Suchergebnisse

Se investigó la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas con el propósito de determinar los criterios que fundamentan la aplicación de un nuevo modelo de responsabilidad penal de las Personas Jurídicas en el Derecho Penal Peruano. La investigación se inició con el planteamiento del problema de investigación: ¿Cuáles son los criterios que fundamentan la aplicación de un nuevo modelo de responsabilidad penal de las Personas Jurídicas en el Derecho Penal Peruano?, formulándose como Hipótesis respuesta la siguiente: Los criterios normativos de acción, imputación y culpabilidad empresarial, así como el principio de autorresponsabilidad, fundamentan la aplicación de un nuevo modelo de responsabilidad penal directa de corte mixto para las Personas Jurídicas en el Derecho Penal Peruano. Para la obtención de la información, que lleve a la verificación de la Hipótesis, se trabajó con una muestra poblacional constituida por 03 sentencias relevantes expedidas por la Corte Suprema y Tribunal Constitucional en el ámbito nacional, relacionadas con las personas jurídicas; así como por 03 sentencias de la Jurisprudencia comparada; asimismo, la información fue complementada con la legislación y las posiciones doctrinarias sobre la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas, así como por 60 abogados penalistas de Trujillo que fueron encuestados para recabar sus opiniones respecto a la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas. Se utilizaron las técnicas de la observación, análisis documental; y la encuesta, con sus respectivos instrumentos de recolección de datos. La información obtenida de la muestra de estudio fue organizada y presentada en tablas de frecuencia, y para su discusión se utilizaron los métodos inductivo-deductivos, análisis-síntesis, comparativo, histórico y hermenéutico. En los resultados se presentaron los criterios que fundamentan la aplicación de un nuevo modelo de responsabilidad penal de la persona jurídica y las Teorías que sustentan su Naturaleza Jurídica en la Dogmática Penal; así como de la Jurisprudencia de la Corte Suprema, Tribunal Constitucional y comparada sobre la responsabilidad penal y derechos de la Persona Jurídica, complementada con la opinión especializada de los abogados penalistas, que en su mayoría estuvieron de acuerdo sobre una regulación más allá de la responsabilidad administrativa de las personas jurídicas. Se concluyó que: el sistema de responsabilidad individual con criterios dogmáticos tradicionales de acción y culpabilidad es insuficiente para solucionar los problemas de imputación correspondiente a la macrocriminalidad, por la misma complejidad de ésta; por tanto, los criterios que fundamentan la aplicación de un nuevo modelo de imputación penal a las Personas Jurídicas en el Derecho Penal Peruano lo constituyen: Los criterios normativos de acción, imputación y culpabilidad empresarial, así como el principio de autorresponsabilidad, que fundamentan la aplicación de un nuevo modelo de responsabilidad penal directa de corte mixto para las Personas Jurídicas en el Derecho Penal Peruano; creando un modelo de imputación propio para las personas jurídicas a fin de poder punir las conductas delictuales que cometan y regulando taxativamente en la legislación penal los delitos que pueden cometer las personas jurídicas, así como las penas a aplicarse para las mismas. ; The criminal responsibility of legal persons was investigated with the purpose of determining the criteria that base the application of a new model of criminal responsibility of Legal Persons in Peruvian Criminal Law. The research began with the statement of the research problem: What are the criteria that support the application of a new model of criminal responsibility of Legal Persons in Peruvian Criminal Law?, Formulating the following response Hypothesis: The normative criteria of action, accusation and corporate culpability, as well as the principle of self-responsibility, support the application of a new model of direct criminal responsibility of a mixed court for Legal Persons in Peruvian Criminal Law. To obtain the information, which leads to the verification of the Hypothesis, we worked with a population sample made up of 03 relevant judgments issued by the Supreme Court and Constitutional Court at the national level, related to legal entities; as well as by 03 judgments of comparative jurisprudence; Likewise, the information was complemented with the legislation and doctrinal positions on the criminal liability of legal persons, as well as by 60 criminal lawyers from Trujillo who were surveyed to obtain their opinions regarding the criminal liability of legal persons. Observation, documentary analysis techniques were used; and the survey, with its respective data collection instruments. The information obtained from the study sample was organized and presented in frequency tables, and inductive-deductive, analysis-synthesis, comparative, historical and hermeneutical methods were used for discussion. The results presented the criteria that support the application of a new model of criminal responsibility of the legal person and the Theories that support its Legal Nature in Criminal Dogmatic; as well as the Jurisprudence of the Supreme Court, Constitutional and Comparative Court on criminal responsibility and the rights of the Legal Person, complemented with the specialized opinion of criminal lawyers, who mostly agreed on a regulation beyond liability administrative of legal persons. It was concluded that: the individual responsibility system with traditional dogmatic criteria of action and guilt is insufficient to solve the problems of imputation corresponding to macro-criminality, due to the complexity of the latter; Therefore, the criteria that base the application of a new model of criminal imputation to Legal Persons in Peruvian Criminal Law are: The normative criteria of action, indictment and corporate culpability, as well as the principle of self-responsibility, which base the application of a new model of direct criminal responsibility of a mixed court for Legal Persons in Peruvian Criminal Law; creating a proper imputation model for legal persons in order to be able to punish the criminal behaviors they commit and exhaustively regulating in criminal legislation the crimes that legal persons may commit, as well as the penalties to be applied for them.

La Tesi in oggetto tratta della storia di Puerto Rico, colonia spagnola nelle Antille per circa 400 anni, poi possedimento statunitense dal trattato di pace firmato a Parigi nel dicembre del 1898, come conseguenza della guerra Ispano Cubano Americana. Detto questo, mi sono voluto focalizzare sugli anni che precedettero di poco la guerra, che portò alla Spagna la perdita delle ultime colonie, e di quelli immediatamente successivi, in cui si instaurò un Governatorato Militare e poi Civile sotto l'egida degli Stati Uniti. La scelta del periodo suddetto è stata fatta perché ho ritenuto che quegli anni avessero fatto da matrice a ciò che Puerto Rico è stato per molti anni (e per certi versi ancora ora è): un paese in cerca di una identità. Dai documenti archivistici consultati, l'ultimo periodo spagnolo è vissuto dalla potenza coloniale come una lunga ed inesorabile attesa verso una fine drammatica. Mi sono focalizzato molto sui documenti che trattavano le relazioni fra il Governo di Madrid, e del Ministero deputato alle colonie, Ultramar, e quello di Puerto Rico, proprio per cercare di capire come vivessero gli amministratori, i governanti, quegli anni per loro niente affatto facili. Ho completato quei documenti con altri di provenienza opposta, ossia statunitense, prodotti dal rappresentante americano sull'isola, il Console, che davano una visione più ampia e completa del periodo in esame. Visione ulteriormente allargata grazie anche a fonti esterne ai due stati come quelle a stampa. Stampa che ha giocato un ruolo, almeno nel caso dello scoppio della guerra, per nulla secondario. Da altri documenti archivistici, di stampo militare soprattutto, ho anche voluto soffermarmi su alcuni momenti della guerra che mi sono serviti a capire il grande divario che c'era fra le due forze in campo. Altro punto, e periodo, approfondito è quello immediatamente successivo alla firma dell'armistizio che avrebbe portato al Trattato di Pace fra le due potenze, perché il brusco cambio di potere, intervallato da una sorta di vacatio imperii dovuta alla evacuazione dell'isola da parte spagnola e l'impossessamento della stessa da parte statunitense, ha portato ad un periodo di criminalità e violenza mai sperimentati a Puerto Rico fino ad allora. Altro lasso di tempo topico preso in esame è quello in cui dal Governatorato Militare si passa a quello Civile attraverso una Legge Organica emanata da Washington, passata alla storia come Legge Foraker. E' quello il periodo in cui il colonialismo di stampo americano inizia ad estrinsecarsi maggiormente e a compiere più alacri sforzi ai fini della "americanizzazione" di Puerto Rico. Da quanto detto finora, le domande che mi sono posto, e a cui ho cercato di dare una risposta, sono state: Come si viveva dal punto di vista amministrativo e politico, e di conseguenza anche sociale, a Puerto Rico negli ultimi anni di dominio spagnolo? Come è avvenuto il passaggio di consegne fra le due potenze e cosa ha immediatamente prodotto? Come gli statunitensi hanno agito nei primi anni di Governatorato Civile e cosa hanno lasciato in eredità? In tutto ciò, il filone storiografico a cui mi sono accodato è quello di stampo portoricano e poi statunitense ( non esistendone in Italia uno al riguardo), con come storico di maggiore riferimento il portoricano Fernando Picò. ; The thesis in question is about the history of Puerto Rico, the Spanish colony in the West Indies for 400 years, then the property of the US by the treaty of peace signed in Paris in December 1898, as a result of the Hispanic Cuban American war. That said, I wanted to focus on the years leading up to the war, which led to the loss of the last Spanish colonies, and those immediately following, in which is established a Military Government and then the Civil under the aegis of the United States.The choice of that period has been taken because I thought that those years had been like a matrix for what Puerto Rico has been for long years (and still is, in some ways): a country looking for an identity. From the archive documents that I've consulted, the last period of Spanish rule is lived by the colonial power as a long and inexorable waiting for a dramatic end. I have been focused on documents about the relationships among Madrid Govern, Ministerio de Ultramar and Puerto Rico Govern, to try to understand the way the administrators lived those not easy years. I've completed those documents with others from the opposite side, the USA one, made by the American representative on the island, the Consul, that gave a larger point of view of the period in exam. The view has been even wider thanks to external sources of the two states as the press ones. The press that played a big role, at least in the case of the war, second to none. The documents of military archives helped me to understand the differences on the playground battle. One more period of interest has been the one about the armistice and the days after, until the treaty of peace signed in Paris, when there was a sort of vacation imperii done because of the evacuation of the island by the Spaniards and the taken by the USA that leaded to a period of high criminality and violence never seen in Puerto Rico. Another topic period was the passage from a Military Government to a Civil one, thanks to the Organic Law called Foraker. That was the period when the usa colonialism begins to exteriorize more to make greatest effort for the Americanization of Puerto Rico. With that said, the question I've made to myself, which I've tried to answer, have been: How was the political, administrative and social life in Puerto Rico before the war under the Spanish rule? How has been the passage between the two powers and what immediately has done? How the USA governs acted in the early years of Civil Government and what they left as legacy? With that said, the genre of historiography which I agreed is the Portorican and American one (not having one italian), as leading historians Fernando Picò and Maria Dolores Luque de Sanchez. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia dell'Europa XIV-XX secolo (XXVIII ciclo)

La vivienda social, el problema del asentamiento de las clases menos favorecidas a precios razonables y adecuados a la demanda, ha planeado sobre el mundo desde finales del siglo XIX. El problema de la vivienda en América Latina es un hecho tangible de rápida constatación nada más echar un vistazo a las planificaciones urbanas de las principales ciudades del subcontinente, mientras que las soluciones políticas a ésta coyuntura han sido variadas. No podemos olvidar las constantes convulsiones gubernamentales vividas por la práctica totalidad de los países conformantes de esa comunidad, historia violenta las más veces, que ha dado lugar a una extensa cronología de regímenes populistas, que en muchos casos han utilizado la vivienda como reclamo para obtener los suficientes apoyos sociales a su gestión. Como siempre, las tendencias oficiales de la arquitectura iban por otros caminos, refinados y cultos, deseosos de asegurarse una identidad estética cercana a la europea, pero alejada de la España colonial. Pero el hecho obrero, menos cercano, es tratado con unas realidades arquitectónicas más empobrecidas, aprisionado como estaba entre la necesidad social y la rentabilidad política. Pese a todo, la profusión constructiva es notable, hasta las graves crisis económicas acaecidas en países que durante los años 40 y 50 del siglo XX alardeaban de poseer a los más importantes multimillonarios del planeta. Una crisis que dio lugar a una extensa bibliografía de carácter económico, social y político, y que se ha evidenciado en un creciente aumento de la pobreza absoluta, la más generalizada corrupción, y el abandono de las políticas constructivas de antaño. Sin embargo, los regímenes dictatoriales del continente no dejarán en ningún momento de luchar por granjearse el apoyo, y de paso el silencio, de las clases menos favorecidas, y campañas a veces ficticias de alojamiento surcarán las ciudades principales. El ejemplo que exponemos a continuación es novedoso, dado que se trata de afianzar por medio de la construcción de viviendas sociales una ingente reorganización territorial que dará a Chile una conformación administrativa moderna, casi federal, ligada a otros arquetipos estatales convencionales. Además, se produce a partir de la discusión entre dos sistemas de poder antagónicos: la dictadura pinochetista y la cada vez más afianzada democracia liberal. De todas las formas, no tratamos de demonizar desde el hecho arquitectónico un régimen como la dictadura de Pinochet, que nos parece a todas luces execrable, dado que su intervención en materia de viviendas para los menos favorecidos no fue ni diferente ni novedosa con respecto al de otros países cercanos, ni mucho menos con respecto a otros sistemas autoritarios. Tampoco los períodos de democracia han sabido dar una respuesta al asunto; y la actual tendencia a relacionarlo con procesos políticos de mayor envergadura, se vienen abajo, finalmente, por la apatía técnica y la teorización intelectualizada que no obtiene respuesta práctica. Por ello, una vez más, la vivienda social queda en medio de intereses más partidistas que generales, y cae, como tantas otras veces, en la manipulación informativa. ; Social housing, the problem of the settlement of the less favored classes at reasonable prices and adequate to the demand, has planned on the world since the end of the XIXth century. The problem of housing in Latin America is a tangible fact of rapid verification as soon as one takes a look at the urban planning of the main cities of the subcontinent, while the political solutions to this situation have been varied. We cannot forget the constant government convulsions experienced by practically all the countries, violent history the most times, which has led to an extensive chronology of populist regimes, which in many cases have used housing as a claim to obtain enough social support for its management. As always, the official trends of architecture went by other ways, refined and cultured, eager to ensure an aesthetic identity close to European, but far from colonial Spain. But the worker fact, less close, is treated with more impoverished architectural realities, imprisoned as it was between social necessity and political profitability. Despite everything, the constructive profusion is remarkable, until the serious economic crises happened in countries that during the forties and fifties of the XXth century boasted of possessing the most important billionaires of the planet. A crisis that gave rise to an extensive bibliography of economic, social and political character, and that has been evidenced in a growing increase in absolute poverty, the most widespread corruption, and the abandonment of the constructive policies of yesteryear. However, the dictatorial regimes of the continent will not stop at any moment to fight for the support, and in passing the silence, of the less favored classes, and sometimes fictitious housing campaigns will cross the main cities. The example that we now expose is new, given that it is about consolidating through the construction of social housing an enormous territorial reorganization that will give Chile a modern, almost federal, administrative conformation, linked to other conventional state archetypes. In addition, it is produced from the discussion between two antagonistic systems of power: Pinochet dictatorship and the increasingly supported liberal democracy. Of all the forms, we do not try to demonize from the architectonic fact a regime like the dictatorship of Pinochet, that seems to us all execrable, given that its intervention in matter of housings for the less favored ones was neither different nor new with respect to other nearby countries, much less with respect to other authoritarian systems. The periods of democracy have not been able to give an answer to the matter too; and the current tendency to relate it to larger political processes, finally collapses due to technical apathy and intellectualized theorization that doesn't obtain a practical response. Therefore, once again, social housing is in the midst of interests more partisan than general, and falls, as so many other times, in the manipulation of information. ; peerReviewed

In response to harsh criticisms from Congress after the publication of the so-called "torture memos", the CIA released records showing that senior members of the House and Senate had been briefed about the use of Enhanced Interrogation Techniques (EITs), including water- boarding, used on detainees suspected of terrorism since early 2002. Then a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, current Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi was among those briefed. Because she is also at the head of the effort to establish a Truth Commission to investigate the legality of such practices, she has specifically been targeted by Republicans who contend that she is complicit of the same torture practices that she has so vehemently denounced. Karl Rove, former senior advisor to President George W. Bush, summarized these attacks in a May 14th article on the Wall Street Journal:"If Mrs. Pelosi considers the enhanced interrogation techniques to be torture, didn't she have a responsibility to complain at the time, introduce legislation to end the practices or attempt to deny funding for the CIA' use of them? If she knew what was going on and did nothing, does that make her an accessory to a crime of torture, as many Democrats are calling enhanced interrogation?"Never one to shy off from a good fight, the Speaker has mounted a campaign on the issue that has escalated the controversy and brought her into direct conflict with fellow Democrat Leon Panetta, present Director of the CIA. Upon reviewing the contemporaneous CIA records, he publicly disputed her account. After a few missteps on when and what exactly she was briefed on, Pelosi has now acknowledged that she knew about the use of water-boarding by early 2003 but did not speak out because she was bound by secrecy rules. She adds that she came to the realization that the only way to challenge those practices was to win control of Congress and the White House. "It was clear that we had to change the leadership in Congress and the White House. That was my job- the Congress part- and we won." In Washington, arguments about the past are always also about shaping the future and this case is no different. With their view already directed to the 2010 congressional elections and a national approval rate of only 21%, Republicans are seizing this opportunity to weaken the power of the first woman Speaker, the third person in the line of command for the Presidency of the United States and, arguably, one of the most powerful House leaders ever. The central issue is the recognition that the use of torture by the CIA and others on behalf of the United States government is illegal under international and national statutes, and the commitment by the new administration to absolutely ban those practices hereon. Out of favor and out of ideas, Republicans requested release of those briefings as a distraction from their own travails. But Pelosi bears part of the blame by her own actions. Ignoring President Obama's recommendation of "reflection but not retribution" in response to the torture memos, Pelosi took up with vigor and determination the call for a Truth Commission to investigate crimes by the Bush administration, an investigation that may lead to indictments of former White House officials.Once it became apparent that she had indeed been briefed by the CIA about those interrogation techniques, she accused the agency of having misled her, thereby escalating the feud. This put her at odds with fellow Democrat Leon Panetta, and afforded Republicans the opportunity to mount a serious attack on her person, undermining her own power to pursue with her usual diligence the transformative legislative agenda proposed by President Obama. Her unfortunate, disjointed performance during the press conference on May 14th , and her decision to escalate her accusations against the CIA made her look vulnerable, weak and less credible, perhaps even tragically flawed. As the controversy unfolds, Obama himself has remained aloof, at least in public, clearly not wanting to spend any political capital on this unwanted controversy, and at the same time keenly aware that he will need Pelosi's effective leadership for the upcoming battles with Congress on energy and health care reform. On the other hand, there must be a lot of frustration on his part, if we consider that the President himself had taken great pains not to alienate the CIA on this issue, personally visiting the agency a few weeks ago to explain his decision to publish the torture memos and to boost the agency's low morale. The fact that Leon Panetta publicly contradicted Pelosi's account and that, as CIA director, he responds directly to the Executive, gives us a hint of where the President stands on this altercation.However, to some extent this is just a storm in a teacup that some want to turn into a tsunami for their own political purposes. We again need to be reminded of the context in which those practices and the subsequent briefings took place: after 9/11, the frame of mind was conducive to excesses in proportion to the horrific event itself. Democrats were not prepared to take Bush on politically, because they did not want to stand in the way of any measures purportedly intended to make the country safer. There were not a lot of "profiles of courage" in Congress then, and the main fear was looking unpatriotic. The whole record of votes in Congress shows tolerance for Bush policies at first. It was only after 2004 that the winds of public opinion began to shift once it was obvious that Bush and Cheney had misled the country for the purpose of invading Iraq, and especially after the Abu Ghraib pictures were made public. In the earlier period (2002-2003) Pelosi was briefed on the practices being used to elicit information that it was thought may prove valuable to save lives by preventing other similar attacks, and she did nothing about it. What could she have done? Gone to the press? Withdraw funding for the "war on terror"? That would have been the equivalent of committing political suicide.One observation that raises more questions about the true motives of the Bush administration and their use of torture is that water-boarding appears to have been used most frequently around the time of the Iraqi invasion, when the White House and the Pentagon were desperate to find the "smoking gun" of the connection between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda which, in the proven absence of weapons of mass destruction, would serve them to justify the war in Iraq.More significant than any partisan acrimonious bickering, this week's debate is interesting in its revelations about the internal divisions in the Democratic coalition. With 51 Democrats votes against the supplemental funding the President requested for the war in Afghanistan, and with increased demands for a Truth Commission to investigate torture, which many see as the first step towards prosecuting Bush administration officials, there is mounting pressure on the President to unambiguously break away with Bush's national security policies. However, the more the Left wants him to be confrontational and aggressive in this front, the less interested Obama appears in heeding their demands. Last week alone he delivered two strong blows to those that want him to fully dismantle the Bush national security legacy. First, after consultation with his military commanders, he decided not to release more photos on detainee abuse by US military personnel. Second, he announced that he will be trying detainees in the same military tribunals he criticized Bush for, albeit with some important changes, such as giving detainees additional rights consistent with Supreme Court demands for due process. This comes from a realization that there are too many constraints, such as issues of evidence that would include classified information, to try them in the civil judicial system. Human Rights groups called this a serious "backtracking of his reform agenda." These decisions, together with his lack of interest in litigating the past, is putting him increasingly at odds with the radical wing of his party, but his national support numbers are holding steady at around 68% to 70%. While the Republicans try to play this game of guilt by association with the Speaker to deflect attention from their own torture practices, Democratic Party solidarity is also being disturbed by increased opposition to Obama's national security policies. This week, after Pelosi's declarations, a Truth Commission to investigate EITs seems to have become unavoidable. Obama's ambitious legislative agenda for the next seven months, which includes foundational shifts in health and energy policies, is thus in jeopardy: it will in all likelihood be derailed by the time consuming distraction of a Truth Commission that will lock the two parties in endless recriminations, and serious reform will be postponed indefinitely. The hallmarks of the Obama presidency, namely, pragmatism and flexibility, are thus being taken hostage by activists from his own party and by a rudderless Republican opposition trying desperately to regroup.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Timor-Leste has made significant progress in state building since its independence in 2002. However, while access to essential services (particularly electricity) has vastly improved, key human development indicators remain low. The country's prospects hinge on prudent and effective use of revenues from petroleum production to finance the investments in human capital, physical infrastructure, and institutions that are needed to support economic diversification and growth. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has been supporting Timor-Leste since 1999, with a focus on removing infrastructure bottlenecks and institutional constraints to open the way for a more sustainable economy. The bank's assistance concentrates on improving transport connectivity to reduce inequalities, upgrading water supply and sanitation to deliver better health outcomes, regional cooperation and integration, investing in agricultural value chains to boost rural prosperity, and expanding financial and digital services to stimulate inclusive growth.

The global trade outlook following the onslaught of the COVID-19 pandemic is undeniably dark. For a durable recovery it is imperative to build on the leadership that some governments have shown and revive the multilateral system.

Mediante la Ley 66 de 1867 se fundada la Universidad Nacional de los Estados Unidos de Colombia. En estos 150 años de vida institucional dedicados a la formación académica superior de calidad, la sesquicentenaria institución que también ha venido consolidando su presencia en el país y contribuyendo a la construcción de la Nación mediante la generación de conocimientos y saberes, ha logrado con su aporte al desarrollo de la sociedad colombiana, al conocimiento del territorio y a la cultura, que el país la reconozca como su principal institución de educación superior.

La fuerza del mercado frente a las falencias del Estado, como factores que explican las barreras para el desarrollo de la vacuna sintética contra la malaria en Colombia y la falta de control a las causas antrópicas del ecosidio de los chigüiros en el desierto de muerte del Casanare

The problems of legal regulation of tourist activity in Ukraine are analyzed. Based on the diagnosis of the current Law of Ukraine "On Tourism" and the practice of their implementation, it is established, that the most conflicting are issues related to the requirements for tourism and the accumulation of excessive bureaucratic burden on business, the existence of discriminatory conditions of tourism enterprises guarantees that do not take into account the volume of travel services by enterprises, the exclusivity of tour operators, the regulation of issues related to the execution of contracts for tourist services, including in the form of vouchers, conflict of laws on the permit system for the right to provide tourist support; prohibitions for travel agents to cooperate with non-residents, etc.). It is also established, that the outdated terminological and conceptual apparatus is used, there is a lack of effective mechanisms for consumer protection and real stimulation of the development of priority for the state inbound and domestic tourism. Based on the study, it is noted, that the current Law of Ukraine "On Tourism" does not meet current trends and needs significant substantive comprehensive reform to meet the interests and demands of society and business, taking into account international experience in tourism development. Attention is drawn to the need to harmonize Ukrainian legislation with international law and take into account the experience of most countries with developed markets for tourism services, there are examples of settlement of tourism in the EU. It is also noted, that the strengthening of security measures during 2020-2021 due to the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic and changes in the conditions of providing services in the field of tourism (introduction of travel safety measures, vaccination certificates and PCR testing for travel, self-isolation and observation regimes for travelers, changes in the conditions of insurance protection of tourists to travel abroad, etc.) also require legal regulation at the legislative level. Examples of attempts to reform the current Law of Ukraine on Tourism are given. ; Проанализированы проблемы правового регулирования туристической деятельности в Украине. На основе проведенной диагностики норм действующего Закона Украины «О туризме» и практики их правореализации установлено, что наиболее коллизионными есть вопросы, связанные с требованиями к осуществлению туристической деятельности и нагромождение бюрократической нагрузки на бизнес, наличие дискриминационных условий деятельности туристических предприятий (механизм финансовых гарантий, что не учитывает объемы предоставления туруслуг предприятиями; исключительность туроператорской деятельности; зарегулированность вопросов, связанных с оформлением договоров на туристическое обслуживание, в т. ч. в форме ваучера; коллизионность норм касательно разрешительной системы на право осуществления туристического сопровождения; необоснованные требования по запрету турагентам сотрудничать с нерезидентами и др.). Установлено также, что применяется устаревший терминологически-понятийный аппарат, имеет место отсутствие действенных механизмов защиты прав потребителей и реального стимулирования развития приоритетных для государства въездного и внутреннего туризма. На основе исследования отмечается, что действующий Закон Украины «О туризме» морально устарел, не соответствует трендам развития туризма в Украине и мире и требует существенного содержательного комплексного реформирования для обеспечения интересов и запросов общества и бизнеса. Обращается внимание на необходимость гармонизации украинского законодательства с нормами международного права и учета опыта большинства стран с развитым рынком туристических услуг, приводятся примеры урегулирования вопросов осуществления туристической деятельности в странах ЕС. Отмечено также, что усиление мер безопасности на протяжении 2020–2021 гг. в результате распространения пандемии COVID-19 и изменения условий предоставления услуг в сфере туризма (введение мер по безопасности путешествий, сертификатов вакцинации и ПЦР-тестирование для осуществления путешествий, режимов самоизоляции и обсервации для путешествующих, изменения условий страховой защиты туристов для выезда за границу и др.) также нуждаются в правовой регламентации именно на законодательном уровне. Приведены примеры попыток реформирования действующего Закона Украины о туризме ; Проаналізовано проблеми правового регулювання туристичної діяльності в Україні. На основі проведеної діагностики норм чинного Закону України «Про туризм» і практики їх правореалізації встановлено, що найбільш колізійними є питання, пов`язані з вимогами до провадження туристичної діяльності та нагромадження надмірного бюрократичного навантаження на бізнес, наявність дискримінаційних умов діяльності туристичних підприємств (механізм фінансових гарантій, що не враховує обсяги надання турпослуг підприємствами; виключність туроператорської діяльності; зарегульованість питань, пов`язаних з оформленням договорів на туристичне обслуговування, у т. ч. у формі ваучера; колізійність норм щодо дозвільної системи на право здійснення туристичного супроводу; необгрунтовані вимоги щодо заборони турагентам співпрацювати з нерезидентами та ін.). Встановлено також, що застосовується застарілий термінологічно-понятійний апарат, має місце відсутність дієвих механізмів захисту прав споживачів та реального стимулювання розвитку пріоритетних для держави в`їзного й внутрішнього туризму. На основі дослідження зазначається, що діючий Закон України «Про туризм» морально застарів, не відповідає трендам розвитку туризму в Україні й світі та потребує суттєвого змістовного комплексного реформування для забезпечення інтересів і запитів суспільства та бізнесу. Звертається увага на необхідність гармонізації українського законодавства з нормами міжнародного права та врахування досвіду більшості країн з розвиненим ринком туристичних послуг, наводяться приклади врегулювання питань провадження туристичної діяльності в країнах ЄС. Зазначено також, що посилення заходів безпеки упродовж 2020–2021 рр. внаслідок поширення пандемії COVID-19 та зміни умов надання послуг у сфері туризму (запровадження запобіжних заходів з безпеки подорожей, сертифікатів вакцинації та ПЦР-тестування для здійснення подорожей, режимів самоізоляції та обсервації для подорожуючих, зміни умов страхового захисту туристів для виїзду закордон та ін.) також потребують правового регламентування саме на законодавчому рівні. Наведено приклади спроб реформування чинного Закону України про туризм

In this article, the essence of local borrowing was formulated and different notions for "local borrowing" were taken into consideration. It is determined that local borrowing is one of the most important sources of replenishment of local budget revenues, which can be directed to the solution of current and long-term problems, as well as the implementation of socio-economic programs of local governments. The relevance of supplementing the local budgets of Ukraine at the expanse of local borrowing within the framework of financial decentralization was noted. It is substantiated that for the effective development of the system of local loans in Ukraine it is necessary to explore and use foreign experience in the formation of the legal and regulatory base of the functioning of the system of local borrowing. It has been researched that the existing legal framework is imperfect and incomplete, which significantly influences the development of the local borrowing institute. The state of the municipal borrowing market in Ukraine has been analyzed. It is established that the level of efficiency of municipal loans to Ukraine is very low. The tasks were introduced that will help to build the effective system of local borrowing regulation. It is revealed that the local borrowing market in Ukraine is still in its initial stage of development and is not fully developed. In connection with this, the main problems of its development are identified, among them: increasing risk of late repayment and payment of debt obligations, reduction of demand for municipal securities due to deterioration of liquidity of financial intermediaries and lack of transparency of information on activity issuers. It is proposed to improve the functioning of the local borrowing market in Ukraine by introducing an appropriate legal framework for the issuance and placement of local loan securities, widening access of local governments to the internal and external borrowing market, and simplifying the procedures for obtaining permits and registering municipal bond issues. ; В статье сформулирована сущность механизма местных займов, рассмотрено различные подходы относительно трактовки понятия «местные займы». Определено, что местные займы являются важным источником пополнения доходов местных бюджетов, которые могут направляться на решение текущих и долгосрочных проблем, а также реализацию социально-экономических программ органов местного самоуправления. Отмечено актуальность наполнения местных бюджетов за счет местных займов в рамках финансовой децентрализации. Обосновано, что для эффективного развития системы местных займов в Украине необходимо исследовать и использовать зарубежный опыт при формировании правовой и регулятивной базы функционирования системы местных займов. Доказано, что существующая нормативно-правовая база является несовершенной и неполной, что существенно влияет на развитие института местных займов. Проанализировано состояние рынка муниципальных займов в Украине. Выяснено, что институт облигационных займов недостаточно развит в Украине, ведь на протяжении 2015-2019 гг. Национальная комиссия по ценным бумагам и фондовому рынку (НКЦБФР) зарегистрировала 6 выпусков облигаций внутренней местной ссуды, которые осуществлялись тремя органами местного самоуправления. Установлено, что уровень эффективности осуществления муниципальных займов Украине является очень низким. Приведены задания, выполнение которых поможет построить эффективную систему регулирования местных займов. Выявлено, что рынок местных займов в Украине находится пока на начальной стадии развития и не является в совершенстве развитым. В связи с этим, определены основные проблемы его развития, среди которых: рост риска несвоевременного возврата и уплаты платежей по долговым обязательствам, сокращение спроса на муниципальные ценные бумаги в связи с ухудшением ликвидности финансовых посредников и отсутствие прозрачности информации о деятельности эмитентов. Предложено для повышения эффективности функционирования рынка местных займов в Украине внедрить соответствующую нормативно-правовую базу по выпуску и размещению ценных бумаг местного займа, расширить доступ органов местного самоуправления к рынку внутренних и внешних займов и упростить процедуры получения разрешений и регистрации выпусков муниципальных облигаций. ; У статті сформульовано сутність механізму місцевих запозичень, розглянуто різні підходи щодо трактування поняття «місцеві запозичення». Визначено, що місцеві позики є важливим джерелом поповнення доходів місцевих бюджетів, які можуть спрямовуватись на вирішення поточних та довгострокових проблем, а також реалізацію соціально-економічних програм органів місцевого самоврядування. Зазначено актуальність наповнення місцевих бюджетів України за рахунок місцевих запозичень в рамках фінансової децентралізації. Обґрунтовано, що для ефективного розвитку системи місцевих позик в Україні необхідно дослідити та використати зарубіжний досвід при формуванні правової і регулятивної бази функціонування системи місцевих запозичень. Досліджено, що існуюча нормативно-правова база є недосконалою та неповною, що істотно впливає на розвиток інституту місцевих запозичень. Проаналізовано стан ринку муніципальних запозичень в Україні. З'ясовано, що інститут облігаційних позик недостатньо розвинений в Україні, адже впродовж 2015-2019 рр. Національна комісія з цінних паперів та фондового ринку (НКЦПФР) зареєструвала лише 6 випусків облігацій внутрішньої місцевої позики, які здійснювалися трьома органами місцевого самоврядування. Встановлено, що рівень ефективності здійснення муніципальних запозичень Україні є дуже низьким. Наведено завдання, виконання яких допоможе побудувати ефективну систему регулювання місцевих запозичень. Виявлено, що ринок місцевих запозичень в Україні знаходиться поки на початковій стадії розвитку і не є досконало розвинутим. У зв'язку з цим, визначено основні проблеми його розвитку, серед яких: зростання ризику несвоєчасного повернення та сплати платежів за борговими зобов'язаннями, скорочення попиту на муніципальні цінні папери у зв'язку з погіршенням ліквідності фінансових посередників та відсутність прозорості інформації щодо діяльності емітентів. Запропоновано для підвищення ефективності функціонування ринку місцевих запозичень в Україні впровадити відповідну нормативно-правову базу щодо випуску і розміщення цінних паперів місцевої позики, розширити доступ органів місцевого самоврядування до ринку внутрішніх та зовнішніх запозичень та спростити процедури отримання дозволів та реєстрації випусків муніципальних облігацій.