Suchergebnisse

Hughes, J.: Chechnya: from nationalism to Jihad. - Philadelphia/Pa. : Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. - XVII, 278 S. + Enthält Rezensionen von: Russell, J.: Chechnya-Russia's 'war on terror'. - Abingdon : Routledge, 2007. - XIX, 247 S. - (Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies) + Ethno-nationalism, Islam and the state in the Caucasus: post-Soviet disorder / Moshe Gammer (ed.). - Abingdon : Routledge, 2007. - XVII, 233 S

Póster presentado en: VIII Congreso de la Asociación Española de Climatología celebrado en Salamanca entre el 25 y el 28 de septiembre de 2012. ; The research was supported by the Spanish project "Tourism, Environment and Politics" ECO 2010-18158.

"PostDomestiCity explores and speculates from contemporaneity about the post-industrial city obsolescence. Starting from three cases (Packard Factory in Detroit, PREVI Lima and Grand'Mare in Rouen), various voices investigate other modes of action and futures for the existing city, imagining what post-domesticity could be in a time of climate and sociotechnological crisis"--

In his seminal work on national development and regional inequality, Williamson (1965) predicts that regional income inequality will pass through three distinct phases as a nation moves through the early development stages to maturity. In the early stages of economic development, regional income inequality will increase, largely because of the disequilibrating effects of factor mobility. This will be followed by a period of stability, characterized by a relatively high level of inequality between regions. Finally, a lessening of regional inequality will set in as the national economy matures and equilibrating forces take effect. This overall process, if plotted against national economic development, will result in a bell-shaped or inverted U-shapes curve. The early stages of development are also associated with rapid urbanization, though with a shift toward population dispersion as the economy matures. Other stylized facts in the process of development include industrialization, demographic transition, and changing inequality of income among population subgroups (Alonso, 1980). The concentration of population in and around large cities is usually accompanied by an increase in regional income inequality. Some researchers have argued that this population concentration and concurrent increase in regional inequality does not impede economic development, and may in fact favor it. Nonetheless, many national governments have introduced policies of balanced regional development. The main objective of this paper is to measure regional income inequality in the post-war Japan using Williamson's weighted coefficient of variation. Based on prefectural population and GDP data, it investigates longer-term trends in regional income inequality. A sectoral decomposition analysis is also performed to examine the extent to which each industrial sector contributes to the overall weighted coefficient of variation. We hope to gain a deeper understanding of the relationship between national development, industrialization, and regional inequalities in the post-war Japan.

AbstractSteve Fuller has replied to my critique of his endorsement of a post-truth epistemology. I trace the divergence in our approach to social epistemology by examining our distinct responses to the principle of symmetry in the sociology of scientific knowledge. Fuller has extended the concept of symmetry and challenged the field to embrace a post-truth condition that flattens the difference between experts and the public. By contrast, I have criticized the concept of symmetry for policing the field to rule ideology critique out of court. I argue that a focus on post-truth populism obscures the role of counter-elites and ideologies that restrict political choice. A better way to promote democracy would be to support minority positions within science that promise to open up suppressed political possibilities and to seek the coordinated use of different disciplines to address significant public problems.

In the past, newspaper accounts and many scholarly articles have made dire and sweeping predictions about the imminence of civil war or the collapse of the Yugoslav federal state following the death of President Tito. The substance for these apocalyptic visions generally stems from Yugoslavia's nationality tensions, regional inequalities, and external pressure from both the Eastern and Western blocs. The widely accepted forecast is that the three factors will reinforce each other and exacerbate existing societal cleavages, leading to chaos or strict military rule. But most of the "dismal school" analyses of post-Tito Yugoslavia ignore the profound changes that have occurred in the country since 1945 and assume that the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) is unwilling or unable to take steps toward increasing the probability of political stability after Tito's death. In this article I shall critically evaluate the societal changes that have occurred and the LCY's response to them.

pt. 1. Frameworks for peace --. - pt. 2. Peacekeepers, the security sector, and natural resources --. - pt. 3. Good governance --. - pt. 4. Local institutions and marginalized populations --. - pt. 5. Transitional justice and accountability --. - pt. 6. Confidence building --. - pt. 7. Integration of natural resources into other post-conflict priorities --. - pt. 8. Lessons learned

Clearing philosophical ground for diagnoses of the contemporary 'post-truth'-problematic, this article discusses the systematic and ineliminable ambivalence of claims to truth in public discourse and collective life generally, where truth cannot ultimately be disentangled from untruth. Truth becomes a problem in the relevant sense only where matters are morally-existentially charged, so that acknowledging truth threatens, e.g., loss of self-respect, and self-deception becomes tempting, individually and collectively. To the extent that our life is marked by injustice and destructiveness, it is necessarily also marked by systematic falsification, a conspiracy to deny the truth about it, about us. Collective life exhibits pervasive hostility to interpersonal (moral) understanding, which is repressed through collectively established fake 'understandings' and regimes of respectability. The fact/opinion and fact/value distinctions function as defences against understanding, while meaning and truth are seen as things to be determined rather than understood, and the concept of representatability, how things can be made to appear, becomes central. However, standard philosophical views on truth, meaning and morality render the problematic sketched here invisible, because they effectively move – as Wittgenstein arguably realised – wholly within the collective perspective that needs to be problematised.
Keywords: moral understanding, self-deception, collective life, representation, conspiracy theories, political corrrectness

Hate speech is increasingly becoming a serious threat to the unity of the Republic of Indonesia which is very diverse. The characteristics of people in the post-truth era that are more influenced by personal opinion than reality cause their emotions and sentiments to be easily ignited which results in intolerance and strife. How bad is the Qur'an which in some verses forbids the utterance of hate speech, one of which is through verse 1 of Surah al-Humazah, which strongly denounces and cursing. This study aims to analyze the behavior of hate speech through thematic studies of the Qur'an by applying the thematic interpretation method offered by Hasan Hanafi. The reading of the text according to Hanafi needs to go through three phases namely historical, eidetic and practical criticism. From this research, it was obtained that historically the Al-Qur'an was an authentic book since it was revealed until now, its truth was believed and used as a guide to Muslim life. Through eidetic criticism, the Qur'an reveals the prohibition of hate speech even condemns it. To overcome this, synergy efforts between the government, consumers and information producers must be done in combating hate speech by adapting values in the Qur'an such as the tabayyun attitude for the community, the principles of honesty, accuracy, fairness, and others for information producers.

Hate speech is increasingly becoming a serious threat to the unity of the Republic of Indonesia which is very diverse. The characteristics of people in the post-truth era that are more influenced by personal opinion than reality cause their emotions and sentiments to be easily ignited which results in intolerance and strife. How bad is the Qur'an which in some verses forbids the utterance of hate speech, one of which is through verse 1 of Surah al-Humazah, which strongly denounces and cursing. This study aims to analyze the behavior of hate speech through thematic studies of the Qur'an by applying the thematic interpretation method offered by Hasan Hanafi. The reading of the text according to Hanafi needs to go through three phases namely historical, eidetic and practical criticism. From this research, it was obtained that historically the Al-Qur'an was an authentic book since it was revealed until now, its truth was believed and used as a guide to Muslim life. Through eidetic criticism, the Qur'an reveals the prohibition of hate speech even condemns it. To overcome this, synergy efforts between the government, consumers and information producers must be done in combating hate speech by adapting values ​​in the Qur'an such as the tabayyun attitude for the community, the principles of honesty, accuracy, fairness, and others for information producers.

Race relations in New Orleans have often been narrowed to Black and white, especially pre-Katrina. According to the 2000 census, the city was about 67% African American, 27% white, 2% Asian, and 3% "Hispanic." In a city with a deep history of racial tensions between Black and white, other people of color—and especially recent immigrants—often went unmentioned in discussions of city demographics. The city's world famous culture—whether in the traditions of Mardi Gras Indians and secondline parades, or in music like jazz and bounce—is also famously rooted in specifically African cultures. Even in media coverage of the city post-Katrina, the story of immigrant experiences has remained mostly invisible. When these stories have been told, they have often fit into the old stereotypes of "model minorities" (as in the case of the Vietnamese recovery) or of low-wage workers stealing jobs (as in the case of news reports on the city's new Latino population). However, the stories of these other New Orleanians offer an important lens through which to view the overall struggle over the city's recovery. And the work of grassroots activists from these communities, who strived to not only work for justice for their friends and neighbors, but also to build broad multi-racial alliances, provides an inspiring example for people in other cities who are waging similar fights.

The Sydney mall attacker is a "Zionist" who targeted Jewish people so that people would think the attacker was Muslim.

Biden is "funding every angle" of the Israel-Hamas war.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom is "not human."

"Three minutes ago Trump cries after losing everything after new evidence exposed."