboard ran across the room and immediately in front of this was the teacher's desk and chair. I at once directed my steps thither, sat down on the chair, made a careful survey of the entire room, and felt, for the first time the dignity and power of one in authority. About 8 A. M. the pupils began to arrive; I at once talked to them, and endeavored in every way possiblel to gain their re-spect and friendship. This was not hard to do; for there were 20 THE MERCURY only six of them and they were all bright, mischievous children, four hoys and two girls. When 9 o'clock arrived, we were already fast friends and our real work began. I rang a large bell, which was altogether un-necessary, and once more walked forward to the teacher's desk. After reading a chapter from the Bible 1 attempted to make my opening speech. It was a very brief one, and I was never able afterward to recall what 1 said; but I noticed that the pupils seemed to be getting restless and I thought I had better try some other means of instruction. Accordingly I unlocked a small book-case in one corner of the room and began to distri-bute the books. This, under ordinary circumstances, would have required but a short time; but we spent fully one hour at it, and, by the time we were done, it was time for recess period. After recess we began our class work and the remainder of the forenoon was spent in assigning lessons and arranging a pro-gram. The noon hour was spent gathering chestnuts from some large trees nearby. At 1 o'clock we returned to the school house eager for the afternoon's work. After a series of recita-tions, another recess period and then another period of recita-tions, we found it was time to dismiss, which was immediately done, and my first day's school was over. THE MERCURY OUR NATION'S DANGER. \. 1). SWANK, 1911. United States ! Thou land of lands ! Where once the savage Indian roved. Through forests dense, o'er desert sands, The rude primevial dweller moved. From this vast waste with Time's sure aid, By Culture's and Invention's hands A great republic, grand, was made! And year by year resourceful mines (live forth their rich, unstinted ore. Our fields, our woods of oak and pines, All yield to us their plenteous store ! Our land extends from sea to sea, With plain, broad vale, high hill, rich field, We hold fair isles by us set free, A land which seals and gold doth yield ! Material wealth, abundant ours! But heed ! Success may be a bane, Unless man's soul be pure as flowers And he from guile and greed abstain. Anon comes some calamity, And man is moved by conscious dread, Lest, lacking fellow-amity, Just chast'ning fall upon his head. Take warning from the earthquake's force,. The flood, the dread volcano's fire, That men below have no recourse, ", And cannot flee their Maker's ire. 21 Beware ! Great land, lest thou some day Shouldst sink before material glare, And should'st to gold thy homage pay,, Unlieedful how thy Soul doth fare. Keep us from greed, 0 God, we pray, Let mammon not our actoins sway \ 22 THE MERCURY A VISIT TO SING SING. BY .1908. FEW years ago I had occasion to visit Osining and had an opportunity of visiting Sing Sing Prison. It is unique in more respects than one. Thirteen hundred men breakfast and dine together "in the mess hall, the largest eating room in New York state. The prison workshops turn ont the refuse cans and ash i arts used by the Street Clean-ing; Department of New York City. The mats at the entrance to the Capitol and State House at Albany are made by the pris-oners, and they manufacture the uniforms worn by the officials of the various state institutions. The workshops are hives of industry. They supply every-thing the men wear, from the caps on their heads to the shoes on their feet. 'Hie sheets they sleep on and the quilts that cover them come from the hosiery department. They make the towels that dry their hands and the brooms that sweep the prison floors, Cratches, wardrobes and typewriter desks are manufactur-ed in the cabinet department. The bread they eat, their soup, meat, potatoes and coffee are prepared by prisoners assigned to kitchen duty. Even the classes1 in school are taught by men ce-lected through the head teachers. A chosen few edit and print the prison paper, Star of Hope. The txtiipation of a new prisoner is recorded in the warden's office. He is then assigned to the department in which his tal-ents will be best employed. It is no easy matter for the warden to determine where he shall utilize some of the new-comers. Suppose a trapeze performer or a manufacturer of fireworks should come to the prison. Are they fitted for the mat depart-ment ? What shall be done with a theatrical agent, a coal dealer and an architect ? These are some of the problems that the warden must solve. Places must also be found for letter tamers, hankers, journalists, art dealers, physicians, railroad conductors, insurance agents, musicians, silk merchants, police-men, nurses, messengers, florists, stenographers and grocers. If the new arrival is without a trade or profession he may ehoose his work. The, most popular departments are the knit-ting and hesiery and ihat where the mats arc made. Two Iron- THE MERCURY. 23 dred and thirty-two men are employed in these departments, or nearly a third of the entire number at wort in the different shops. In the mat department the beginner is set at work braiding the rope. The men are seated on chairs and stools, they are in their shirt sleeves, and soon learn to make good head-way. They tie the ends of the ropes to pegs on the wall while the loose mass falls to the floor nea"rby. With a dexterious twist of the hand they braid the rope in a heavy coil, winding it on a piece of wood. The coil goes to another branch of the department and here it is woven over frames into its final form. Bristle mats are also manufactured. The men are seated before upright frames and weave the rope back and forth into the compact form in which the mats are sold. Thousands arc dis-posed each year to the various public buildings throughout the state. One of the most interesting shops is that where the shoes are made. There are eighty-two men in the various sections of the department and they turn out better boots and shoes than are sold in the cities. One set of men makes lasts, while another cuts the leather into shape. In the sewing room the second stage is gone through withjthe men are seated on theeir benches and work as cheerily as if they were in a factory. The room is com-fortably heated and no one wears his coat during working hours. A pleasant effect is gained.by the sunlight which streams in through the windows, lighting np the large room. It has a cheerful influence on the men as they talk and work. Upstairs in the polishing department the shoes receive their final touch, and are then placed in the stock room. The enormous total of 25,000 pairs of shoes, slippers, and boots indicates the fine show-ing of that branch in one year. The clothing department is the noisiest of all the shops. Great piles of clothing are scattered on the tables up and down the room. The material is cut, hemmed and sewn in the'most skillful manner. In another room the hand sewing is carried on. Caps and overcoats are made in addition to suits. The men do all the work, from the handling of the raw bolt of cloth until the finished product is ready. Their own clothing is gray, without stripes if they are serving their first term. Two stripes-close together indicate "second term" men ;three stripes show 24 THE MERCURY. that the prisoner has been in jail twice before. A red bar on the sleeve means that its wearer has one year of good behavior to his credit. Additional bars are added while the mam's record is satisfactory until the fifth year, when he gets a star. That is a mark of confidence, and he gets many privileges which are not granted to those who have disregarded the rufes. He may buy extra tobacco, cigars and the daily pa-pers. Two or three stars are Seen on some of the prisoners sleeves, and the scheme is carried out to the termination of the sentence. More than ordinary interest attaches to the mattress depart-ment. It is in this branch of the prison that a noted convict is at work. He is serving out his life sentence by keeping the books of the shop. He also keeps track of the output of the sash and door department. An allied indiistry is that where the wood carving is carried on. Beautiful examples of what the men have done in that line are shown in the warden's office. Few are aware that there is a prison newspaper, which is en-tirely the product of the inmates. They do all the work inci-dental to the writing of the matter, setting the type and print-ing the paper. There is modem machinery and every facility in tire way of presses and type. It is fittingly named the "Star of Hope," and is a-means of intellectual improvement to a great, many men. They readily admit, it is said, that they have been helped and trained by their efforts to supply contributions,- some of which are particularly interesting. General news items occupy the remainder of the pages. The cleanliness of the kitchen would delight any housewife: The utensils, tables, and floors are as neat as wax. The im-mense ovens are in the rear and in another part of the great kitchen is a long cooking apparatus, with large boiler shaped vessels for making coffee and ovens for roasting meats and po-tatoes. It is no small task to prepare food for 1300 men, and the kitchen force is one of thee largest and most efficient in the prison. For the morning and midday meals the men are marched from their cells and workshops in companies, to the large mess hall. Every one faces in one direction. Fun and laughter is the order cf the meal, and there is no disposition on the part of THE MERCURY. 25 the guards to interfere unduly with the men. The evening meal is at half-past four, immediately after which thee men are lock-ed in their cells. In addition to the plain and wholesome food of the prison, dainties, such as fruit and pastry, are allowed to the trusted inmeates. Their friends may send these in or permission is given them to buy outside the prison walls. On Sunday all work is suspended. At half-past eight the men assemble in the chapel for devotional services. There is a first rate volunteer choir and addresses are made by the chap-lain and visitors. Even the small pipe organ which is used in chapel was made by one of the prisoners and is played by him. It is not an easy matter for a prisoner to escape from Sing Sing Prison for it is well guarded on all sides. The prison is situated on the very edge of the Hudson River which forms a very strong natural hindrance to those who wish to escape in that way. In addition to this there are guard houses on every side of the prison and at each' corner and even visitors are chal-lenged by the guards. A visit to Sing Sing Prison is both interesting and instruct-ive. I write this brief article with the intention of giving you some idea of the way in which the state prisoners are treated. 26 THE MERCURY. SCHEDULED TIME. S. FRANK SNYDEK, '09. BEEMAN HUNT has said, "The best laid plans, the most important affairs, the fortunes of individuals, the weal of nations, honor, and life itself are daily sacrificed because somebody is behind time." The question of time is one of the greatest importance to eacli individual, because our success in life largely depends upon what use we make of the golden moments that have been en-trusted to us. And the question is only to be decided once, as time that is lost cannot be recalled and invested in some other way, but once spent means forever. In this day of competition in every department of life, he who is not upon the scene of action at the scheduled hour has very little chance for success. The merchant who is careless about opening his store at the proper hour in the morning will lose custom. The manufacturer who promises to have a piece of work done for a customer at a certain time and then fails to have it at the time promised must suffer the loss of the custo-mer's confidence and possibly his patronage. To draw an ex-ample of the same principle from our college life, if the profes-sor comes to class more than five minutes after the clock strikes he is almost sure to fail to teach that hour. On the other hand the teachers insist that the students come promptly to each reci-tation at the scheduled hour for at least two reasons: 1st, If the recitation is to be conducted successfully, each member of the class must be present and the work commenced at once. The student that comes in late loses a part of the recitation and also disturbs the class. 2nd, The man who will'be successful in the larger school of life must learn to meet each engagement at the appointed hour. In college is the place to acquire this habit which will contribute so much to success. The successful business man carefully estimates the gain on each dollar that he has invested, so we should carefully estimate the gain that we receive from each hour of invested time. As we study the lives of those men whose names are written high amo^g the heroes of the cr-4!\ wc fr.d *hat b- making the most of time they have been enabled to reach such high attainments. THE MERCURY. 27 Abraham Lincoln by using each golden minute of his early life to an advantage acquired the power of body and mind which enabled him to stand at the head of a great nation and lead it successfully through the dark hours of war. A student being asked by a friend why he did not read more good literature replied, "I have not time." Said his friend, "You have all the time there is." Time is given to everyone alike. But why do some students seem to have time for all kinds of work: athletics, literary society, Y. M. C. A., etc., while others have not. Longfellow explained it when he wrote: "The heights of great men reached and kept Were not attained by sudden flight. But they while their companions slept Were toiling upward in the night." .Some time ago in one of the western cities a man was seen niching down a street at break-neck speed trying to catch a train. You may ask the question did he get there in time. The answer is no. Then you may ask why, was he not going fast enough. And the answer is yes, he was going fast enough, but lie did not start in time. Is this not the frequent experience of everyone? Often when we are rushed with our work, is not the real trouble due to the fact that we have not started in time? The men who have accomplished the most in their lives are they who have recognized the importance of the present, the great principle of the now. It is not for us to worry about the failures of the past or be apprehensive about the future; but get right into the line of duty and fill our place in.life faith-fully day by day. I K E HE RCU RV Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER 1907 No. 5 Editor in-Chief EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Exchange Editor ROBERT W. MICHAEL, '08 Business Manager HENRY M. BOWER, '08 Ass't Bus. Managers LESLIE L. TAYLOR, '09 CHARLES L. KOPP, '09 Assistant Editor MARKLEY C. ALBRIGHT, '08 Associate Editors PAUL E. BLOOMHART, '09 E. E. SNYDER, '09 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF: J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance : single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending THE MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contri-bute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be. addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. Another school year GREETING lms very favorable and promising conditions. To the student body, more especially the new men, the MERCUEY extends its most hearty gjeetings and best wishes. Those of us who have been at school for sonic time can appreciate what great oppor-tunities we have had. Some of us, no doubt, all of us, will have to say, but with regret, tbatwe THE MERCURY. 29 have not used them to the greatest advantage. To some, the college course has meant more than to others simply because those who have received the greatest benefit have been those who have applied themselves most. Let us say at this point to the new men that college is going to mean to them just as much as they make it mean. The whole question rests with each indi-vidual. This observation has been made before, but in our estimation, we feel that it may he used again to advantage. Every man who has the idea that he will receive an education by merely going to college is mistaken. It is true he will receive something that he may call an education bnt the term will have to be considered in a very narrow sense. Anyone with any amount of training will realize that knoyledge is infinite. Let each one of us take an introspective view and see how much we know compared to what it is possible to know. We can think of no suitable comparison. To say it is like a drop of water compared to the ocean is putting it mildly. Realizing that diligent application is going to mean much in our education let us all put forth our best efforts for an excellent training. THE BEGINNING No longer riUI we> tue members of the class OF THE END of 1908, anticipate another year in college; no longer can we rely upon next year to accomplish what we have failed to accomplish during the present year. A few years since we entered these halls with the ambition to do our work well, but the most of us have worked along unconcernedly, car-ing foi the present only, paying but little attention to the past and letting the future take care of itself. But now we are facing the stern realization that we have entered upon the be-ginning of the end of our college careers. There remains but one short year in which to complete our college education. Now is the time to take a retrospective view into the golden past and compare it with the future which, before seemed dim and distant, now looms up before us as something near at hand to be reached only too soon. It has been wisely and justly said that the Senior in college is one who knows and knows that he knows. Above all he should know himself; know wherein he has failed and in what respects his education has been neglected. Let each individual member of the class learn what phase of 3° THE MERCURY. his education he lias slighted and at once make strenuous efforts to accomplish the desired results. Our last year at college is here with a great opportunity. Let us seize upon this opportu-nity with all the vigor and energy that we command. Let us make the last lap "the embodiment of dash and vigor." Com-mencement will soon he a matter of history. Then, shall we recall our college days with a spirit of regret or shall we '-dwell upon memories" of faithfulness and sincerity in our college duties ? Let it be said of noone that he is a college man in name only, and little deserving of the title. THE MERCURY. EXCHANGES. 3i ITH the opening of college we have j>repared our desk to welcome the first numbers of our old friends,"The Exchanges." We hope also to receive many new ones. And we ask all to help us in making our pa-per by their criticisms, and that our criticisms of other papers may be received as they are intended for the benefit of the paper and writer. Hoping to hear from all our old "Exchanges" and new ones, we wish you all a successful year. The new cover of "The College Student" makes a big im-provement and also the arrangement of the material add to it. "Nemesis," of the October number, is a well written article and shows much thought and preparation. The poem entitled "The Picture," in the October number of the "Augustana Observer" is a well written article. * * * * We have received several others which are making a good start, among them are the "Otterbein Aegis," "Drury Mirror," "Sta teCollegian," "Dickinsonian" and "Crimson and White." PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Fl/fOTTt/^E Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. - Telephone No. 97. X3I. ZB_ ZE3er3.a.er, 37 HalHmort St., : : : : : : Gttlyhnrg; I'a THE WINDSOR HOTEL 1217-2 FILBERT ST., PHILADELPHIA. HEADQUARTERS FOR STUDENTS. THOROUGHLY RENOVATED, REFURNISHED, AND REMODELED. FRANK M SCHEIBLEY, Manager. Graduate of Lafayette College 1898- I). A. I«ii|>p" L. E. Eiiterline. THE "R k E" STORE 36 Baltimore Street, PT'TTV^T^TTP Cr PA Next Citizens'Trust Company, WJll 1 1 I WC U *UU, lA. SUNDAY SCHOOL LESSON HELPS AND SUPPLIES, P. ANSTADT & SONS, Publishers, Book and Job Printing of all Kinds Write for Prices YORK, PA. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. THE BEST PEN FOR COLLEGE MEN There's no pen that gives such all-round satisfaction as Conklin's Self-Filling Fountain Pen. It's the best pen for College Men. When an ordinary fountain pen runs dry in the middle of a word, it means you've got to stop right there, hunt up a rubber squirt gun, fill ycur pen to overflowing, clean both pen and dropper, wash your hands, and then endeavor as best you can to collect your lost train of thought. It's different with CONKLIN'S .SSSb FOUNTAIN PEN "THE PEN WITH THE CRESCENT-FILLER" To fill, just dip it in any ink, press the Crescent-Filler, and the Conklin is filled and ready to write instantly. You can't over-fill it Hence no inky fingers, no loss of time, no ruffled temper. The feed of the Conklin is No waiting for ink to come—no jerking—no slips, balks or blots. Leading dealers handle the Conklin. If yours does not, order direct. Look for the Crescent-Filler and refuse substitutes. Prices, $3.00 and up. Send at once for handsome new catalog. THE CONKLIN PEN CO., 310 Manhattan Building Toledo, Ohio. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS EMIL ZOTHE COL^G S!EM3 ENGRAVER, DESIGNER, AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER 722 Chestnut St, Phila. SPECIALTIES : MASONIC MARKS, SOCIETY BADGES, COLLEGE BUTTONS, PINS, SCARF PINS, STICK PINS AND ATHLETIC PRIZES. All Goods trdered through G. F. Kieffer, CHARLES S. MUMRER, iu:.n.i:n IJV TTTTT? TTTTTTT? T j. H- 8°Hep, 115 Baltimore St., near C urt House GOOD WORK GUARANTEED. —IS— Your Photographer ? If not, why not? 41 BALTIMORE ST., GETTYSBURG, PA. 8EFT0N i FLEMMING'S LIVERY, Baltimore Street, First Square, Gettysburg, Pa. Competent Guides tor all parts of the Battlefield. Arrange-ments toy telegram or letter. Lock Box 257. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Most Popular College Sc>ngs A welcome gift in any borne. The Most Popular College Songs % .50 50 New College Songs - .'.0 Songs of ALL the Colleges 1.50 Songs ofthe WESTERN Colleges 1.25 Songs ofthe EASTERN Colleges l.Si SCHOOL Songs with COLLEGE Flavor - .!0 Songs ofthe Flag and Nation - .50 100 New Kindergarten Songs . - - New Songs for College Glee Clubs 1.00 -!C New Songs for Male Quartets - .50 Songs of the University of Pennsylvania 1.5ti Songs of the University of Michigan - 1.S5 Songs of Washington and Jefferson College - l.ar. Songs of Haverford College - 1.26 New Songs and Anthems tor Church Quartets, {Eleven Numbers) each .10 to .30 HINDS, NOBLE & ELDREDGE, Publ shcrs 31 -33 35 West 15th St. New York City COMPILER IMPRINT ON JOB WORK MEANS TASTY WORK CAREFULLY DONE. MENU CARDS. WINDOW POSTERS. DANCE CARDS-LETTER HEADS, ENVELOPES, TICKETS, Programs of all kinds. Hverythirtg the College Man wants in •-•aper and Ink. Specially designed work. Latest Effects in Paper, done in Colors along lines of College Men's Associations. Catalog and Book work. The Gettysburg Compiler will keep old and new students in touch with town and college life. L
